British Columbia Hansard — Tuesday, December 9, 1980 — Afternoon Sitting (32nd Parliament, 3rd Session)
32p 03s 801209p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1980 Legislative Session: 3rd Session, 32nd Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1980
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
4279 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Mineral Land Tax Amendment Act, 1981 (Bill 5). Hon. Mr. McClelland.
Introduction and first reading –– 4279
Company Amendment Act, 1981 (Bill 3). Hon. Mr. Nielsen.
Introduction and first reading –– 4279
Oral Questions
Getz Report on BCRIC trading. Mr. Lauk –– 4279
Mr. Macdonald –– 4279
Mr. Leggatt –– 4279
Rail service to Whistler Mountain. Mr. Hyndman –– 4280
Ku Klux Klan activities in B.C. Mr. Barnes –– 4280
Feeding of elk in east Kootenays. Mr. Segarty –– 4280
Mr. Nicolson –– 4280
Mr. King –– 4281
Speech from the Throne
On the amendment
Mr. Barnes –– 4282
Hon. Mr. Gardom –– 4286
Mr. Passarell –– 4291
Mr. Hyndman –– 4292
Ms. Brown –– 4295
Hon. Mr. Hewitt –– 4300
Ms. Sanford –– 4303
Tabling Documents
Universities Council of British Columbia annual report and budget proposals 1981.
Hon. Mr. McGeer –– 4305
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1980
The House met at 2 p.m.
Introduction of Bills
MINERAL LAND TAX
AMENDMENT ACT, 1981
Hon. Mr. McClelland presented a message from His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor:
a bill intituled Mineral Land Tax Amendment Act, 1981.
Bill
5 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of
the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
COMPANY AMENDMENT ACT, 1981
Hon. Mr. Nielsen presented a message from His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor:
a bill intituled Company Amendment Act, 1981.
Bill
3 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of
the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
MR. REE: Mr. Speaker, I'm sorry I was a little slow at the opening this afternoon, and I ask leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. REE:
It's my pleasure this afternoon, as it has been once previously, to
introduce my eldest son, who is attending the University of Victoria
and is in the gallery this afternoon. His name is Scott. With him is a
young lady from Saltspring Island, Barbara Woodley, who is also a
student at the University of Victoria. I would ask the House to welcome
them.
Oral Questions
GETZ REPORT ON BCRIC TRADING
MR. LAUK:
I have a question for the Minister of Consumer and Corporate Affairs.
Section E of the Getz report states that Mr. Helliwell phoned Edgar
Kaiser Jr. on April 25 this year and expressed interest in acquiring
majority control of Kaiser Resources. The evidence discloses that
Helliwell's view of the conversation was that prospects for a deal were
good. On April 30, Kaiser Jr. purchased $160,000 Kaiser Resources
shares on the open market, for which he eventually received a clear
profit of $4.48 million. Kaiser's purchase of shares on April 30 was
taken on insider information which was not available to all
shareholders and was clearly designed to loot the BCRIC treasury. Has
this information been referred to the Attorney-General with a view that
charges should be laid?
HON. MR. NIELSEN: I don't know whether the member was reading verbatim
from the Getz report or whether he added some commentary on his own. I believe
he added some commentary on his own. The Getz report has been made available
to the Attorney-General's ministry. The Attorney-General's ministry,
along with the superintendent of securities, have had the opportunity to review
that report. The Ministry of Consumer and Corporate Affairs hired Mr. Getz to
conduct an investigation on our behalf and part of the terms of reference of
Mr. Getz's instructions would be, of course, to advise our ministry as to
any aspects of security law which may or may not have been breached in British
Columbia. The conclusion Mr. Getz presented to us was that there had been no
breach of the securities law in British Columbia. I can't really respond
to the commentary of the member, and I believe it was commentary rather than
verbatim.
MR. MACDONALD:
I have a question for the Premier. We are told that the BCRIC-Kaiser
takeover was announced on August 21, 1980, and consummated within nine
days thereafter. Was it during that period that the Premier discussed
the matter with Mr. Helliwell, the president? If so, on what date?
HON. MR. BENNETT:
Mr. Speaker, I was advised somewhat immediately prior — a day or two,
to my recollection, of the proposal to acquire Kaiser. I did not get
into elaborate discussion — but the advice was within a day or two. I
might take this opportunity to answe r— I was going to wait until
outside question period, but the question was asked by the second
member for Vancouver East yesterday — as to whether the Premier of the
province had ever ridden in an airplane owned by Mr. Kaiser. The answer
is no.
MR. MACDONALD: Maybe the Premier will tell us
some other time about what leased jet planes he rides on and who
supplies them; that is not relevant here. Surely the Premier knows when
he was.... This is a big transaction in the history of the province. On
what date did you meet with Mr. Helliwell? You've had ample time to
look up your diary and tell us.
HON. MR. BENNETT: Mr. Speaker, the decision was advanced to me by telephone.
