British Columbia Hansard — Friday, May 10, 1974 — Morning Sitting (30th Parliament, 4th Session)
30p 04s 740510a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1974 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 30th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
FRIDAY, MAY 10, 1974
Morning Sitting
[ Page
3017 ]
CONTENTS
Privilege
Clarification of previous remarks. Mr. Schroeder — 3017
Hon. Mr. Macdonald — 3017
Mr. Schroeder — 3017
Mr. Speaker — 3017
Withdrawal of imputations of corruption. Hon. Mr. Hall — 3017
Mr. Speaker — 3017
Mr. Smith, — 3018
Mr. Speaker — 3018
Mrs. Jordan — 3018
Hon. Mr. Hall — 3018
Mr. Speaker — 3019
Mr. D.A. Anderson — 3019
Routine proceedings
Land Registry Amendment Act, 1974 (Bill 121). Hon. Mr. Hall.
Introduction and first reading — 3019
Committee of Supply: Department of Lands, Forests and Water Resources estimates
Amendment to vote 137.
Mr. Bennett — 3020
Mr. Cummings — 3026
Mr. Gibson — 3028
Mr. D.A. Anderson — 3031
Mr. Smith — 3033
Mr. Wallace — 3038
Mr. Gardom — 3040
Mr. Phillips — 3041
APPENDIX — 3042
FRIDAY, MAY 10, 1974
The House met at 10 a.m.
Prayers.
MR. H.W. SCHROEDER (Chilliwack): A point of privilege, please, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: Would the Hon. Member state his point of privilege?
MR. SCHROEDER: I would like to clarify for the Members' sake
attitudes attributed to me in this House in a speech made last Tuesday,
which I thought were clearly understood immediately following those
remarks. But they apparently have remained alive both between Members
of the House and with the press. I'd like to make a brief statement.
MR. SPEAKER: Would the Hon. Member proceed?
MR. SCHROEDER: I have been charged with an attitude of bigotry arising out of the remarks of that speech that I mentioned just a moment ago.
I have reviewed not only my attitudes, but I have reviewed also the
words that were spoken. I have made approaches to the Jewish community,
and they have been very happy with the explanation I have given them
based on the words that were spoken.
I think that it can be easily assumed by reviewing the speech that
nothing deprecative was intended towards those people of the Jewish
community. If anything, their competence was elevated, in my opinion,
because a comparison was made with the competence of the Minister being
discussed at the time, and it would have elevated the Minister's
competence if bigotry indeed did exist.
I dissociate myself from an attitude of bigotry toward these people.
I have indeed committed my life to the basic tenets to which these
people subscribe. As I've stated to the press, I don't believe that
those who know me and who know my attitudes would find an anti-Semitic
attitude anywhere existing.
The person who wrote the article, I'm sorry to say, did not make any
approach to me, did not check with me regarding any statements or
attitudes. As a result, I would like the Members of this House to know,
and I want it to be perfectly clear today, that the attitude first
attributed to me is, in my basis, unfounded, and I believed after the
withdrawal of the remark by the Hon. Minister that the thing had been
cleared up. That's basically it.
HON. A.B. MACDONALD (Attorney-General): Mr. Speaker, the Member has
expressed his good intentions, but I must say that I regret that he did not
withdraw or apologize for the actual words used.
MR. SCHROEDER: I am not aware of an apology that's necessary.
If there was a misdemeanour, I would be happy to apologize. However, in
the case that there was just a misdemeanour of which I am unaware, I
will apologize just in case.
MR. SPEAKER: May I point out to the Hon. Member that any
insults or affronts that may be offered to the community at large are
not a question of privilege? Therefore, there is no, requirement to
apologize so far as a Member's words are concerned unless they affect
the privileges of another Member within this House. As to whether a
Member apologizes to the community concerned is, of course, a matter
for his own conscience, and is a matter really of courtesy that one
would expect from any Member of the House.
HON. E. HALL (Provincial Secretary): Mr. Speaker, towards the
adjournment yesterday afternoon I rose on a point of order to ask the
Member for North Okanagan (Mrs. Jordan) to withdraw some words which I
considered to be offensive. She clearly stated that she was of the
opinion that there was corruption in government.
Following some points of order and Chairman's explanations, there
was not an unqualified withdrawal of the charge. I availed myself of
standing order 129 (5) and I received from you, Mr. Speaker, a verified
copy of the Member's words.
I wish now to state to you that I clearly demand an unqualified
withdrawal of her words in which she says: "....corruption within the
government." I would ask you so to rule.
MR. R.H. McCLELLAND (Langley): What are you quoting from?
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. May I first make it absolutely
clear to this House that any Member may request of the Speaker a
verified copy of the transcript under subparagraph 5 of standing order
129. That is done by signing, as you must, in writing such a request.
If it relates to a question of privilege, a statement itself that
relates to a question will be supplied by the Speaker duly verified by
him. That is my duty under that standing order.
That is what the Hon. Provincial Secretary is referring to: a verified copy of the transcript.
MR. D.E. SMITH (North Peace River): Mr. Speaker, I believe the transcript is limited to 25 lines. Is that not correct?
MR. SPEAKER: In normal cases. Where the question is one of privilege, the whole question of
[ Page 3018 ]
privilege must be before the House. That, in this
particular instance, is the whole question of what the Hon. Member
said, what was then said in reply and what was said after that by the
Hon. Member concerned.
Both the complainant and the complainee are in the transcript, duly
verified, as they should be. That applies whether it be your complaint,
the complaint of the Member for Chilliwack or the complaint from any
other aspect of this House — verified by the Speaker under standing
order 129.
I listened and compared the transcript that was supplied with the
actual verbal statements made on the tape, and I made the necessary
corrections, where the editors had left out repetitions because of
reading or scanning, and made it precisely as it was on the tape.
MR. McCLELLAND: Did you have the Member who was speaking in attendance at the time?
MR. SPEAKER: No, I am not required to do that. If the Hon.
Members doubt the Speaker and doubt the Speaker's word, I invite you at
any time to sit with me and verify the tape with me. It's an imputation
against the Speaker.
MR. McCLELLAND: You should do that in the first place.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Langley does not make the rules in this House. The House makes them.
MR. SMITH: Mr. Speaker, am I to understand, then, that when a
question of privilege is raised in the House, the full transcript, if
that was required, would be available to any Member of the House?
MR. SPEAKER: Dealing with the point at issue only. In other
words, I would not in fairness to the Hon. Member for North Okanagan
(Mrs. Jordan) simply give her statement originally in the House, but
what transpired later when she made other remarks that in effect amount
to a denial or amount to, indeed, a withdrawal.
If such happens — I said if such happens — in fairness to the
Members concerned it would be wrong of the Speaker to limit it to 25
words. We must deal with the transaction in which the privilege is
raised.
MR. SMITH: Well then, Mr. Speaker, would it not be fair to
all parties concerned, when a matter of this type comes before the
House, that not only the person who is alleging an offence or a charge
by the one who is to be charged would have the advantage of seeing the
transcript at one and the same time?
MR. SPEAKER: Well, if the House would want that to be a rule,
then I propose that you change standing orders to put that into effect.
I do the best I can, and I say this: if any Member doubts for one
second that I would accurately and carefully and most judiciously
listen to the tape and make sure that the transcript was accurate, then
I can only take that as a want of confidence in my judgment or my
intelligence.
MR. SMITH: I respect your judgment and the position that you
occupy, Mr. Speaker. But I would think that a Member who is being
charged of anything which is a result of things that were said on the
floor of this House should not be required to reply in any manner until
they have had the same privilege of reviewing and seeing the
information that the person who is making the charge has had.
MR. SPEAKER: I agree with you that under our rules in May ,
where a Member is caught unaware, it is a general policy — and one that
I would approve — that the Member be entitled to make himself informed
and that a future date be set for the matter to be gone into.
With that in mind I would suggest that unless the Hon. Member for
North Okanagan wishes to make a statement now, I would urge her to
reserve her rights in this matter as to her statement until she has had
the opportunity I invite her to have — before, say, Monday — to examine
the transcript and to examine her words on the tape and then determine
her course of action on Monday. Would she be prepared to take that
course?
MRS. P.J. JORDAN (North Okanagan): Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I accept the course and would like to avail myself of it.
HON. MR. HALL: Mr. Speaker, speaking to that point: it's 'all
very well and good having debates like this stretching over days, but
the Member herself said she would wait for the Blues. She's had an
opportunity at the Blues; so what we have now is a typical thing where
smears of corruption and innuendo last for four days. The Member knows
full well what she said — full well!
I made no charges. I asked for complete withdrawal of what the
Member knows she said; and she knows she said it, as she confirmed to
me this morning that she knew she said it. What a scurrilous
performance!
MRS. JORDAN: Mr. Speaker, I would ask the Minister to withdraw the statement that I confirmed to him this morning that I said it.
HON. MR. HALL: I will not.
[ Page 3019 ]
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please! Hon. Members, I realize that it
leaves something hanging in the air for four days. I regret that. But
the Hon. Member for North Okanagan has not seen the correct version of
the tapes. There were alterations in the tapes. I don't know that they
effect in the least the very gravamen of her charge.
Nonetheless, I think that in fairness to rules of this House she
should have the opportunity. I therefore appoint Monday at 2 o'clock
for further discussion of this matter of privilege.
HON. D.G. COCKE (Minister of Health): Mr. Speaker, just to
keep the record straight, I'm sure you didn't mean the tapes; you meant
the transcript when you were saying that there were corrections.
MR. SPEAKER: I'm sorry, not in the tapes, in the transcripts. The transcripts have repetitions....
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please! The transcripts had repetitions crossed out.... Order, please!
AN HON. MEMBER: Oh, oh!
MR. SPEAKER: May I point out to the Members that in the presence of editors of Hansard
last night I listened to the tapes. The tapes are in the custody of the
editors and in no one else's custody. In their presence I listened to
the tapes and added to the transcripts words that had been deleted from
the transcripts by the editors for the sake of clarity.
They had words like the Chairman saying "Order" several times and
various hesitations that occurred as a result of the interchange. They
had cut those out. I put everything back in that was audible on the
tape — that was adding to and in no way subtracting from the tape.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON (Victoria): Mr. Speaker, in the light of
the fact that much of our difficulty seems to stem from a lack of a
record, I would like to move that until such time as the Speaker and
his committee report on the distribution of the Blues.... I would ask
the unanimous consent at this time to move that until the Speaker's
committee reports, the distribution of the blues to MLAs be restored.
MR. SPEAKER: There's no way that you can move that without a notice.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the unanimous consent that this be moved at this time.
MR. SPEAKER: May I point out to you that on two occasions
Members have taken Blues out of the chamber here, and they have been
apparently...? I do not know this for sure. But, at any rate,
transcripts appear to have been used in the newspapers; and they are
doing a disservice to Hon. Members, including, I would point out, the
Hon. Member for Chilliwack (Mr. Schroeder).
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: Mr. Speaker, on that very point. If the
Blues are being circulated to the press, and I believe you're correct
in your statement.... I believe they have been circulated by a
government Member, but that's beside the point. If they are being
circulated to the press, the people who are put in the worst position
of all happen to be the ordinary Members of the Legislative Assembly. I
have in my hand, for example....
Interjections.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: Could I ask...?
MR. SPEAKER: The answer is no.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: May we get on with the business of the House? There's no appointed time for debate on this subject.
Interjections.