MR. MACDONALD: On what date, Mr. Speaker?
HON. MR. BENNETT:
Mr. Speaker, the first member for Vancouver East (Mr. Barrett) is
trying to aid his seatmate by shouting other questions across the
floor. Anything that is relevant to this I will take as notice. I'll
bring back any times I have met or spoken to or with Mr. Helliwell,
except those of a social nature.
MR. LEGGATT: My
question is also to the Minister of Consumer and Corporate Affairs. The
Getz report did indicate certain possibilities of violations of the
law. The Getz report states that the exercise of stock options by seven
senior Kaiser executives on September 2, 1980, may be considered a
violation of B.C. law. Those officers used insider knowledge because
they knew that the deal was completed. That information was not
available to other shareholders. Has the government decided to
prosecute those Kaiser executives under the present B.C. statutes?
HON. MR. NIELSEN:
The Ministry of Consumer and Corporate Affairs, through the office of
the superintendent of brokers, has not decided to prosecute under any
statute in
[ Page 4280 ]
British
Columbia. Whether the Attorney-General's ministry, upon reviewing the
documents, will make any other decisions, I don't know at this time.
But the report from Mr. Getz, reviewed by Mr. Bullock, our
superintendent of securities, reached the conclusion that no
prosecutions should be undertaken.
RAIL SERVICE TO WHISTLER MOUNTAIN
MR. HYNDMAN:
I have a question for the minister responsible for B.C. Rail, with
regard to the very fast growing Whistler Mountain area — the opening
this fall of the new Blackcomb ski portion and the resulting increased
automobile traffic to Whistler. The opening of the Whistler ski season
being virtually at hand, I wonder if the minister would be prepared to
investigate on a priority basis, and right away, the possibility of
putting into service this season, as soon as possible, the Royal Hudson as a special train from Vancouver to serve the burgeoning Whistler ski area.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS:
Thank you very much for that question, Mr. Member. I realize that we
have a problem at Whistler, because it is becoming one of the greatest
ski areas anywhere in the world because of the policies of this great
government. Hopefully, Mr. Speaker, they will be able to accommodate
some half-million skiers this year — about 17,000 a day.
Now, we have alternatives. I would be quite happy to discuss with the railway the possibility of putting the Royal Hudson
on. I think we may have some problems getting it on, and I don't think
it would solve the problem. We have another way, Mr. Speaker. I might
advise that I've discussed with the concerned people that we might be
able to provide a shuttle bus service from Squamish. I'm sure we would
have the cooperation of the British Columbia Railway to provide a huge
parking lot, and then we could just go from Squamish to Whistler. But
I'm certainly very pleased that people from all over the great world
are coming to Whistler to ski. The government's policy of making this a
12-month recreational province is well underway.
KU KLUX KLAN
ACTIVITIES IN B.C.
MR. BARNES: My question is to the
Attorney-General. On October 31 of this year a request was made by the
National Black Coalition for consent to proceed with charges against
the Ku Klux Klan, which is a requirement of the hate propagation
section of the Criminal Code. Would the Attorney-General advise the
House why no consent has yet been granted to prosecute members of this
most dangerous organization.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: I
wish to thank the member for raising the question; it's a very topical
one. At the outset, may I say that neither I nor any member of this
government in any way accept as appropriate the attitudes and the
philosophies of the Ku Klux Klan. However, they are, as far as we are
aware, citizens of Canada, and therefore they are entitled to the same
protection of the laws of this country as anybody else.
The
material which was submitted to regional Crown counsel by the coalition
has been examined. In relation to the specific provisions of the
Criminal Code and to those very few decided cases which have dealt with
this matter, reluctantly I must say at this time that the material
which has been provided to us and other material which we have, through
the criminal justice division, had the opportunity of reviewing do not
establish a case of the nature which is required in order for a
prosecution of this kind to be undertaken,
MR. BARNES:
My question is to the Minister of Education. Ku Klux Klan members have
been engaged in distributing Klan material at the B.C. Institute of
Technology and at public schools. What steps has the minister taken to
prevent the propagation of hate-literature propaganda in institutions
under his jurisdiction?
HON. MR. SMITH: Both school
boards and colleges have ample authority to repel distribution and
intrusions of a non-educational nature, and indeed are doing so. I have
asked that any materials of this kind that are distributed should be
forwarded to me and to the Attorney-General for examination. I also
announced at the conclusion of my tour last Tuesday that I was going to
institute some new regulations which would assist with the problem in
the public schools by strengthening the hands of principals in
repelling intrusions of a non-educational nature on school grounds.
FEEDING OF ELK
IN EAST KOOTENAYS
MR. SEGARTY: Mr. Speaker, I've got
a question for the Minister of Environment. Over the past week or so
there's been an extremely heavy snowfall in the Kootenay region, 1.5 to
3.5 metres in some cases. This has caused a severe problem for elk
trying to get to their traditional winter range. In some cases elk have
broken into farmers' haystacks and have already depleted their winter
hay supply. Industries in the Kootenays have volunteered their
equipment to drop hay to the stranded elk. My question is: will the
ministry consider matching dollars raised by the East Kootenay Wildlife
Association to feed the stranded elk, or has the ministry got any
contingency plans to feed the elk or help the farmers replenish their
stock?