HON. W.L. HARTLEY (Minister of Public Works): Mr. Speaker, I
would like to turn to something more beautiful. I'd like to introduce
10 beautiful tour guide girls who will be working and serving all of us
this summer, starting on May 18. The tour guides will be on duty all
weekend and I'd like to ask you to welcome them. I'm sure they'll be
serving us all well this summer.
Introduction of bills.
LAND REGISTRY
AMENDMENT ACT, 1974
On a motion by Hon. Mr. Hall, Bill 121, Land Registry, Amendment Act, 1974 ,
read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for
second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
Orders of the day.
The House in Committee of Supply; Mr. Liden in the chair.
[ Page 3020 ]
ESTIMATES: DEPARTMENT OF LANDS,
FORESTS AND WATER RESOURCES
(continued)
On vote 137: Minister's office, $105,352.
On the amendment to vote 137.
MR. W.R. BENNETT (Leader of the Opposition): Mr. Chairman, in
just reviewing some of the questions that were asked and haven't been
answered by the Minister, I think what we've been discussing is a
series of incidents in the takeover of the forest industry that would
indicate an attitude of nationalization or provincialization that
originally was our intent in bringing forth a series of incidents in
taking over mills, clearly required a statement from the Minister on
his intention with his department on the future of the private forest
industry in British Columbia: whether the government is going to be
partially involved; whether they're setting up a major complex in each
region; whether the intent of the government after they set up these
complexes is a continuing expansion until the industry is completely
taken over.
I believe it's in the interest of this House to know the intention
of the Minister for the forest industry. This industry represents over
50 per cent of the income, and jobs in this province are directly
related to it. I believe that a statement of his philosophy is
necessary at this time to clear the air.
I'd like to say that since the takeover of Ocean Falls and the
takeover of Columbia Cellulose, the takeover of Plateau Mills and then
Kootenay Forest Products, we have a pattern emerging where the Minister
is involving the taxpayers' money in activities that were normally
reserved for the private sector.
Now I think what we have here is a philosophical statement that's
required. What is the intention? Is there a timetable? Is there a
schedule for this Minister in his takeover of the forest industry?
The big questions is: can the Minister adjudicate fairly over all
the industries while he has a specific interest of maintaining a high
performance of a government mill in an area where you have surrounding
private mills? Is there not a conflict of interest in adjudicating and
in allocating timber supplies, or in allocating how chips are moved and
the price of those chips?
This is the point we've been trying to make. Secondly, is the
Minister's preoccupation in taking over industry contravening or
misusing the power of his office to achieve the takeovers that cannot
be achieved under normal bargaining conditions? Indeed, can normal
bargaining conditions ever exist when any industry or any company he
wishes to take over continues to operate at the pleasure of the
Minister and at the pleasure of this government?
I think the question we are discussing here is very broad, and it
concerns whether this Minister can so separate his interests in proving
his performance as a major business entrepreneur with public funds and
also remain free to allocate that timber surrounding that mill to other
complexes that may make his management or the management he selects and
directs look weak indeed. And does not the survival of his government
office then start to depend on how well he runs these complexes in
competition with the complexes and the manufacturing complex of wood
products surrounding that area?
The point is bigger than any one mill or any one takeover, but these
form part of the pattern we are concerned about. This Minister
apparently has used powers and suggestions in his office to take over
these companies that are not available in the normal buying or selling
of a company if they existed between private individuals, whether they
existed with private citizens or corporate citizens in this province —
the same clout and the same club and the same advantage to direct the
sale and force the sale and demand that at the government's price.
These aren't available on a normal market. These are powers that are
given to the Minister not so he can take over the industry but so he
can manage it wisely and fairly and allocate the timber not for
government business or private businesses but for the benefit of all
the people of the province, for their benefit through taxation, for
their benefit through employment, and for the corporate benefit of
small timber mills and large timber mills to operate under the
conditions and rules set down by this Minister.
But we have an unfortunate series of events that have been
questioned, not necessarily by me in any personal vendetta with this
Minister, as was suggested by the Hon. Minister of Transport and
Communications (Hon. Mr. Strachan), but in the interests of clarifying
a situation while we have this Minister's estimates and a chance to
question him fully on the whole series of takeovers for the first time
in this Legislature.
Some of these takeovers were taking place during the session of 1973
and we had no estimates in the fall of 1973. Surely it is our duty and
our responsibility as Members of the opposition to question in detail
what he did during these takeovers, whether these allegations from
people involved are true and what intent he has for the future of these
operations and expanding them. They are not built; they are bought.
They are taken over with the public's money and the public has a right
to know.
In the defence of this Minister we've seen not one question answered
as to whether he was right or wrong in his attitudes which are under
question, whether he misused the power in taking over Plateau Mills,
whether the government can be accused of
[ Page 3021 ]
sloppy handling in the case of taking over Columbia
Cellulose and his interference or the changing of the contract and the
allocating of a contract for the sale of newsprint from Ocean Falls.
All of these things must be explained to the Legislature.
We're here to find out for the public, who, through no choice of
their own, now find themselves in ownership of most of these
enterprises. These enterprises weren't listed or detailed in any
platform or policy that I saw. There was no mandate given for the
takeover of these. We would like to know what the intent is, how they
were taken over, to what purpose and what plan, and if it is going to
be the gradual and complete takeover of the industry.
The defence by the Minister himself and the defence by the Hon.
Minister of Transport and Communications (Hon. Mr. Strachan) took great
glee in listing directors of private companies, showing that they had
foreign connections. And this is fine. They are responsible to their
shareholders, but they are also responsible as corporate citizens for
how they cut, and with the rights to manufacture our timber resources
in this province. This Minister and this government has the power to
make these corporate citizens cooperate and operate in the best
interests of British Columbia. Their shareholders have a right to know
beyond that how they are managing their affairs reflecting their equity
investment.
This Minister has a double responsibility in this Legislature. The
taxpayers, through no choice of their own, now are the equity owners of
these enterprises. He also has to explain, on behalf of the equity
owners, his stewardship of these companies and how he took them over.
He also has to explain, as Minister of Lands, Forests and Water
Resources, how he is enforcing the rules that this company operates on.
He has a dual role: one to the investors in equity ownership and the
other to the citizens of this province as to the fairness and his
attitudes in making sure they are being fairly dealt with and dealt
with under the same conditions as all companies are dealt with.
There is a difference between the private sector and the public
sector. Particularly for a government which talks about open
government, there should be no hesitation in tabling documents in this
Legislature to the citizens of this province as equity owners of this
enterprise relating the details of a newsprint contract that has been
questioned in the newspaper and been questioned in this Legislature
since last fall. We only have to bring up the type of discussion we've
had because this Minister has right now on the order paper, out of 72
questions left unanswered, over a third of the questions which are
directly the responsibility of this Minister in not providing
information to this Legislature.
In question period this same Minister has a history of taking as notice and
not providing answers to this Legislature. This is not the open government that
other Ministers talk about. I am not condemning the whole government because
there are other Ministers who volunteer information in advance before, it is
requested. I respect them for it, and I respect them in meeting their responsibilities
for the type of government they said they were going to be operating.
But this Minister feels he is above the Legislature. We do not get
answers to our questions, either orally or on the order paper. We have
not had answers to any of the many questions relating to the forest
industry and the takeover of these companies that were asked last
Tuesday evening. This is what this debate is all about and this
amendment. It is an attitude of irresponsibility in meeting the
commitment to manage this department and this resource to the benefit
of the people. If we can't get the answers we must assume the worst.
We must assume, then, that the Ocean Falls newsprint contract is not
favourable to British Columbia. In fact, we have the statement of Mr
Vesak, the manager and director of Ocean Falls, at various times in the
newspapers stating that the new contract with Gottesman company and Mr.
Wallach had a fixed term going to 1976. We have further statements from
Mr. Vesak in the newspapers that perhaps the return is conservative by
today's standards but they had the security of a fixed agreement, a
fixed price. These are statements from the manager of Ocean Falls;
these are statements from a director of Ocean Falls.
We must assume that this director and manager knows what he is
talking about. We have a right to question it, with the mystery and
with the conjecture and with the detailing of this contract — which the
Minister admits was a bad contract because he has said he has
renegotiated it. You don't renegotiate a good contract; you renegotiate
a bad contract. I think, then, if we renegotiated it and the Minister
is worried about a competitive aspect which doesn't exist in the
newsprint market, the only reason for keeping this contract hidden is
to protect Mr. Wallach and Gottesman national in their selling
arrangements with other corporations.
That's the excuse Mr. Wallach gave for not making it public. His
reason was that it didn't make any difference to the government that he
might have various agreements with different newsprint companies in the
sale of newsprint, and it was to his advantage not to make this
document public — not to the citizens of British Columbia.
Newsprint is in short supply. Newsprint is in heavy demand.
Newsprint has a projected increasing price over the next three years.
That's no time to go for a conservative agreement — we won't get quite
the market price. That's not the time to go for a fixed agreement to
1976 and get less than market. That's
[ Page 3022 ]
the time that the actual management skill in
negotiating contracts comes in. That's where the astuteness and the
ability of the directors and the managers and the people that are
directing the affairs of this company for British Columbia comes in, in
maximizing the sale price on an open and fair market for the people of
British Columbia. That was the reason for taking it over.
But we have to concern ourselves with Ocean Falls. We have to
concern ourselves that it may be that the whole future of this complex
is in doubt. We have to be concerned that we have just had a major
study done by Sandwell. I think that in the interests of this
Legislature, in clarifying the situation, that that study, which I
understand has now been completed, should be tabled in the Legislature.
I am concerned that that study may recommend such things as: "Run Ocean
Falls while this high newspaper market continues, and when it falls
below a certain price, close it forever."
There is concern in the Ocean Falls community that there is no
permanency to this company, that there is no permanency to the
newsprint plant. I think the workers there and the legislators here
should have the benefit of the knowledge of the Sandwell report, as it
relates to the future of the operations of Ocean Falls, such marketing
agreements as this Minister and this corporation have entered into, and
whether indeed there is a future for the employees there. Was it a good
deal for British Columbia? Is it a good deal? Are we being taken on a
poor contract? Indeed, does this contract specify, when it is sold at a
fixed price, and when it has a terminal date going to 1976, that it
can't be sold? No B.C. newsprint can be sold on what is called the
black market.
Is this a condition in the contract? If it isn't why isn't it? These
questions were asked the other night. Instead of answers we have had
attacks on the former government. We have even had attacks on myself,
which I don't mind. But really, what we are trying to get to here is
the operation of Ocean Falls, the operation of the whole Lands, Forests
and Water Resources department, the conduct of this Minister in setting
up a mini-empire and putting the people of British Columbia into equity
ownership, and as to whether he knows the difference in adjudicating
fairly between two companies where he is operating both for the
government in the enforcement of the rules and the equity ownership of
the people on the other hand, in competition and in conjunction with
the equity ownership of private citizens, corporate citizens, small and
large.
Although the natural target is the large forestry complex, many
small companies in this province and many individuals earn their living
in the forestry industry. Many would like to find out if it is the
intention of this Minister to make them civil servants in his takeover
bids. Many would like a statement from this Minister on his intentions.
It all goes back to a history of when he started Ocean Falls,
Columbia Cellulose, and then that controversial one, Plateau Mills.
Plateau Mills, if we go back, wasn't a big forestry giant. It was a
series of shareholders from our province and a collection of small
shareholders from the United States. It turns out that some of the
local shareholders in Canada wanted to sell, and they offered it to
IT&T, and that's fine. I think if he said that that company is too
large, there is a written policy that this government actually doesn't
want any investment from outside our province, if there is a written
policy that this government doesn't want specifically U.S. Investment,
or if this government doesn't want specifically, Japanese investment,
that's fine. But we have seen the rules changed from time to time.