MR. SPEAKER: Only the second part of the question is in order.
HON. MR. ROGERS:
Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and I thank the member for the question. My
ministry has been aware of this problem for the last five or six days
especially. The fish and wildlife branch feel very strongly that
feeding of elk is not the correct thing to do in terms of nature.
However, I have asked them to review this policy in case the snow gets
any thicker. I've also asked them to consider whether or not we would
allow shooting of the animals out of season — or out of the extended
season now — from a humane point of view, to provide the game to
various needy groups throughout the province. I appreciate it's a
severe problem, but biologically the best thing to do is to let nature
take its course.
MR. NICOLSON: I have a supplementary
question for the Minister of Environment on the same subject. It is
reported that this morning the minister said it might seem cruel that
some elk should have to starve. I understand the request is for about
$20,000 to $40,000, and what is at stake is the base of the resource of
a $3 million industry in the East
[ Page
4281 ]
Kootenays. I ask the minister if, in making his
decision, he has considered the effect on this industry, and secondly,
the fact that thousands of these animals will die, not ultimately of
starvation, but by being attacked in their weakened condition by
predators — being hamstrung and disembowelled alive.
HON. MR. ROGERS: Yes to the first question and no to the second one.
MR. KING:
I have a supplementary on the same topic. Is the minister not aware
that one of the basic problems with the lack of winter feed for the elk
population is due to the settlement of the lower reaches where they
have traditionally grazed in the winter period? It's all settled with a
human population and forecloses that source of winter range. Is the
minister suggesting that in light of destruction of their natural food
supply, they should be abandoned to starvation?
HON. MR. ROGERS:
No, Mr. Speaker, I'm not suggesting that. However, the member opposite
knows full well that under the coordinated resource management of this
particular area the wildlife habitat has been reinstated to a very
large extent, and....
MR. KING: At high levels, at high elevations.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. Let's hear the answer.
HON. MR. ROGERS:
Well, the difficulty in handling this range habitat has been that
situation since the turn of the century, and it's not an occurrence
that's taken place in the last day.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER:
Order, please. For the guidance of members, may I just refer to this
nice, new edition of Beauchesne's parliamentary rules — it's the fifth
edition. On page 129 it says: "The purpose of a question is to obtain
information and not to supply it to the House." Those are good words.
MR. MACDONALD:
I'm rising on a point of order, Mr. Speaker. On page 36-1 of yesterday
afternoon's Blues, I have been wiped clean for half a page in
responding to the barb that the Premier threw at me about Columbia
Cellulose. It seems to me, Mr. Speaker, that Hansard
must be a verbatim report of what occurs in this House. I don't know
what czar or censor is about to amend the proceedings, but somebody has
— with a pencil — and I believe these words should be restored. I dare
say that we were both out of order — certainly the Premier was in
introducing it, and I was just being responsive to him. But even if we
were out of order, let Hansard show what happened.
MR. SPEAKER: The point of order is well taken. Hon. members, I think
that we should all be aware of the procedures. When a member stands in his place
to be recognized to speak, he must first be recognized by the Chair and determined
to be in order. I think we must preserve that procedure. The member having been
recognized, the staff at Hansard control then turns on the member's microphone,
and it is only then that orderly debate — and yes, debate worthy to be recorded
in Hansard — actually takes place. If the member would like to have those procedures
changed, I think that perhaps a recommendation to the House might be considered.
I don't know. But the Speaker is tied to the present procedures.
MR. MACDONALD:
Mr. Speaker, everything I said was clearly on mike, because it is
faithfully reported. Notwithstanding the bit of heat that I employed at
the time — and had to employ in view of what was said — it seems to me,
including your calls to order, that what happens in this House must be
reported so that the people know what happens. That includes the
rulings of Your Honour, as Speaker. If you say that somebody's out of
order and ask them to sit down, that should be reported too. Clearly
the mike must have been on, because it's faithfully transcribed, every
word of it, but stricken from the record. I object to that, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: On the same point, the member for Vancouver Centre.
MR. LAUK:
Mr. Speaker, inadvertently I'm sure, said something a little alarming
when addressing the second member for Vancouver East's point of order.
You said that only those remarks "worthy" of record should be recorded.
I'm sure that Mr. Speaker said that inadvertently, that Mr. Speaker or Hansard
are not entitled to make that judgment, as Mr. Speaker well knows. The
verbatim record of the House must be recorded without judgment as to
its content. Otherwise, indeed, Hansard for an entire session may only be three pages long.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, hon. member. The word "worthy" was used, of course, in a matter of qualification, not in a matter of value.