This mill, this sale, was turned down because the Minister said he
didn't want the company bought and furthered by American interests. Yet
in other complexes, in other forestry ventures since then, we have
American investment much greater than the $7 million. The American
investment in other aspects of our economy certainly is greater than $7
million. Yet he said that he didn't want American investment.
If that is the policy of the government, set the policy and make it
for all companies, in all industries. But don't pick and choose as the
mood sits just because you want to use it as a reason to block a sale
to take over a company.
Don't say, in the case of Kootenay Forest Products, that you don't
want Japanese investment in the forestry industry when Crestbrook
wanted to take over Kootenay Forest Products, and almost simultaneously
have the Minister of Industrial Development (Hon. Mr. Lauk) announcing
that he has got a trade trip to Japan to encourage investment in this
province. If you don't want Japanese investment, then say so. But don't
use it as a reason to block the sale of a forestry company just because
you want to take it over yourself.
Come clean with the people. Tell us the motives. Let us adjudicate
on this matter and judge it, with all of the information of your
intention, and why you are taking these steps. Why is it necessary to
use this type of pressure? Indeed, there is pressure — there's pressure
in Kootenay Forest Products and there's pressure in Plateau Mills.
It doesn't mean threatening, or using pressure — the Minister
doesn't have to call them into his office, and say he's going to kick
the censored out of them. All he has to do is say: "You are operating
here at the pleasure of the government. Your very economic future
depends on you being cooperative with us. Your very economic future and
right of survival depends on whether I want you to continue, because
you are cutting under licence to the Province of
[ Page 3023 ]
British Columbia. We, the people, own the
resources, as we always have. You have a right to cut. If you don't
meet our conditions, if you don't sell to me, then of course your days
in this province are numbered. Get out now while the going's good. Get
your price because next year we might not be so generous. We might not
offer you as much."
[Mr. Dent in the chair.]
Make an offer they can't refuse, because when you set the rules,
control the resource and can block any free sale on the free market of
a corporation or a company or a small individual mill, then this person
has no other alternative but to take the offer you make.
When you use excuses like the Minister did in his office in Victoria
when he was talking to the negotiators from Plateau Mills.... The
Minister said that he didn't want the company sold to any American —
not just IT&T but any American. The Minister would say that they
can sell to a Canadian company, but he intimates that the company could
anticipate difficulties that they had not heretofore experienced in the
operation of the mill if they didn't meet his dictates in how he wanted
that mill. Is that a threat? Certainly it is a threat. It is the only
threat that's needed when you have the control and the responsibility
for controlling fairly the management of this resource in our province.
The management of that resource shouldn't just be to the benefit of
acquiring companies. It is supposed to be to the total benefit of all
the citizens. If the Minister is making this choice in his own mind
between public and private ownership, then the public should be privy
to the information he has in making these judgments before he used
these types of tactics to start his slow — maybe not so slow — but
gradual take over of the industry.
Really, is he meeting his commitment to the office when he uses that
office for the purpose of taking over the industry? The province has
the timber. They have collective stumpage. We set the manner in which
it can be cut. We set the ecological controls. We do everything but own
it. We do everything but own the manufacturing facilities.
With that manufacturing facility, they have two rights — the right to make a profit and the right to lose money.
The province collects their stumpage regardless. The Province of
British Columbia collects their stumpage. The Province of British
Columbia has the right to direct how that wood should be cut and to
what recovery rate.
Do we need the additional responsibility or the additional job of
actually running the manufacturing facility? Can we fairly run it where
we have other facilities next door doing the same type of work,
depending on that same Minister who is running this one, to allocate
the timber on a fair basis to allow them economic survival, and on the
fact that he won't favour the mill that now becomes his pet project? He
clearly place himself in conflict of interest.
Interjections.
MR. BENNETT: That 's what I said — the people of the province as the owner of the resources and the collector of taxes.
When he also gets to equal responsibility of equity ownership, he's operating on two different responsibilities.
Interjections.
MR. BENNETT: Mr. Attorney-General, you miss a very major
point here. The very major point is that the preoccupation of an
politician from any party in proving that his managerial I kills are
better than those around him is to favour his own.
I say that when you get into these corporations that is natural. But
because people have only one person to sell to now, when the Minister
uses such types of methods — that you can anticipate difficulties that
you have not heretofore experienced if you do not meet the conditions —
in fact, if you do not sell to the Government of British Columbia....
You don't have the right of free sale of your timber and manufacturing
facility. You don't have any security. The Minister can veto any sale;
there can be only one buyer, so any threat, the implied threat and the
threats that wreched in the case of Plateau Mills....
Interjections
MR. BENNETT: Well does the Minister deny them? I'm asking
question. I'm re-asking questions that were asked the other day,
questions that you've never answered in this House. There are questions
left on the order paper; there are questions left unanswered in all
question periods; there are questions here in the estimates that you
don't answer.
Many other Ministers, Mr. Chairman, answer questions; they volunteer
information. They treat this House with the respect it deserves; they
treat it with the open government they talk about.
But from this department, this important department covering B.C.'s
major resource, we can't get any answers — not only answers to the
management of the resource now that the Minister has embarked on being
an entrepreneur on our behalf — not necessarily by our choice but by
his — but we can't get any answers on how he acquired these
corporations, these companies. By what methods?
[ Page 3024 ]
Methods that are up to question by the very people
he dealt with. Questions and charges that were initiated with them, not
in this House, but with the very people who were forced to deal with
this Minister, people who were offered no other choice when they sold
their mill.
I've asked him: in the charges from the directors of Plateau Mills
who sold the mill and who said that the Minister used pressure to force
them to sell to the government, does he deny that?
In his very office, he said that they could anticipate difficulties
that they had not heretofore experienced. He doesn't have to use the
crudity of saying he's going to kick the censored out of them, which
has been mentioned in other places. His threats can be more subtle,
equally as heavy. It's an offer they can't refuse; they have no other
choice.
We have those American directors who are small individuals. This
wasn't MacMillan Bloedel; this wasn't the white knight charging off to
tackle J.V. Clyne, beard him in his den, or tackle the forestry giants.
This was a little firm made up of many small investors — 90 per cent of
it was owned in the United States.
HON. G.R. LEA (Minister of Highways): IT&T.
MR. BENNETT: He wasn't talking to IT&T here, that was the
buyer he turned down. I'm talking about the way he dealt with the
people who were selling. These are the people who did not initiate that
sale. These people were selling to accommodate the Canadian
shareholders, a group of them, who wished to sell out. This wasn't
dealing with IT&T; this is talking to a group of small individual
investors, people like Mr. Goodwin from just across the line, people
like the American directors who I can list — there's Mr. Brown, Mr.
Goodwin....
These people aren't any mysterious corporate giants; they're people
like you and I. They're concerned about living next door to a country
that may have anti-American attitudes. It was their wish that if the
local vendors, the people who initiated the sale, the people in the
Vanderhoof area, if it didn't sell to IT&T, they wanted to retain
ownership of this company. They wanted to retain ownership.
When it was turned down to IT&T, they would just as gladly have
owned. But why would you want to continue to own in a province that
tells you that you can anticipate difficulties that you haven't
heretofore experienced?
That gives you an idea of the direction which this government is
going: if you aren't taken over today, you might be taken over at a
lower price tomorrow — it's an offer you can't refuse. Next year it's
lower; the next year it's lower. There's only one buyer; sell to us now
when we're in a good mood. Sell to us because we don't want any
American owners. No American owners.
These are the attitudes of takeover. To what purpose? A clear purpose that
has never been defined o this House by this Minister.
Equity ownership for the citizens of British Columbia — and we can't
find out how, why and what is the master plan for taking over these
companies. It's a little embarrassing for us that a Minister
representing the Province of British Columbia would feel he had to use
pressure and threats to take over a company when he won't even tell us
why or to what purpose.
The final deal in this company, Mr. Chairman, was not between any
giants. The giants were gone. It was a group of small shareholders in
the United States and Canada selling out and a couple of small
shareholders or individuals who were trying to arrange financing to buy
in Canada because they understood that it could be sold to Canadian
content.
Now if, as the Minister said, they couldn't sell to them because he
doubted their ability to finance, even though they guaranteed the
financing, it means again that he'll deal only with bigness, that the
individual still hasn't got the opportunity to take a chance and buy a
mill in this province with the hope of achieving some sort of economic
success. But he will sell or guarantee a sale only to a major company.
What sort of doubletalk is this? What sort of doubletalk is it when
the excuse of no American ownership is used in one case, yet you go
ahead and encourage American participation to a much greater degree
somewhere else? What sort of doubletalk is it when you won't allow
Japanese ownership in one case because you really want to take over the
mill, yet other departments of this government are encouraging it
somewhere else?
This whole Plateau Mills situation all on its own — forgetting the
same type of tactics that were suggested in Kootenay Forest Products,
suggesting the unusual circumstances surrounding Columbia Cellulose,
suggesting the fact that....
This Minister even questions that we have the right to find out
reasons why he appoints certain directors to the company. In Can-Cel,
he says: "Why wouldn't I employ the largest envelope maker in Kansas
City?" That's fine, but if envelope making is a criteria, what was the
criteria for being a director? What are the qualifications? If it's
making envelopes, we'd like to find out why the Canadian envelope
makers weren't included, why we had to go to four people from outside
Canada with a lot of experience that, in fact, control this company.
And on what recommendation?
I'm concerned again when we're talking about Mr. Wallach. The
Minister who appointed him as a director said: "When he was made a
director, I hadn't even met him." Well, what mysterious person told him
he had to appoint Mr. Wallach if he hadn't already met him? How was Mr.
Wallach's name plucked out of the hat or out of thin air? I'd rather
[ Page 3025 ]
he said he knew him. At least we'd know there'd be
some connection, that he had high confidence in his ability because he
knew him for many years. But he said in the Legislature here the other
day: "I've never met the gentleman." But he's met him since, I'm glad
of that. But he said he'd never met him at that time. He said he's met
him since. Well, with the deal we've got at Ocean Falls, a lot of us
wish he hadn't met him since either.
Going back to Plateau Mills: forgetting all of the other activities,
all the concerns and all the other mystery and all the other concerns
surrounding all of these other areas, what about Plateau? What about a
Minister that would threaten anybody that if they didn't sell to this
government they would experience difficulties they hadn't heretofore
experienced in the operation of the mill in British Columbia?
I'd like to read a letter from one of those negotiating people who
met with this Minister in his office. It's from Mr. B.R. Goodwin, 1065
East Walker Street, Blackfoot, Idaho. It's addressed to Mr. Bill
Bennett, Leader of the Opposition. He says, regarding this deal:
"The proposal to sell Plateau Mills arose from an unsolicited offer from IT&T to purchase our mill at Vanderhoof, B.C.
"The U.S. partners did not want to sell the mill at
all, but agreed to cooperate with the Canadian partners who initiated
the discussion regarding selling the mill. It was agreed by both
Canadian and U.S. partners that if the IT&T sale failed to
materialize, Plateau Mills would no longer be for sale.
"An offer of approximately $8.6 million was made by
IT&T in 1972, and after some months of negotiation in which
IT&T and ourselves spent thousands of dollars in auditing fees, we
obtained approval to sell to IT&T from the Canadian federal
government.