On the same point of order, I will accept one more opinion.
HON. MR. HEWITT:
On the same point of order, Mr. Speaker, I do recall yesterday that the
second member for Vancouver East was expounding quite loudly and waving
his arms around. He was not recognized. He was out of order, and the
only reason his words are recorded by Hansard is because he has the convenience of sitting next to two mikes which are open pretty well at all times.
MR. SPEAKER:
I think I have sufficient opinion to make this recommendation to the
members. The recommendation is this: we have a standing committee of
this House which concerns itself with procedure, and indeed the
standing orders. I would recommend that this matter be taken up in that
committee, and that committee return to this House with a
recommendation which can be implemented here. As it is, I would be tied
to the procedures as we know them.
MR. BARRETT: On a
point of order, Mr. Speaker, we're not asking on the question of
policy, we're asking for a ruling on a specific incident. The Speaker
called the Premier, recognized him as having the floor. The Premier
then made certain statements. Those statements have been expunged from
the record; those statements made by the Premier have been deleted. The
question of whether or not the member was in order in responding to
those deleted remarks was first raised by my colleague, but there is no
method whereby, once a member is recognized, remarks are automatically
[ Page 4282 ]
expunged
from the record simply because somebody may or may not have been out of
order later on in response to them. So it is this specific item, Mr.
Speaker, that we draw to your attention, and we ask you to restore
those words, which were in order, to the official record of this House.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, hon. member. I will review the tapes, and I will bring a decision to the House.
Orders of the Day
SPEECH FROM THE THRONE
(continued debate)
On the amendment.
MR. BARNES:
Mr. Speaker, this is the first opportunity I've had to publicly wish
you well and congratulate you on your return to the assembly after your
illness.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you.
MR. BARNES:
Mr. Speaker, I rise to support the amendment to the Speech from the
Throne, expressing the lack of public confidence in this
administration. I would, unfortunately, have to query the sincerity of
the government in calling this session, especially when it failed to
address a number of the issues that have been of serious concern to
those of us in the community. Strangely, there was no mention about the
presence of an organization calling itself the Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan in this province. It is to this deletion, and the lack of
government attention to this matter, that I wish to address my reasons
for supporting the amendment, which suggest that the public no longer
has confidence in the administration.
Mr. Speaker, there was
a meeting held in Vancouver some two months ago by an organization
calling itself the Ku Klux Klan, which is apparently an organization
imported from the southern United States. Although it is being
presented as a new movement in Canada, it does have a history in this
province dating back to the 1920s. In fact, I understand that at one
time there was a member of this assembly who was a member of the Ku
Klux Klan, and who I believe held a cabinet position. I find this
rather revealing in terms of the atmosphere in this province, and in
terms of the way things have generally been dealt with as far as human
rights are concerned.
Interjection.
MR. BARNES:
Mr. Speaker, if you would attempt to maintain some decorum in the House
I would appreciate it. This is not a matter of the usual venue, where
we have fun and crack jokes, such as those coming from that Minister of
Housing over there.
HON. MR. CHABOT: You should stop blanket smearing too.
MR. BARNES:
I don't recall that member ever standing up in this House and
indicating his interest in human rights. But now he wants to defend
some spectre. It's not every day that I find myself personally feeling
such irritation about the attitude of an administration as I do today.
want to read some remarks that were made by the national leader in
Canada, at this meeting some two months ago that I was referring to.
This man, whom I shall keep anonymous because I don't think he needs
the benefit of having his name in Hansard , as far as I'm
concerned.... Nonetheless, the remarks that I'm about to read can be
verified; they were made at a meeting at which he was soliciting new
members. This happened at the Coach House Inn in North Vancouver. He
said to those people in attendance:
"Don't let the past of the Ku Klux Klan bother you.
It shocks people. It's better than other names, such as Nazi or White Citizens'
Organization. When the time comes we'll change the name to something else."
He went on to suggest that.
"The
silent majority of whites in this province really want us here. We are
a secret organization of responsible and important community people.
Some are legislators, some are in charge of hospital boards and in
other high places. White people are different because of their
creations — architecture, science, art and so forth.
system that allows blacks and other nonwhites into the country must be
changed. Whites are the backbone of this country. They have done the
most and they are the best. Politicians who let nonwhites into the
country are stooges and creeps who are undermining white people.
Negroes and Pakistanis don't have to be destroyed, as long as they go
back to where they belong. "
He admonishes the people he's speaking to. He suggests that they should "wake up, and let's take our country back."
Recently the member for North Vancouver–Seymour (Mr. Davis) made some disparaging remarks about immigration minorities. In the Chinatown News Magazine for November 3 of this year they editorialized a response to those comments.
"He
is of the opinion that unless there is some management and direction,
B.C. could have racial problems much like those that exist in the
United States and Britain, What Mr. Davis meant was that British
Columbians should be worried about the effect on Canadian society of
large numbers of visible minorities being admitted into the country in
general and to British Columbia in particular."
On July 21 of this year I sought approval from this government to move the following motion:
"That this assembly declare its affirmation that Canada
is a multicultural and multiracial society, founded on respect for the person
regardless of race, religion, color, sex, ancestry, place of origin, marital
status or any other class; and that this assembly record its opposition to
the Ku Klux Klan, an organization which is subversive to these Canadian traditions;
and that this assembly call upon all levels of government to ensure that all
Canadians are protected from racial attacks, harassment and intimidation wherever
they occur, and to prosecute the perpetrators of these attacks with the full
force of the law."
Needless to say, Mr. Speaker, I had no opportunity to speak to that motion,
because I was denied leave even to raise it on the floor of this House. However,
as the Klan organizing escalated with each passing day, in desperation I
[ Page 4283 ]
drafted
letters to be mailed to some 50 ethnic and multicultural organizations,
in an attempt to elicit information that might be of use in trying to
make a representation on their behalf — something, incidentally, the
Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Williams) and the Minister of Labour (Hon.
Mr. Heinrich) should have taken the initiative to do. The letter, dated
November 6, 1980, which I wrote to these 50 organizations, chosen at
random from some 200 such groups, is as follows:
"Much
public concern has developed over the recent re-emergence of the Ku
Klux Klan in British Columbia. To date I have made a number of public
representations on this subject, bringing many queries to my office.
Clearly there is a need for a sharing of views and opinions from among
the various ethnic and multicultural organizations. To a degree this is
taking place, but as one holding public office I am concerned about
Klan activities.
"I seek the benefit of your
input. To achieve this, I propose a meeting for Wednesday, November 26,
1980, at 7:30 p.m. at the Carnegie Community Centre, Hastings and Main
in Vancouver. There will be many topics raised, I am sure, but I would
specifically request that everyone come prepared to discuss the
following: effectiveness of present laws; public information and
education; and, finally, recommendations for action by governments,
organizations, institutions and individuals."
I had
considerable response. I sent letters as well to the Attorney-General
and to the director of the Human Rights Commission soon after. On
November 14 I said to the Attorney-General:
understand you are reviewing the prospects for the successful
prosecution of the Ku Klux Klan under the hate literature provisions of
section 281 (2) of the Criminal Code of Canada. It is my understanding
that the specific complaint under review concerns statements made over
public media by the Ku Klux Klan organizers. While I appreciate that
there is some complexity and perhaps some difficulty involved with
prosecuting under this section, I would urge that this matter be
pursued with some vigour to arrive at an early conclusion on whether or
not to prosecute.
"I am sure you are aware
that the Klan is actively distributing racist literature in British
Columbia. The lack of clarity in the position of the Attorney-General's
ministry makes the victims of such literature unclear of their position
and uncertain as to the correct response. In the course of making such
a determination, your officials will obviously come to some conclusions
about the adequacy of existing laws to control the spread of hate
literature.
"The Ku Klux Klan has produced
literature which promotes unwarranted racial attacks upon specific
identified minorities who are a part of the cultural mosaic in British
Columbia. Part of my purpose in writing is to encourage that such a
review is expeditiously carried out. If it is not already doing so, I
would like to request that the Attorney-General's ministry place the Ku
Klux Klan under active and close surveillance. This is important if
children in the public school system are to be protected from Klan
intrusions.
"I look forward to your early response on these matters."
This letter, signed by me, was dated November 14, 1980. I am still waiting for a response.
I wrote a letter to the director of the Human Rights Commission, stating:
"We
are aware of the significant organizational efforts by the Ku Klux Klan
in the province over the past few months. Doubtless your office is
cooperating with the government to monitor this organization, but in
the meantime, vexing questions go unaddressed that need clarification
if responsible leadership and guidance is to take the forefront instead
of allowing a less desirable trend to emerge that could upset public
stability.
"On November 26 I meet with leaders
of some 50 ethnic organizations from the lower mainland to share
responses to the Klan and to obtain recommendations for action. The
Klan clearly aims to subvert this country. It is starting by attacking
the delicate and sensitive nature of a system that relies on all races,
colours and classes of citizens, respecting each other~'s right to full
and equal status as citizens and as persons.
"Material
currently being distributed by the Ku Klux Klan is racist and to my
mind qualifies as hate literature. A primary target for circulation is
our public school system where they hope to corrupt vulnerable young
minds, I shall be thankful to have your early response to the
following:
(1) Do Klan activities in any way offend the Human Rights
Code of British Columbia?
(2) In the opinion of the commission, what
recommendations would it submit to bring about effective machinery to
combat situations such as created by recent Klan activities?
"Trusting
you appreciate the public's urgent need for responsible guidance from
your department, the government and other concerned public officials, I
took forward to hearing from you soon."
I signed that letter, which I have not had a reply to either.