"We then sought approval of the sale to IT&T from
the British Columbia government, but were told by the Hon. Robert
Williams that we could not sell the firm to the IT&T, or to any
American, period.
"In view of B.C.'s encouragement of Japanese
investment, as well as the fact that the government is seeking
investment from other countries, we found this objection from the
Minister in regard to American investment very surprising."
Interjection.
MR. BENNETT: It is surprising. It wasn't because IT&T was
too big; it was because they were American. It was not because they
were a corporate giant but because they were Americans. The Minister of
Highways (Hon. Mr. Lea) applauded because he doesn't want them as
tourists — he said that. He doesn't want them as investors, and he
doesn't want any cooperation between the two countries at all.
I go on:
"In the meeting held in the Minister's office in
Victoria where the 'no American' statement was made, the Hon. R.
Williams gave our firm three alternatives following his veto of the
IT&T sale. One was to sell to the government. Secondly, we could
sell to a Canadian firm or individual. Thirdly, we could maintain to
operate ourselves.
"In the second and third propositions, the future
success of Plateau Mills seemed questionable — questionable when the
Minister intimated that we could anticipate difficulties that we had
not heretofore experienced in the operation of the mill."
Who would want to continue under a situation like that?
"Knowing that every mill operates in B.C. at the
government's pleasure, and that timber quota and supply is at the will
of the government, we realized that anything other than selling out to
the government itself would be difficult — this in spite of the fact
that we had planned to stay on if the IT&T deal fell through.
"In the same meeting Mr. Williams referred to the NDP
government in Saskatchewan and wanted to make it clear to us that the
B.C. NDP government would not be embarking on a like programme of
starting up businesses, which he referred to as a mistake. Rather their
idea was to take over established businesses such as Plateau.
"Another remark made by the Minister confirmed our
decision to sell out to the government. After the Minister said that he
personally would prefer to take Plateau Mills. over in the same manner
as Allende confiscated industry in Chile, we began to feel that we have
little choice between retaining the business or selling out at that
time, in spite of our original desire to keep the company together and
operate it.
"We were very happy with our association in B.C. The
partners never took a dividend from the company, but continued to
reinvest in the company, building it into one of the soundest and most
successful lumber operations in the province.
"This will give you some idea of how the sale ever
came about to the B.C. government. As one of the U.S. partners, I can
assure you that we enjoyed our association with the Canadians and
appreciated being a part of a pioneering northwest forestry operation,
[ Page 3026 ]
Plateau Mills.
"Yours truly,
"B.R. Goodwin."
This is not any charge from inside the House. This is a letter sent
to me repeating some of the statements made by these directors and
shareholders when this company was taken over.
HON. MR. LEA: An unbiased report.
MR. BENNETT: Certainly it would be unbiased. This man is
gone. He's no longer in Canada. He offered this letter only on an
informational basis.
At the time that some of the directors were questioned — and it
might be wise to question them again — they hadn't received their
cheque. Who's going to say anything till they've got their money and
gone when they are now dealing with a country that operates like a
banana republic?
I think that that conduct in office is indefensible. I think that
the citizens, when they elect their public representatives and when
they're given additional responsibilities in the cabinet, have a
responsibility of behaviour. Over and above that, their directions on
where they're taking a department as important as forestry in the
Province of British Columbia....
Interjections.
MR. BENNETT: The Highways Minister, Mr. Chairman, is quite
free to discuss his department when his estimates are up. We're here
trying to get answers from a Minister who hasn't provided answers in
this House. This department is important.
You may think it's smart and funny to use some sort of old attack,
and you can do that because politicking is allowable outside the House,
but inside, in committee now....
AN HON. MEMBER: No politics in here, though.
MR. BENNETT: ...we're trying to find some answers about the
direction of this department. We're trying to find answers on where the
department is going and why certain events took place. We are trying to
find clarification on charges that were initiated outside this House.
Interjections
MR. BENNETT: I didn't know the mail stopped at the border now. That might be the next....
MR. A.V. FRASER (Cariboo): How is the research coming into the potholes?
MR. BENNETT: I think that it's important enough, and it may
be that some of those Ministers over there, Mr. Chairman, are
insensitive enough not o spot the conflict of area and management and
responsibility. Some of them may be insensitive enough that they don't
realize the responsibility of office to ethical behaviour of no threats
and of not utilizing any pressure, and that indeed they're more than
individuals on a power trip trying to be major lumber barons. They're
here to serve the people of British Columbia.
There's information regarding all of these deals which causes
concern in British Columbia. There's information regarding Ocean Falls
that isn't presented in this Legislature. There is the Sandwell study.
There's the agreement with Gottesman and Company. There's the fact that
this director of Can-Cel can be the president of a company now that he
has an inner connection with this government to make an agreement that
isn't being shown to this House. There's even the reason the Minister
gave that it's for competitive reasons, which is not a valid reason in
the marketing of newsprint. If, as he states, he has negotiated this
contract and filed the one that existed before- the one he just
negotiated, let the people be the judge.
MR. R.T. CUMMINGS (Vancouver–Little Mountain): The Leader of
the Opposition (Mr. Bennett) seems to have obsession with the word
"takeover," probably with good reason because he knows how to takeover.
Do you remember November 17? Does the Hon. Member for Langley (Mr.
McClelland) remember November 17? Did you think ability was enough?
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please!
MR. BENNETT: Point of order. In keeping with the whole
defence of some silly little attack from this government, they have now
got the Member almost capable of doing that type of attack on his feet,
inasmuch as it's hard to read in the Blues afterwards. Nobody knows
what he says.
That has nothing to do with the estimates of this Minister; it's in
keeping with the speech made by the Minister of Transport and
Communications (Hon. Mr. Strachan) in this debate and others, who
rather than answer and defend the department are using attacks of
situations not relating to this department.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! On the point of order....
MR. BENNETT: Mr. Chairman, you should call it before I have to bring it to your attention.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! On the point of order raised by the Hon.....
[ Page 3027 ]
Interjections.
MR. BENNETT: If You were any good you'd still be Leader.
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would appeal to Members on both sides of the House....
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order!
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Would the Hon. Member for Vancouver–Little Mountain (Mr. Cummings) remain in his seat, please?
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please!
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Would the Hon. Members...? Order, please! Do the Hon. Members wish to proceed with the business of the committee or not?
AN HON. MEMBER: I never heard the Chairman move to rise to report progress. Maybe it can be done.
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Would the Hon. Member for Vancouver–Little Mountain be seated for a moment?
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: If the Hon. Members are ready to proceed with
the business of the committee, on the point of order made by the Leader
of the Opposition, the point is well taken. The Hon. Member for
Vancouver–Little Mountain (Mr. Cummings) was clearly proceeding in a
direction which was not directly relevant to the Minister's estimates.
I would ask him to relate his remarks to the Minister's estimates
before us and to the amendment.
MR. CUMMINGS: Can I use the work "takeover" — just like the Leader of the Opposition?
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. In regard to the point of order
we are dealing with an amendment that the Minister's salary be reduced
by $1 because of a lack of confidence in his administrative
responsibilities. You are to speak to that amendment.
MR. CUMMINGS: Well, let's talk about Plateau Mills. The
citizens are very, very happy. They are making lots of money. There was
a red herring here — lots of red herrings. In fact, one of the worst
red herrings was the phony offer from Smithers. It was backed by the
Household Finance in the Social Credit Party. You know, those
backers....
MR. BENNETT: On a point of order, Mr. Chairman, this Member
said that there was an offer made in the private industry to buy a
mill, and he said that it was backed by the Social Credit Party. At no
time, either through the private industry or through any elected
office, will this party be part of takeovers. Would you ask him to
withdraw it?
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. It is not a point of order. The
Hon. Leader of the Opposition may correct the statement when he again
takes his place
MR. D.M. PHILLIPS (South Peace River): Ask him to withdraw.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would ask the Leader of the Opposition to state under what standing order he is making his request.
MR. BENNETT: I'm asking him to withdraw an untrue statement. There have been withdrawals demanded in this House.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! The Leader of the Opposition may rise on a point of order and correct this statement. It is left at that.
MR. BENNETT: On what basis, Mr. Chairman, can I ask someone to withdraw?
MRS. P.J. JORDAN (North Okanagan): Mr Chairman, come out of the clouds! You read through Hansard and the bias of the Chair is sickening!
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! The occasion for asking an Hon,
Member to withdraw his remark is if it is an offensive remark under
standing order 43 (2), If it is an incorrect statement it may be that
the Hon Member could be mistaken. It is quite permissible then for
another Hon. Member to rise and make a point of order to correct the
statement, preferably after he has completed his remarks. But it is not
necessary to ask him to withdraw it. It is just a matter of correcting
the record on an incorrect statement.
MR. BENNETT: Mr. Chairman, on a point of information, do you
mean this Member can continue on that basis without my having the right
to ask him
[ Page 3028 ]
to withdraw where I consider that he is...?
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! Where there is disagreement
about the facts of a situation it is permissible for a Member on a
point of order to correct the statement but not to ask him to withdraw
it unless the remarks are offensive under standing order 43 (2). I
would ask the Hon. Second Member for Vancouver–Little Mountain to
continue.
MR. CUMMINGS: We were talking about Plateau Mills. This phony
offer that came from Smithers — they couldn't even get their financing
from Household Finance. This isn't a real offer, yet the papers made a
big deal of it. When you really want to talk about takeovers, ask the
Hon. Member for Columbia River (Mr. Chabot) what it is like to be taken
over by sheer money.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would ask the Hon. Second
Member for Vancouver–Little Mountain to keep his remarks strictly
relevant to the amendment before us.
MR. CUMMINGS: A real takeover is done this way....
MR. BENNETT: On a point of order, I think you should direct
quite clearly that this Member does not have any information on the
forest 'industry. His whole presentation is mischievous. I wish you
would direct him as to what estimate we are on, just so that he may
know. We are on the Department of Lands, Forests and Water Resources
and we are on the amendment to the Minister's salary.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! The Hon. Second Member for
Vancouver–Little Mountain may proceed. Keep your remarks strictly
relevant to the amendment before us, please.
MR. CUMMINGS: Between the Chairman and the Leader of the
Opposition I feel like I am being hammered down here pretty badly.
There seems to be a lack of free speech.
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Oh, oh!
MR. CUMMINGS: I can hardly open my mouth without them hollering.
Interjections.
MR. PHILLIPS: You are embarrassing the Deputy Premier even.
MR. BENNETT: Roy, you'll never make the cabinet now.
MR. CUMMINGS: He'd only be an office boy in IT&T if it weren't for being born into a noble family.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would ask the Hon. Member not to make personal references but to keep his remarks strictly relevant.
MR. CUMMINGS: Do you know who I am meaning? This is ridiculous. You won't let me speak so let's call the question.
MR. BENNETT: Are you proud of him, Jim?
MR. G.F. GIBSON (North Vancouver–Capilano): This didn't
exactly start out as a jolly and productive day and it has been going
downhill ever since. We have spent three days rattling around in one
little corner of the Minister's vast empire.
Interjection.
MR. GIBSON: That's right. That was exactly what I was going
to say, Mr. Minister. We were put there in the first place by the
amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition. We have unfortunately
been kept there for three days by the intransigence of the Minister in
his unwillingness to reply.
I would very much hope that we can get off this subject this morning
and deal with the amendment and then get on to some of the other
concerns of this Minister like, for example, the whole taxation
structure of the forest industry and the Pearse commission and things
like the Columbia River and nuclear energy and....
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would ask the Hon. Member to confine his remarks to the amendment, please.