Mr. Speaker, needless to say, when you're really offended in the
way in which this government is offending not only this member but the
public, it leaves you rather dumbfounded as to what to do next. One has
to sit back and take cognizance of their emotions and try to remain
calm. But I can tell you this is gross indecency, to say the least, on
the part of the government.
There was an order-in-council recently designating December 10
as Human Rights Day in cooperation with the universal declaration of
human rights, which is a resolution passed by the United Nations some
30-odd years ago.
Here is the press release of November 21 issued by the B.C. Human Rights Commission:
"The
universal declaration of human rights was proclaimed by the United
Nations on December 10, 1948. To commemorate the thirty-second
anniversary of this proclamation, the B.C. Human Rights Commission will
present a special evening program on December 10, 1980, at 7 p.m. In
the theatre of the Robson Square Media Centre, Vancouver.
"In
September the Human Rights Commission sponsored an art poster contest
on human rights topics for elementary school children in this province.
The 50 best posters, as judged by art specialists, are to be
[ Page 4284 ]
exhibited in the foyer of the media centre from the 5th to the
10th of December. The winner will be presented to the community and the media
at 7 p.m. at the December 10 meeting.
"The
commission will also make a public testimonial dedication to Terry Fox,
who has shown clearly what a single human being is capable of doing,
given the will to help.
"Next there will be
the presentation of a special issue of the commission newsletter
devoted to questions effecting the disabled. This issue will anticipate
other government initiatives planned for International Year of the
Disabled.
"The keynote speaker of this very
special evening will be Mr. George McCurdy, executive director of the
Human Rights Commission of Nova Scotia since 1971. Mr. McCurdy, a
sixth-generation black Canadian, has had a vast experience in human
rights. His address will occur at 8 p.m. and will focus on racism as a
human rights issue.
"At 9 p.m. you are
cordially invited to join guests and members of the commission in
exchanging views over coffee. Human Rights Day will be an important
event in British Columbia only if the community participates. "
you see, Mr. Speaker, there is cause for cynicism in light of what I've
just read and in light of the obvious lack of direction, leadership,
sincerity and demonstration, or any real concern about what is
happening in this province. Here they're having a Human Rights Day
filled with important events, no doubt, but hardly addressing the very
serious crisis that this province is facing today.
Mr.
Speaker, as a member of the United Nations General Assembly we — that
is, British Columbians and Canadians — are committed to this body's
resolutions. They had a ten-year war on racism, in which they made
certain pronouncements and recommendations. One of them was to declare
that:
"Discrimination between human beings on
the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin is an affront to humanity
and shall be condemned as a violation of the principles of the Charter
of the United Nations and of the human rights and fundamental freedoms
proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as an obstacle
to friendly and peaceful relations between nations and as a factor
capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples.
"...the
vigour with which action is taken by individual governments and the
degree of cooperation between them, inside and outside the United
Nations, to fulfill the purposes and principles of the charter and to
implement the resolutions relating to the eradication of racist
policies and practices, as well as colonialism; the full utilization of
the desire and readiness of men and women to devote their energies,
talents and abilities to the benefit of society, and more particularly
to combat racism and racial discrimination.
"The
ultimate goals of the Decade are to promote human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction of any kind on
grounds of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin,
especially by eradicating racial prejudice, racism and racial
discrimination; to arrest any expansion of racist policies, to
eliminate the persistence of racist policies and to counteract the
emergence of alliances based on mutual espousal of racism and racial
discrimination; to resist any policy and practices which lead to the
strengthening of the racist regimes and contribute to the sustainment
of racism and racial discrimination; to identify, isolate and dispel
the fallacious and mythical beliefs, policies and practices that
contribute to racism and racial discrimination; and to put an end to
racist regimes."
Mr. Speaker, the public seeks guidance and
it has a right to seek guidance. I'm standing here before this
assembly, hoping to appeal to a sense of real understanding of the
democratic process, the delicate principles that we all take too
casually, and I think the number one principle that we're all concerned
about is that of free speech. But free speech has its limitations. I
suppose, to those of you who are on the so-called free enterprise side,
there is nothing freer than free. But I can tell you, there is nothing
free, period — nothing, certainly not these principles. I didn't bring
along a lot of the testimonial letters that I've received from people
who lived under the regimes in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s and at
the beginning of the 1940s, people who personally experienced the
consequences of the head-in-the-sand approach to dealing with problems.
But I think this is a time when we have to question principles, when
those principles are clearly being misused. I'm not suggesting that
they have no merit or any value, or that they have not in the past
served us well; but there is nothing that's etched in stone, not even
stone itself — nothing. And it's a cop-out on the part of the
government and any other civil libertarian, or individuals who claim to
be concerned about principles that are going to benefit humanity in
general but benefit no one specifically.
In the meantime we
talk about peace; we talk about striving for justice — and I believe
some of those expressions were used in the Speech from the Throne with
relation to the conflict between Iran and Iraq. We hope that that
matter can be abated to avoid further disturbing the world peace. But,
Mr. Speaker, peace is achieved by individuals like you and me, people
who have confidence in the concept of peace — which, incidentally, is
an expression that was coined by individuals like you and me. So peace
means nothing unless it means something to me, you and everybody else.