MR. GIBSON: Mr. Chairman, since the amendment relates, as you
stated, to the Minister's administrative responsibility, I presume it
is not out of order to enumerate some of his administrative
responsibilities, which is what I was doing.
I'll return to the narrow terms of reference of the points made by
the Leader of the Opposition. He elaborated somewhat today on charges
concerning the takeover of Plateau Mills. He raised a couple of
questions which I think the Minister must answer.
Did the Minister really, in his office, confirm a refusal to approve
the sale of Plateau Mills to any American — any American whatsoever? A
very simple question. Could the Minister respond to it and could he
then describe where he gets his legislative authority for that kind of
stand, if that was indeed his stand? To the best of my knowledge this
Legislature has not, as yet, adopted a policy on foreign ownership. I
have strong views on foreign
[ Page 3029 ]
ownership. Many other Members of this assembly do.
But the point that must concern any of us is the unilateral executive
exercise of such power without legislative authority in debate.
Secondly, did he tell the then owners of Plateau Mills that they
would run into unforeseen difficulties if they didn't do what the
Minister wanted them to do — namely to sell out to the government? If
he did indeed do that, what did he have in the back of his mind? Was
this more backroom muscle which we have seen used before in this
government?
That is the essence, as I see it, of the two charges on Plateau
Mills. This Minister can, I think, stand up and deal with those pretty
quickly this morning.
We move on to the matter of Ocean Falls on which much more time has
been spent. The charges from the opposition so far have been pretty
thin. I'll go over them briefly.
The charge is, first of all, that the Minister has allowed Ocean
Falls to deal with a large international organization. I think that is
undoubted. "Gottesman is a Giant" is a headline in the Province this morning. This brokerage firm is a large international organization, but that is not, of itself, wrong.
The Leader of the Opposition has gone on to imply and I say only
"imply" because I have been unable to find a specific statement on this
— that the Minister has been condoning the sale of Ocean Falls
newsprint on the black market of the world and specifically of the
third world.
Ah, but it is the phrase "black market," Mr. Member. That is what it is called.
The Minister can very simply stand up and reply to that.
The Leader of the Opposition has also said the contract held by the
government with Gottesman is a bad contract and he has made some
statements which disagree with the Minister's
interpretation of that
contract. For example, is it fixed price or not? If the charges from
the opposition have been pretty vague and pretty unsupported, the
Minister's answers have been no better and have caused the continuation
of this debate.
The Minister, for example, in reply to the charges that the contract
was not a good one, has said the contract provided that prices would be
better than the west-coast price. Mr. Chairman, when you are dealing on
an international market that is booming, when the demand all over the
world is very high, when the west-coast price is basically fixed by
long-term arrangements between established sellers and established
buyers, that price is naturally going to be lower than the
international price. Naturally the spot market price will be better.
Any company that chooses to high-grade the international market and
chooses to get all that the traffic will bear at a time of scarcity is
going to make more money. That same company, at a time of growing
capacity, is going to find those markets dry up because the established
producers with excess capacity will start selling their excess capacity
more cheaply than a high-cost producer like Ocean Falls.
It is no defence against this contract being a bad contract that the
base price is higher than the west-coast price. It should not only be
higher under the circumstances of this company's trading, it should be
tremendously higher. The Minister hasn't made anything specific there
at all.
Next, he is hiding behind the argument of corporate secrecy on the
grounds that disclosure of this agreement would hurt what the Minister
refers to as this little British Columbian company in this giant world
of international trading companies. I suggest the Minister isn't hiding
behind corporate secrecy because it would hurt the company; I suggest
he is hiding corporate secrecy because it would hurt the government if
the deals of this contract were revealed.
The contract has not been tabled and it must be tabled. There have
been too many suspicions raised. The Minister has raised some of those
suspicions himself by saying that the original contract had to be
renegotiated and it is under renegotiation again. I think this House
might well be tolerant of that sort of procedure if we knew the details
of the original contract and the current contract, and if we knew the
government's targets in going ahead with its renegotiation. We
appreciate that you make the best deal you can at the time. Then times
change and you try to make a better deal. That is why it is very
dangerous in this day's world to enter into long-term, fixed-price
arrangements unless you get an awfully good deal on the other side.
But as much as the government might dislike it and as much as they
might want to keep these things secret, I suggest to them that it is an
inevitable outcome of the extension of the government into an
operational role in the economy. It is a well-established principle of
government that, wherever there is authority, there must be
responsibility. That's the opposite side of the coin. Very specifically
there must be responsibility to this Legislature.
The NDP has talked about the virtues of decentralization. I hope the
Minister of Industrial Development, Trade and Commerce (Hon. Mr. Lauk)
is listening to this because he surely will approve. The ultimate
decentralization in business terms is private enterprise. The Minister
of Industrial Development knows that. He has to suffer in a cabinet
that thinks otherwise.
Interjections
MR. GIBSON: The Minister of Health wants to talk about GM, but I didn't know they were in the
[ Page 3030 ]
forest business, Mr. Chairman.
Interjection.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! Would the Hon. Member please proceed with his remarks on the amendment?
MR. GIBSON: I suggest the bigger business units get, the less
real decentralization there is, to answer that Minister. When the
biggest unit of all gets into business, which is the government, then
your decentralization is completely lost. Government should regulate
industry, not run industry. When the government gets into that joint
set of responsibilities, it gets into a conflict of interest inevitably.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would ask the Hon. Member to
confine his remarks to reasons why he would support or not support the
amendment before us, rather than getting into a discussion on the
philosophy of the forest industry. Would he relate his remarks to the
amendment?
MR. GIBSON: Mr. Chairman, I am just suggesting that this
conflict of interest is the one that makes it obligatory on this
government to make public the information that this Legislature and the
people of British Columbia need to judge whether these conflicting
responsibilities are being properly exercised.
If the government simply wants the authority to know what is going
on in a business so they can properly regulate it — so the forest
service can make sure the cut is done properly every year so the
necessary taxation can go properly forward — that is one thing. That is
one authority with a commensurate degree of responsibility on the other
side.
If the government wants authority to subsidize in some areas, then
it starts spending the public's money on business enterprises and its
degree of responsibility for the operation of those enterprises goes up.
But if it wants to go all the way and take unto itself the authority
to operate a business — and there can be no question that this Minister
on the board and with his power to issue instructions to Ocean Falls
and Cen-Cel has authority to operate — it seems to me that operational
details must be made available to this Legislature. One of the most
important operational details and, indeed, the centre-piece of this
whole amendment debate is the contract.
The Minister can very simply do two things. He can table the
contract and he can give us an assurance, first making his own
definition of "black market" in any way he might wish, that none of the
Ocean Falls newsprint is finding its way into newsprint black markets
of the world.
Alternatively, he can say that it is and give reasons why it should
and why this is for the benefit of the people of British Columbia. Mr.
Wallach, president of Gottesman, is quoted in the Vancouver Province as saying:
"In answer to your question about whether I have any
comment on that, I will say that we are not selling newsprint at any
gouging price."
He then repeated that Gottesman sells at the standard Canadian newsprint price.
AN HON. MEMBER: What is the standard Canadian newsprint price?
MR. GIBSON: Exactly. The Member says: "What is the standard Canadian newsprint price?" The Province says they were unable to find what a standard Canadian newsprint price is, particularly in the markets of the world.
Interjection.
MR. GIBSON: Would you ask that Minister to pave a pot hole, Mr. Chairman?
What is the standard Canadian price that the Minister's contractor,
Mr. Wallach, feels he sells at? Could the Minister just give us those
details? Who's right: the Leader of the Opposition or Mr. Wallach? Is
this contract a fixed price or not? We have heard repeated charges from
the Leader of the Opposition that it is a fixed-price contract. We have
heard Mr. Wallach say it is not a fixed-price contract. We have heard
the Leader of the Opposition say it is a black market. We have heard
Mr. Wallach say he is not selling anything at any gouging price. Could
the Minister clarify that for Members of this House before we vote on
this amendment which, as I say, Mr. Chairman, I hope will be soon?
Could the Minister also answer another very specific question about
the relationship between Gottesman and the British Columbia government
and, in this case, Can-Cel? In an interview here with Mr. Wallach, Mr.
Wallach is reported to have stated that he didn't believe that there
was any conflict in his firm having the Ocean Falls contract while he
is a Can-Cel director.
Well, that is an interesting statement which we might go into at
greater length later. But I would ask the Minister very specifically:
does Can-Cel have any business dealings with Mr. Wallach through
Gottesman International or in any other way? Does Mr. Wallach have
relationships with Can-Cel of a business nature other than his simple
presence on the board of directors? That is an important question in
this matter of conflict of interest.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, while the Minister is considering what
matters he might table, I would suggest that the public has paid a good
deal of money in recent months for an in-depth study on Ocean
[ Page 3031 ]
Falls done by Sandwell. The public has paid for this study. The government has received that report.
The Minister has agreed that it has received that report. I asked
the Minister in this House if he would table that report. He said that
he would not.
Mr. Chairman, I ask him again to table that report. If he refuses
to, I ask him how he possibly justifies a so-called open government,
having got a report of this kind critical to the future of one of the
enterprises now owned by the people of British Columbia, critical to
the future of the people of Ocean Falls who are very concerned about
it. How can he justify not tabling that report, allowing that concern
to continue and not allowing this Legislature — to which I hope this
government is still responsible — to have the facts to decide whether
the arrangements the government is making on Ocean Falls are good ones
or not?
MR. D.A. ANDERSON (Victoria): Mr. Chairman, the claim that
Ocean Falls newsprint is being sold internationally and that we are
losing out up to $20 million — I say "we," being the people of British
Columbia — occurs on tape 308-1 of the draft Hansard .
I am looking at that at the moment. First effective line says: "If
we were selling...we would get" so much. "In some sales the price has
gone" up to so much. "It is...unlikely.... If we take it to $
500...there can be an excessive...profit...." The countries that would
be buying newsprint on the black market...if the price was $213...if
Gottesman International...et cetera. Turning over: "These people are
probably buying Canadian newsprint...and so on, ad infinitum.
The whole tenor of the claim has not been researched properly and is
based on speculation. It was, as the Member for West Vancouver–Howe
Sound (Mr. L.A. Williams) pointed out, a tenuous argument, saying that
if this was done something else might happen, therefore if those two
things took place, a third thing might have happened. And this goes on
and on and on throughout the charges made. It is poorly researched; it
is not based on factual knowledge. At least, if there is information,
it has not yet been released.
The reason I raise this is that we are much in the position of those
with hindsight. In this Legislature we are looking back at the efforts
of the Minister, and back of the efforts of the company. And you know,
when he made the original deal, prices were different, circumstances
were different. There may well be excellent justification for the deal
that he made.
It may well be that this type of approach of taking the very highest
market in the world.... I don't know where it may be — it may be 10
rolls of newsprint, 10 tons out of a world production of many, many,
many millions — saying, "Aha, if we sold everything at that price, we
would be millionaires." That's the same type of thing as those people
who run around kicking themselves for not buying IBM stock 25 years ago
because if they spent $5,000 on it, they would now have $500 million in
the bank — things of that nature.
It is a type of construction based on the iffy propositions of
market which is very difficult, as the Member for West Vancouver–Howe
Sound, pointed out for us to accept. It is not a good case.
The claims made and the figures given are based on no affidavits or
any information whatsoever. They are not based on anything but
speculation.