It doesn't mean anything because some intellectual came out with a
phrase and said peace is something to achieve. It doesn't mean a thing
if I don't buy it. Neither does free speech. I could tell you, Mr.
Speaker, without being out of order, that I'll be damned if I'm going
to let someone have free speech if it's going to bludgeon me and my
family to death.
Having made that expression, it wouldn't be
responsible for me, as a publicly elected official, to stand here and
say that I have no respect for guidelines, for law and order, for the
legislative process, or for the commitment on the part of all of us to
abide by certain rules for the common good even though we may dissent
or disagree at any point in time. What I'm suggesting is that it's my
duty to point out the inequities and obvious difficulties that exist
from time to time that may not have been seen previously but become
more and more evident and obvious with each passing day. Not being a
lawyer is perhaps the best thing that ever happened to me, although I
sometimes have a lot of trouble trying to figure out what's going on.
It doesn't take much imagination for me to realize how difficult it is
for the public who perhaps have even less experience than I in dealing
with these problems.
[ Page 4285 ]
There
is a need for leadership and direction. There is a need for a heck of a
lot more than we're getting from this administration, who are posturing
in the comfort of their chambers and suggesting that there's nothing we
can do, no laws are being broken, when people are quivering in their
boots on the streets, especially the new Canadians, those who can
every day in this country. They are coming and they are being shocked
because we're saying there's nothing we can do because there are
certain principles at play that we don't want to violate.
I've
been looking for a quote, but I don't have it. I've read it enough that
perhaps the best way to tell it is the way I perceived it when I read
it. It had to do with a former chief justice of Canada, Sir Lyman Duff,
who suggested that free speech is something that we should all cherish
and recognize as the right of everyone in a free and democratic
society. However, when it fails to respect the right of a person to
live in dignity, when it fails to appreciate the delicate balance we
have in a culture mosaic such as this, where cooperation, confidence
and a will to show compassion for one another is of the essence, then
one has to question the value of that free speech. In other words,
there are parameters, even on free speech.
Again, I don't
have the quote, but in 1965 there was an all-party committee in the
House of Commons addressing the question of hate propagation, They
deliberated for many months before they came down with their
recommendations. They suggested, even in those days, that the problem
was serious, that one of the greatest menaces facing a free and
democratic society was the inability of the society to recognize the
limitations of its principles with respect to intruders and
infiltrators who would undermine that system. They recommended 15 years
ago that something be done about making the courts more accessible to
the individual. They recommended that every person should have his day
in court. We shouldn't have to go to the Attorney-General for a fiat in
order to have him decide what values I place on whether I'm being
intimidated or threatened or not. If someone criminally assaults you,
you should have the right to take action, and not have to go and ask
the Attorney-General, "What do you think?" and have him deliberate over
the matter and say: "Well, I don't think the law has been broken." You
say: "Well, what about my head?" He says: "Well, it's probably just one
of those things that happen from time to time."
It's a
serious problem. It's one in which we need inventive minds and
imaginative people. We need people who are prepared not to relax on
their laurels or degrees they've achieved in the past, because the
future requires action, persons with commitment and a sense of vision
who are sensitive to the reality of daily living, not just something in
the abstract past. We're talking about today.
There are
people on the streets who are upset today. The group of people that
attended that meeting I held on the 26th consisted of people from every
imaginable description and from all over the world — people from the
east, the west, the north and the south. They were not all people of
so-called "colour." They were people of Nordic, Scandinavian and
European descent. They were people who care about the concept of
freedom and democracy. They recognized the dangers that are lurking out
there, that have in fact become pretty well rooted in this society and
that are being propagated by the Ku Klux Klan. So this is not a
conspiracy of the left or a conspiracy of anything; these are Canadian
people who are concerned. There's no need to contrive something like
this. This is real, not imaginary. This isn't a kind of situation where
you have someone say: "Well, there can't be that many of them out
there. There're only a couple. What difference does it make? You're
just making a mountain out of a molehill. Just disappear and they'll
disappear. Don't give them any publicity. Be quiet." That's fine as
long as you've never experienced the debilitating experience of racism.
If you've never experienced it, you don't know what it is. You've got
to go out there and try to find out.
I can tell you, Mr.
Speaker, one good thing you can say about me is that I learned my
lesson well, and I've learned self-control. But I can tell you that
there was a time when I'd have been out on the streets fighting. It's
only by the grace of some people who just kept telling me to hang in
there that war is not where it's at. You've got to have confidence;
you've got to have patience. But I can tell you, patience runs thin
when you come to the senior lawmaking officers of your province, to the
people who are charged with administering justice in this province, to
the people who are supposed, be informed and who care, and they tell
you there is nothing they can do. Well, you know the law of the jungle:
go for yourself.