The Minister's estimates are up, and we have said this — the Member
for West Vancouver–Howe Sound made this point. The point was made by
the Member for North Vancouver-Capilano who just sat down. I would like
to repeat it: the fact is, the charges which the Minister has to answer
are pretty strange.
But then you get onto some other statements made, and this worries us a lot more. I quote again:
"...because of their close relationship with this
Minister" — that is the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources,
Mr. Chairman — "because of their close relationship with this Minister
and this government — the relationship and the directorship of Can-Cel
— they have made themselves a favourable arrangement..."
Now, it is a claim there that because of special influence and
special position there were selling arrangements made and influence
used which led to massive profits. Well, the massive profits have been
totally unproven, but the charge has been made. I, like the other
Members of my party who have spoken, regret that we have not had from
the Minister information which deals with this charge.
Is there a question of special interests? How did Mr. Wallach get on
the board? Is his position on the board in some way prejudicial to his
position as a sales agent for the Ocean Falls corporation? Perhaps I
should reverse that and ask: is his position as a sales agent from
Ocean Falls something that would, should preclude him from being on the
board? I am not sure that it should. After all, you want on your board
information on world prices and selling arrangements. But again, the
charge to be made of special influence and: "...the relationship with
this Minister and this government which has led to massive profits on
the black market." The black market, I might add, which has never been
defined by anyone who has put it forward in this House.
I don't quite know what you meant by a black market in newsprint,
because certainly no one yet has defined it. It is clear that there are
varying prices around the world, depending on supply contracts. But
whether a black market or illegal market really exists has not been
stated, and certainly not proven.
So I trust that the Minister, when he speaks, will
[ Page 3032 ]
discuss the issue of conflict of interest. Should
that man be where he is? Is he taking advantage of a special position
to make special profit? Finally, the other question: was the agreement
between the company and his sales corporation a good one from the point
of view of the people of British Columbia?
There is another aspect which I trust the Minister could make public. I can see no reason for him not to make this public.
Mr. Vesak of Ocean Falls made statements regarding destinations of
paper from his mill — or from our mill, the government's mill at Ocean
Falls. He named a number of countries. He talked of Argentina; he
talked of other countries of the world where the production was going
to. So quite clearly, if the mill manager knows where it is going to,
he probably also knows the amounts. Why is it that the Minister will
not make this information public? He must have it or can certainly
obtain it very easily, and which certainly any member of the press — or
ourselves, I guess we could say — could obtain by sending someone or
having a person in Ocean Falls simply check with the guy who puts the
stencils on the side of the rolls of paper. This is not confidential
information. Surely, this type of information, which has been
requested, which could deal with some of the issues raised could
certainly be made public by the Minister.
I raise these points because we have here a company which the
Minister is constantly trying to portray as just a company like the
private companies. But that is not the case. Public money has been used
to purchase it. Public money has been used in its operation. It is
owned by the public, and the shareholders are represented by us in this
House, by Members of the opposition in particular.
A public corporation is not in the same position as the private
company in the industry. The Minister knows this full well. The
arguments that somehow or another because they are in competition with
other companies, therefore, information need not be made public, is
pretty fallacious.
This is a tremendously convenient argument. But it obviously does
not hold water because public moneys are involved. That is a whole
distinction which I think the Minister should address himself to. It is
a good indication of why public companies should not be formed in areas
where they are in competition with private enterprise.
We have here a company whose success or failure, as the last few
days have shown, is clearly tied to the Minister's reputation. They're
meant to be in competition with the private sector. Who knows? They
might be doing fairly well in competition with the private sector. But
the Minister's reputation is involved and it therefore becomes
incumbent upon him in the House to give some sort of accounting of his
stewardship of that particular company; and we haven't had it.
It's a very good example of why, when a government gets involved in
business, you have conflicts of interest; you have the possibility of
special favours from the government to that particular company; you
have the possibility of others being placed at a disadvantage as the
government tries to protect its own reputation as well as, of course,
the public interest. It's a clear indication of how the regulatory
function of government collapses under the strain of having public
companies competing with the private.
The regulatory function simply doesn't exist when it comes to the
public company — and I'm glad the Minister of Mines (Hon. Mr. Nimsick)
is listening, because he also is going to have this problem with a
vengeance if he gets into the mining field.
Now what were the terms of the original contract? Surely the
original contract can be made public. Surely the claim of Mr. Wallach,
who flatly denied that there were any black market dealings, who said
that all the newsprint that his company obtained from Ocean Falls is
sold under contract at "the standard Canadian export price" — it may
not be an absolute, fixed, dollars-and-cents price precisely, Mr.
Chairman, but probably that means within a certain range — who said
that this price fluctuates according to the importing country and this
is well known in the industry, who said: "We sell it at exactly the
same price charged by MacMillan Bleodel, Crown Zellerbach, or anybody
else," who said that this applied to every kind of newsprint from Ocean
Falls and none was put aside for any other kind of deal, and who
further said: "We happen to be a very reputable organization;" and
finally he said that he couldn't discuss the terms of his contract with
Ocean Falls because he deals with other suppliers in Canada.... These
are all reasonable statements from this man, all statements which could
be confirmed by the Minister in two or three minutes in this House.
I cannot understand the reluctance of the government to at least
give the minimal information to the people's representatives — to the
shareholders' representatives in this instance. Charges have been made
of a close relationship with this Minister and this government which
has led to "a favourable arrangement" for Gottesman and, of course,
Wallach.
Now this is a pretty serious charge, and the Minister really cannot
ignore it by simply saying that it's unproven — which is true. He
cannot ignore it by saying that it should act as a private company, and
private companies wouldn't have to answer such a question. It's not a
private company; it's a public corporation, and we represent the public
interest- at least in regard to the questioning.
I don't wish to proceed at great length on this but I would like to
point out that we are reaching a situation where private companies are
becoming
[ Page 3033 ]
infinitely more responsive to public pressure,
public concern, awareness of the public on issues such as the
environment and others than are the Crown corporations or public
companies.
We have examples even in Japan of people attending shareholders'
meetings, getting up and questioning the largest corporations in the
world as to their dealings in war supplies, napalm, things of that
nature, and getting results vis-à-vis the management of these companies.
We have a situation in the United States where the same thing takes
place, where private corporations have become responsive to the public
will and the public concern. We see in British Columbia, I think, a
dangerous development which is that under the guise of protecting the
competitive position of public corporations, no information will be
made available to people who ask questions which are legitimate. Let me
repeat: I do not feel the case has been proven. I feel it's very
tenuous; I feel it's tenuous because, of course, they've taken
hypothetical major markets in a very, very small area of the world in
terms of the market for pulp and paper and this has been interpolated
into potential losses of up to $20 million — in other words, an
assumption that this price prevails in many other markets as well. This
is obviously fallacious. The Minister knows this, I know this and I'm
sure that the person who put it forward now knows that.
We've talked about a black market — again totally undefined. There
is no illegal market ever mentioned that I know of. We've talked of
this relationship between Wallach and the government — I think without
evidence — without anything more than has been put forward. Really and
truly, there isn't much proof of that; in fact, there is virtually none
at all except the claim.
At the same time we're faced by a government attitude which gives
credence to these charges because they refuse to take what are
reasonable steps to deal with reasonable requests for information. If
the government wished to prove that they had given, as has been
claimed, a special deal to our friend Wallach because of his close
connection to the Hon. Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources
and the government, they could do nothing better than what they are
doing now: namely, refusing to answer reasonable questions and adopting
instead an arrogant attitude, which is that there is no need to provide
information of any sort to the opposition,
I agree with the Minister in his statement that fixed-price
contracts such as the Columbia River, such as the deal on the Skagit,
agreements such as the Wenner-Gren, are pretty poor examples of
business skill. There's no question that I agree with him there, and
our Members have discussed that and I won't go on to it. But that
really is not relevant to the charge, or claim, made on the question of
Ocean Falls.
Ocean Falls was not a public corporation during the administration
of the previous government. It was not. It is now under the
administration of this government. There are legitimate questions which
have been asked as well as some wild claims.
I can only ask the Minister, when he gets up to speak — as I trust
he will — to deal with some of these, because this constant refusal to
answer only suggests there is something to hide.
It the answers are given in good faith and there are areas where the
Minister explains why secrecy is necessary, probably public opinion and
good sense will prevail and he will escape criticism for making such
statements. But when he refuses both the illegitimate questions as well
as the legitimate, when he refuses totally to make any information
public of any sort, he risks having people believe that he does not
wish to answer good questions, that he does not wish to answer
legitimate questions and he does not wish to answer illegitimate
questions — and the reason is identical: because he's got something to
hide.
I urge the Minister, prior to passage or defeat of this amendment,
to get up and tell what he can in the most frank and candid manner.
Sure, there may be things which he feels he cannot reveal, but so far
we've had nothing except a total refusal to answer. That's a type of
thing which leaves a certain ring of truth, a certain cloak of truth,
around many statements which I feel to be thoroughly unproven,
unresearched and, indeed, unfair.
MR. D.E. SMITH (North Peace River): It's obvious that the
Minister has decided that the best defence of his position is to sit in
his place and reveal nothing to the Members of this Legislature, in
much the same manner as he had revealed nothing to the people of the
Province of British Columbia concerning the operations of his
department. For a Member of this Legislature that was so vocal as a
Member of the opposition, it's strange how silent he has become since
being appointed the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources.
We've asked a number of important points. Regardless of how the
Members of the Liberal Party have tried in one way or another to
discredit the arguments that we have made and then turn around and say:
"Unfortunately, because the Minister does not answer any of the
charges, we feel that the Minister is not fulfilling his duty," there
are specific charges to be answered, Mr. Chairman.
We made a case on the basis of documented evidence. It's a case that
was carefully researched, and the people of British Columbia are
entitled to answers. They've not received any answers from the Minister
outside of this House. As long as that Minister decides to maintain a
veil of silence in the House, the people of British Columbia will never
[ Page 3034 ]
really know what is going on within the Department of Lands, Forests and Water Resources.
It's not an attitude or a manner which happened overnight; it's an
attitude and a manner that was adopted by the Minister right after his
appointment to the position he now occupies.
Yes, we've said it before and we'll say it again: the only defence
he seems to have is to ridicule and then sit in his place in this House
and say nothing to the charges that have been made.
There has been a great reluctance by the Minister to not only answer
the charges that we have posed but there has been a great reluctance on
his part to answer any of the questions which have been placed upon the
order paper, questions which are of importance. The people of this
province should certainly have the benefit of those answers. There are
too many uncomforting and disturbing reports from northwestern British
Columbia concerning the preferential position of the Crown corporation
Can-Cel with respect to the deals and the manner in which they are
treated when you compare it with the manner that other private
companies are treated by this Minister. There have been suggestions of
intimidation of companies and threats towards them by suggestion that
the right to harvest timber, which is the lifeblood of any company,
might be removed.
The Minister, if he wishes to come clean with the people of this
province, must rise in this debate and say publicly and in view of all
the Members of this Legislature what his position is with respect to
the office that he holds and the portfolio which is under his
jurisdiction.
At the present time, Mr. Chairman, there are 73 questions still on
the order paper and 25 of those are directed to the Minister of Lands,
Forests and Water Resources. If the Minister is not prepared to give
the Members of this House the benefit of answers to those questions
when they're on the order paper, then before this vote goes through he
should give us the answers in person when he rises in this debate.
The matter of intervention by the Government of British Columbia
into the business sector is one of record. There is a great deal of
difference, Mr. Chairman, between a Member of the cabinet and a
Minister of the Crown serving as a director for a corporation such as
B.C. Hydro or perhaps, in some cases, even B.C. Railway and those same
Members of cabinet serving as directors for Crown corporations or Crown
companies that operate in direct competition to all the others in the
business sector in British Columbia.
I think it's agreed that B.C. Hydro is a utility serving all of the people
of the Province of British Columbia and there may be good reason for a cabinet
Minister or perhaps even more than one cabinet Minister to be a director of
that particular corporation, working on behalf of the people of British Columbia.
There is really no conflict or competition there. But even at that, the affairs
of even a corporation like B.C. Hydro should be brought into public view through
this Legislative Assembly.
But that's one thing, Mr. Chairman. It's a completely different
matter for the cabinet Ministers to sit in this House and occupy
positions of responsibility and at one and the same time be of Crown
corporations such as Ocean Falls and B.C. Cellulose. That's exactly the
position of the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources at the
present time. He not only sits in this House as Minister of the
portfolio of Lands, Forests and Water Resources but he also sits on the
board of directors of Ocean Falls and B.C. Cellulose — definite
conflict of interest.
If he is to serve the corporations on whose boards of directors he
sits as a member, he must divorce himself completely from the
Legislature and act in what he considers to be the best interests of
that company. On the other hand, when he sits in this House or acts as
a Minister of the Crown, his responsibility is not to any one
corporation; his responsibility is to all the people in the Province of
British Columbia and to act on their best behalf. In that respect, I
submit, there is a definite conflict of interest. The Minister cannot
serve two masters. If it is his choice to act as a Minister of the
Crown, then there's no excuse and no viable reason why he should sit
on, the directorship of Crown corporations which are in competition to
other businesses in the province.
We have a situation with respect to Gottesman-Central National
Corporation where the president of that company, Mr. Wallach, also
serves as a director of Can-Cel. But compared to the position of this
Minister, that conflict of interest loses its importance. The greater
conflict of interest occurs, in my opinion, when a Minister of the
Crown serves not only as a Minister for a very important portfolio —
the most important in this province — but also serves as a director of
Crown corporations.
We are also aware of the fact that, for one reason or another, the
position of some of our senior civil servants has been compromised by
appointing them as directors of Crown corporations. That's an
unfortunate position because if anyone should be free from the
influence and the extreme pressure of politics, it's the people who are
responsible to the Ministers for carrying out policy — the top civil
servants of our province.
I don't imagine any one of them ever asked to be appointed as a
director of Plateau Mills or B.C. Cellulose. The unfortunate thing is
that they are directors of those corporations whether they asked to be
or not. I would think there's another example of conflict of interest.
They wish with all their heart to do a good job for the people of British Columbia in the position they
[ Page 3035 ]
happen to hold at the present time. These are top
positions within the civil service and within the Department of Lands,
Forests, and Water Resources. Yet they're asked at one and the same
time to sit as directors of Crown corporations.
If these people are there only as a requirement of the Companies Act ,
then the Minister should say so. But if that's the only requirement
then certainly there must be other people in British Columbia who are
not in top positions within the civil service who could be appointed as
directors of those corporations, to remove once and for all those
people from the political arena and from the position of potential
conflict of interest.
Any Crown corporation through its management and directors must try
to operate in a competitive market and show a profit. Actually, if it
doesn't show a profit, then in the eyes of the public it's a failure.
All we have to do is look back to the failure of some of the Crown
corporations in the Province of Saskatchewan to realize what can happen
when the government enters into that field of private business.
So there'll be a great reluctance for any director or any person in
a position of management to show anything but a profitable picture to
the public. I submit that this is the exact position of the Minister of
Lands, Forests and Water Resources. In his desire to make the Crown
corporations appear to be profitable, he could, even unintentionally,
be swayed in the decisions that he makes to the detriment of all the
people in the Province of British Columbia. The sad part about that is
the fact that none of us will ever know if the decisions he made were
beneficial in the long run to everyone in the province or if the
decisions he made were only beneficial in the short run to the Crown
corporation which must appear above all costs to be profitable.
There was a great deal of mystery surrounding the purchase of one of
the corporations — Plateau Mills. There was a great deal of publicity
concerning the purchase of that corporation by the Province of British
Columbia. It was suggested one of the reasons that IT&T was not
looked at too favourably was that they were short of cash. Now, that
might be a reasonable suggestion if they had failed to sign a firm
agreement with the Province of British Columbia or somebody had a great
deal of knowledge about their ability to arrange finance with the
banking concerns of either British Columbia or the United States,
wherever they chose to raise their money. But one of the facts we do
know is that IT&T set forth in a formal agreement to Plateau Mills
their offer to purchase.
I think we should read into the record at this point in time the
actual offer that they made, just so we can get it on the record. The
directors and the owners who signed this document, which I have a copy
of, said this:
"We hereby offer to purchase all of the issued and
outstanding shares of Plateau Mills from the shareholders for a
consideration of $10 million. The consideration shall be paid as
follows: a cheque made payable to you in trust for the shareholders in
the amount of $1,000 which accompanies this offer."
There was a great deal of static made over the fact that the only
valid thing that was enforced at the present time was a cheque for
$1,000 which was not even certified.
Tell me, Mr. Chairman, in ordinary business dealings with large
corporations, is it necessary to certify the deposit cheque? Really,
does it matter what amount is paid, whether it be $1 or $10,000 at that
particular point in time? I don't think it matters one whit. What you
are entering into is a signed contract between a purchaser and a seller
to provide, according to the terms of the contract, the purchase price
on a specified basis. That cheque could easily have been for $1 and it
would have still been legal and binding upon both parties at that
particular point in time.
But the interesting
part is the other terms which they apparently
included with the original of this document, a cheque for $1,000:
"$8,999,000 payable in cash as follows: $999,000 on closing
as hereafter defined; $3 million on the seventh banking day following the closing;
$5 million the six months following closing.
"We shall cause Synco Holdings Ltd. to issue at
closing to the shareholders or their nominees or Brigham Young
University, whomsoever you may direct, $1 million worth of fully-paid,
non-assessable, 6 per cent redeemable, convertible, preferred shares of
Synco.
"The closing shall mean August 1, 1973, at such time
of day and at such office in Vancouver, B.C. as we shall agree or at
such other time and place before or after August 1, 1973 as we may
mutually agree to."
I would suggest that that was a firm offer made by a company to buy a business in British Columbia.
The interesting part of that is the fact that the American
shareholders were not really interested in selling Plateau Mills. But
guess who was interested in negotiating the sale even before the
provincial government became involved? Guess who was interested? It was
the Canadian shareholders who were really interested in selling their
assets.
The American shareholders yielded to the wishes of their directors
in Canada and said, "Okay, we'll look at the offer from Synco." They
didn't say they would accept it but they said they would look at it.
Prior to that time it is documented that they were really not even
thinking of selling Plateau Mills.
Under that situation we certainly can't say it was
[ Page 3036 ]
the Americans who wished to sell it, even though
the Minister, in statements to the press, said he was not interested in
this company going to American shareholders. There were already
American shareholders in Plateau Mills. As a matter of fact, we have
American directors in Can-Cel, so I can see very little difference in
that respect.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please! I would ask the Hon. Member to relate his remarks to the amendment before us, please.
MR. SMITH: The amendment, Mr. Chairman, is to reduce the
Minister's salary by $1. It's a motion of non-confidence in the
administration of the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources.
I'm trying to document a case with respect to this Minister and the
manner in which he conducts the department. I'm not just talking about
just any corporation or one in which the Province of British Columbia
has no interest. I'm talking about a corporation that the government of
British Columbia decided to purchase. Once they did, it came under the
direct responsibility of the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water
Resources.
He's answerable to this assembly for the operation of that company
and he's answerable to the statements made by one Mr. B.R. Goodwin, a
former shareholder of Plateau Mills, who in recent days forwarded a
letter to the Hon. Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Bennett). It seems the
import of that letter has either escaped the Minister or he refuses to
answer any of the matters raised.
I think it's well to realize that this man, who is now completely
free — they've been paid free of any undue pressure or influence from
any source, was interested enough to forward a letter concerning his
recollection of and comments on the deal surrounding Plateau Mills. And
he said:
"The proposal to sell Plateau Mills arose from an unsolicited offer from IT&T to purchase our mill at Vanderhoof.
"The U.S. partners did not want to sell the mill, but
agreed to cooperate with Canadian partners who initiated the
discussions regarding selling the mill.
"It was agreed by both Canadian and U.S. partners that
if the IT&T sale failed to materialize, Plateau Mills would no
longer be for sale."
I think that's a very enlightening statement: "If the agreement did not materialize Plateau Mills would no longer be for sale,"
"An offer of approximately $8.6 million was made by
IT&T in 1972. After some months of negotiation in which IT&T
and ourselves spent thousands of dollars in auditing fees, which would
be customary at that point in time, we obtained approval to sell
IT&T from the Canadian federal government.
"We then sought approval for of the sale from British
Columbia, but we were told by the Hon. Robert Williams that we could
not sell the firm to IT&T or to any American."
That is strange, in view of the circumstances surrounding the
directorship of Can-Cel and in view of the negotiated contract to sell
newsprint from Ocean Falls. That's very strange.
It is incumbent upon the Minister, Mr. Chairman, to enlighten this
Legislature and say why he would make such a statement. Was it because
he is anti-American? I don't think so. I think it was because of the
final conclusion of that particular deal that he had in mind all the
time — that here was a private company which he would like to add to
the portfolio of business enterprises in this province.
It was a profitable venture, a firm that was making money. They were
happy with their arrangements and they had no intention of selling. But
all of a sudden, the Minister intervenes. It's a strange view,
particularly when we consider the other side of the coin.
This is the double standard that we talked about since this debate
began — the double standard employed by the Minister. It is okay to
sell newsprint from Ocean Falls to an American firm. It is okay to have
Americans on the board of directors of Can-Cel Corporation. It is fine
for the Minister of Industrial Development, Trade and Commerce to
openly solicit more business with the Japanese people, the Japanese
interests. It is fine to encourage development capital from other parts
of the world but it's not in the best interests of British Columbia for
a firm who originally has no intentions of selling to accept an offer
from IT&T.
But if it so happens that after conversations with the Minister the
directors of Plateau Mills realized that there was only one buyer, and
that had to be the Province of British Columbia, they really didn't
have too many alternatives, did they? As a matter of fact, it is
documented in the letter from Mr. Goodwin. It says:
"Our alternatives were as follows: One was to sell to
the government at the same price offered by IT&T. Secondly, we
could sell to a Canadian firm or individual" — as implied by the
Minister. "Thirdly, we could continue to operate ourselves." The
interesting
part is that he goes on to say:
"In the second and third propositions, the future
success of Plateau Mills seemed questionable when the Minister
intimated that we could anticipate difficulties that we had not
heretofore experienced in the operation of the Mills.
"Knowing that every mill that operates in
[ Page 3037 ]
B.C. at the government's pleasure, and that timber quota
and supply is at the will of the government, we realized that anything other
than selling out to the government itself would be difficult — this in spite
of the fact that we had planned to stay on if the IT&T deal fell through."
Is that not substantive evidence concerning a Minister wielding
undue and unnecessary force upon a company in the Province of British
Columbia? I suggest to you that it is, Mr. Chairman.
Certainly, any corporation knowing that their livelihood depended
upon the perpetuation of cutting rights and timber quotas in the
province knew that the one person who could either deal fairly with
them or, if he desired, make it impossible for them to continue was the
Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please, I would point out to the Hon.
Member that that particular point has been made a number of times. I
would caution him that it has become repetitious.
MR. SMITH: I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, that we may have to be a
little repetitious, but the fact of the matter is that since this
motion was proposed we have not heard the Minister reply, at any
time....
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. I would also point out to the
Hon. Member that while he may press the Minister with questions, he
cannot demand an answer. The answers are at the discretion of the
Minister.
MR. SMITH: Mr. Chairman, I realize the rules of the House,
and I appreciate them as much as you do. But certainly it is
permissible for Members of the opposition to press for answers. I
realize the Minister does not have to answer, according to the rules of
this assembly, but I would say that if the Minister does not rise in
his place in this House and answer the charges that have been validated
and documented by the Members of the opposition in this House, then he
is derelict in his duty in this province. It is a disgrace to the
Members of this assembly and a disgrace to the people of British
Columbia that a Minister who represents the most important portfolio in
this House refuses to give answers either in this House or outside of
it. That's a disgrace, Mr. Chairman.
He can sit there and bury his head as long as he likes, but the people of British
Columbia have a right to know what is going on in this province — more so now
than they have ever had before.
Whenever we deal with the whole legislative programme that has
unfolded before us in the last 18 months, the people of British
Columbia can have more right than ever before to inquire of the
Ministers of this government about their actions, what they are doing,
and ask for responsibility and statements concerning the operations of
their departments.
It is not good enough to use innuendo and laugh off the charges that
have been laid on the floor of this House, Mr. Chairman. It is not good
enough. Those of us in this House deserve more than that, and we intend
to get more than that before this Minister's estimates are through —
let me tell you that.
Let's take a look at it. I have spent the last few minutes
documenting matters which I consider to be a conflict of interest. I
don't think there is any question that now, more than ever before, it
is incumbent upon Ministers of the Crown to zealously stay away from
the areas where conflict of interest exist — more than ever before,
because of the situation that we have before us now, with more Crown
corporations and the government entering into more business enterprises
than ever before.
I think the Attorney-General realizes more than anyone else, as
chief law enforcement officer in this province, that it is incumbent
upon members of the cabinet to look very closely at their position as
cabinet Ministers and the conflict of interest which can and may occur
if they at one and the same time accept appointments to provincial
corporations or to Crown companies.
Yes, Mr. Chairman, we have a right to inquire or we would be
derelict in our duty. The unfortunate part of it is that inquire as we
may, we certainly have not, to this time, received any answers from the
Minister — not one single, solitary answer to the charges that have
been made.
HON. A.B. MACDONALD (Attorney-General): Was there a conflict of interest when Ray Williston served on Hydro?
MR. SMITH: I discussed that. I'll say it again, repeat it for
the benefit of the Attorney-General. I said that in my opinion it's a
very different situation for a Minister of the Crown to be a director
on a corporation such as B.C. Hydro which is a utility company serving
the total province of British Columbia. Or, perhaps in some cases with
justification to be a director of B.C. Railway which is a form of
transportation for all the people in British Columbia. That's one
thing, because B.C. Hydro does not operate, really, in competition with
other Crown corporations. And as long as they make their reports
available in this province....
Interjections.
MR. SMITH: Only in a small way.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. I would draw to
[ Page 3038 ]
the attention of the Hon. Member the quote from page 424 of the 19th edition of May
section (1) that: if a Member persists in irrelevance or tedious
repetition either of his own arguments or the arguments used by other
Members of a debate, his attention to this should be called by either
the Chairman or the Speaker. And I would so do.
MR. SMITH: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I have no intentions of
repeating my remarks. But, the Hon. Attorney-General came back into the
chamber and I asked me what I considered conflict of interest. I'll
tell him what I consider conflict of interest: B.C. Hydro and B.C.
Railway — perhaps it is valid to sit on those boards of directors, but
not in situations like Ocean Falls and Can-Cel which are Crown
corporations or companies owned either entirely or almost entirely by
the Crown and which compete with other companies throughout the
Province of British Columbia. There's a conflict of interest there, Mr.
Attorney-General, I submit to you.
Mr. Chairman, during the course of this debate we have validated a
number of points. This motion is a motion of non-confidence in the
Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources. It's also much more
than that.
It shows non-confidence not only in this Minister but also in the
Premier, and in fact, in the whole cabinet of British Columbia. There's
a demonstrated lack of credibility on the part of this government. The
confused, amateurish, bungling manner in which this cabinet conducts
the affairs of this province is open to question.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. I'd ask the Hon. Member to confine his remarks to the amendment.
MR. SMITH: Oh, I am.
HON. MR. LEA: Is that the way you felt when you were in cabinet, Ed?
MR. J.R. CHABOT (Columbia River): The bungling of that Minister — a dirty, rotten, filthy mess.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. Would the Hon. Members not speak from their seats, please?
MR. CHABOT: I'm speaking from my seat.
MR. SMITH: There's certainly, in our opinion, ample evidence
to point to the fact that the Ocean Falls corporation has not been
operated in the best interests of the people of British Columbia. In
fact, the ones who are making a profit in this are international
financiers.
There's been a calculated move on the part of this Minister to discourage
investment capital on one hand, then on the other hand turn around and talk
about industrial democracy and need to develop a different relationship in this
province.
The Minister employs a double standard, Mr. Chairman. It's a
standard which could best be summarized by saying: don't do as I do,
just do as I say. It's time for the Members of this Legislature,
including the NDP back bench, to stand up and be counted. They were
elected, as I was, to represent the legitimate and best interests of
the people who gave us the privilege of representing them in this
assembly.
Now is the time for the back-bench Members of the NDP to decide
whether they are going to protect the cabinet benches and perpetuate
themselves in office, or to vote as their conscience dictates.
This amendment has brought into very sharp focus the failure of this
Minister and the government he represents to do the very things they
were given the mandate to do: to govern fairly and equitably in the
best interest of all British Columbians. That is what we're asking for
inside and outside of this House, Mr. Chairman, fair and equitable
treatment for all British Columbians.
In our opinion, a double standard has been employed and is in effect
in the Province of British Columbia through the power that this
Minister has under his control. One standard as Minister of Lands
Forests and Water Resources; another standard as a person who operates
as a director of Crown corporations. It's not possible to divorce the
two and do an effective job of both.
In our submission the people who have lost are the people of British
Columbia, and that is exactly why we voted and moved a motion of
non-confidence in this Minister.
MR. G.S. WALLACE (Oak Bay): Mr. Chairman, I'll be brief.
I had not appreciated the length and detail that this debate on the
amendment was to pursue. My earlier comments were brief and related
specifically to the focal point of this amendment which is the
Minister's responsibility in regard to the Ocean Falls situation and
the sale of pulp and newsprint.
I just very briefly want to make the position of this party very clear.
There are many other very important issues in regard to this
Minister's portfolio which must be debated and commented upon and
described back and forth across the chamber, which are not specifically
related to the focal point of this amendment.
At the same time I wouldn't want to neglect to comment upon the
amendment, but making it very clear that I certainly reserve the right
later in this debate under the Minister's vote to get on to a more
general appraisal of the whole problems of his
[ Page 3039 ]
department in relation to many subjects — pollution
control, water resources, damming, northern development, you name it.
We could have a debate lasting six weeks on this Minister's estimates
if you wanted to cover everything. But it's my intention, on behalf of
this party, at least to touch later in the debate on some of these
rather large and important issues.
As for this focal issue — and I say, with respect, that I think the
official opposition have wandered far and wide from the official reason
in the amendment given for introducing it.
I would also say that to me it rings just a little hollow to hear
the Social Credit Members complain about the fact that they are not
getting any answers from the Minister because I sat here in this House
for three years and if there was anyone who became experts at not
giving answers, it was the Ministers of the Social Credit government.
Let me make it plain, Mr. Chairman, I think all Ministers of any
stripe politically should give answers to fair questions asked by the
opposition. I'm not defending this Minister. But I'm just saying....
AN HON. MEMBER: Do you hear that, Bob?
MR. WALLACE: I'm not defending this Minister. We want an answer.
But on the other hand....
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please.
Interjections.
MR. WALLACE: Could we have a little order, Mr. Chairman?
MR. CHAIRMAN: I would point out to the Hon. Members of the
House that it is the privilege of each Member to be heard in silence by
the other Members of the House. I would ask all Members to accord this
right to the Hon. Member for Oak Bay.
MR. WALLACE: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Having made the point
that all Ministers should answer fair and reasonable questions....
Frankly, if the Minister doesn't answer, this is the reason that I will
support this amendment without any reservation. But it comes a little
hollow from the Socreds to make that — point when they were experts at
not answering questions when they were in power.
This question of the Ocean Falls situation is one that gives rise for concern.
I will just go back a moment to October 12 when the decision was
announced that the contract with Crown Zellerbach was to be terminated
and the newsprint would be sold directly to Gottesman-Central. It was
asked at that time, first of all, whether there might not be some
conflict of interest on the part of the president of that organization
who also happened to be a director of Can-Cel. But the other
interesting discrepancy which arose even at that time was the fact that
the Minister made the following statement. I'm quoting the Vancouver Province of October 13, 1973. Williams said:
"The Ocean Falls Corporation was free to make additional
marketing arrangements. We are not obliged to market totally through them. We
have some flexibility. The market offshore will give us a better net return."
On that same day in New York Mr. Wallach said the agreement was for
three years for the full production with options for renewal, but he
declined any other details of the contract. The newspaper goes on to
state that there was no explanation for the difference between his
reference to sales of the full production and Williams' reference to
flexibility of marketing. The Minister declined to elaborate.
The fact is that right at the time that this change of agreement —
the cancellation of the Crown Zellerbach agreement and the switch to
Gottesman-Central — there was a discrepancy. The two stories produced
by the two sides to the agreement did not jive. Since then and in
debates yesterday and today, the Minister said the contract has been
renegotiated and, in fact, is being renegotiated now.
I have to support the opinion expressed by the other two opposition
parties that this is a public company using taxpayers' money. I
personally am not so concerned about the implication of "black market"
sales of newsprint by Gottesman-Central. I don't think this government
or any government can be responsible for the actions of another party
who buys goods from this government or from a private concern and then
chooses to sell it this way or that way. I think it's rather ridiculous
to imply that any Canadian supplier can be responsible for the actions
of subsequent deals by people or companies or concerns who buy from
Canadian producers. I don't think it's a good idea that perhaps we're
selling at one price to Gottesman and they're turning over an enormous
profit. In that case one would certainly feel this was a bad
arrangement.
But the central issue in this debate and this amendment is that
there is reasonable evidence to believe this is the government doing
public business with the taxpayers' money in the particular area — in
this case in the selling of newsprint — and that it is the obligation
of this Minister and this government to tell the public what has
happened in this particular instance without necessarily giving every
detail of the whole negotiation or the agreement. Simply give us
[ Page 3040 ]
the basic outline of what the prices were initially
and what the renegotiated prices are and some complete refutation or
some evidence to disprove the serious charges made by the official
opposition.
The Minister has said it is not customary for two sides to an
agreement to reveal all the details of that agreement in the
marketplace. I only accept that to a point. The point where I cannot
accept it is the fact that this government was elected in large measure
on its platform that it, on behalf of the people, could do a better job
in the marketplace.
The government was critical of Crown Zellerbach for letting the
Ocean Falls site run down and it brought the proposal to take over
Ocean Falls to this House with some social reasons as well as economic.
I'm not about to run away from that fact. This party supported the
government takeover of Ocean Falls on the basis that we felt