Don't think that it can't happen in British
Columbia. It's happened all over the world, and it can happen here. I
don't mean to alarm anyone. We don't exactly have a peaceful
environment in the first place. We don't exactly have everything our
way in the first place. There are still many aggrieved people of all
walks of life in this province who are very concerned about the
indifference, the attitudes of this government with respect to human
dignity and justice. It's not just the Klan. The Klan are a group who
are exploiting a situation that happens to exist. They've recognized
the weaknesses, and we're too cozy to face it ourselves. That's all
they are doing. There are principles involved here. No, the Klan is not
the issue. We are the issue. Indifference is just a state of mind that
we seem to have allowed ourselves to fall into, which is as lethal as
sitting on a keg of dynamite. It can blow up in our faces and we can be
hurt.
The government may have a problem indeed in terms of
the legislation that exists being faulty. But, you know, there's no
excuse for the Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Williams) to stonewall the
rights of those people who have come to him legitimately with a
complaint and asked him to refer it to the Solicitor-General or
whatever procedures are necessary in order to give them their day in
court. That's the very least he could do. Why should he have to sit on
his judgment? No, it doesn't require any genius to do that. It doesn't
even matter if the minister happens to be wrong. No one is suggesting
that they will win their case, but they should have an opportunity to
try to win. That's the fault. That's the serious error that this
government is making. You can believe me that it's unforgivable. In
fact, it's contemptible against the Canadian people. You don't even
appear to be concerned. You're not even trying to do anything. You have
no suggestions, no recommendations. You just think there's nothing we
can do, the law isn't being broken. Well, hogwash! The law is being
broken when people are being hurt.
Whether the law is clear
or not, the point is that when you ask people how they feel about this,
I can tell you there's a great voice out there saying: "What is the
government doing. What can we do?" I get calls every day: "What can we
do? How can we help? This is a serious problem." It doesn't matter
really about numbers. If people want to be involved in
[ Page 4286 ]
protecting
their environment and their society, they should have a right to do
that. You should be concerned about trying to help them do it. This is
why I've said it's best perhaps not to be a lawyer, because you're
closer to reality. In other words, I have to get out and scratch for
everything every day. I don't have time to do that much
intellectualizing about the complexities of how to make something stick
in the courtroom. All I know is that you better find some answers. Do
that or resign. If you can't find the answers, then admit it, but don't
hold the people up who are asking, especially in a multicultural,
multiracial society where we brag and boast about our mosaic and how
well we are doing. To tell those people that they should accept the
effrontery of the Ku Klux Klan, when they suggest that their
citizenship is not valid — imagine the gall! Even an attack on Her
Majesty the Queen wouldn't be any worse of an offence.
Even
though you may not understand it, what you are saying is that it's okay
to come in and insult the subjects of the Crown — a subject of this
society, the people. The main number one resource in this society are
all of us individuals. No other resource, in my view, takes precedence
over myself — or over you, in fact, because we are, and we should have
the confidence and the security to know that at least our citizenship
is not up for debate.
We may debate our behaviour, we may
talk about a violation with respect to our activities — and that's all
fair comment. But, Mr. Speaker, it's not fair comment to have someone
suggest that all the blacks, all the Pakistanis, all of the Chinese,
and various other people, and perhaps those who are not quite White
Anglo-Saxon Protestants — and perhaps even them later — must leave, and
go somewhere else. I think that's an offence under the Criminal Code.
It certainly disturbs the peace. You may say that it's not of the usual
nature with respect to the Criminal Code — it has nothing to do with
material things, it has nothing to do with physical violence or those
things — but I can tell you the emotional and psychological violence is
even more hurting sometimes than the physical, because it goes on
generation after generation. I mean, you just take the case of the
Irish fighting each other. It's been going on for hundreds of years.
But
the point is that once hate is embedded and once people make their mind
up that they are better than the other guy, they're going to fight.
We're aiding and abetting that right now. We're supporting it right now
by doing nothing. I think that the government should reconsider its
position and come out front and perhaps start making some
recommendations, if the Criminal Code is not adequate as it is, and
saying that maybe there is some measure, some degree, of fault with
words — maybe there is something about these words that is more lethal
— and maybe we'd better start restricting freedom of speech when it
starts to hurt our country, because that's exactly what it's doing.
don't like being called names, I don't like being singled out, I don't
like being offended, and I think that that's the very least I could ask
of the government. Even if I'm starving to death and can't get a job, I
want at least to be able to suffer in dignity. But these are the kinds
of insults, Mr. Speaker, that go far beyond someone attacking you on
the streets because there's a difference of opinion. When they start
suggesting that they should dismantle this country one by one — person
by person — and fire them out of here, and saying that we're going to
have it just for a certain class, that's a declaration of war, an
absolute declaration of war.
So I would like to see the
Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Williams) and the Minister of Labour (Hon.
Mr. Heinrich), who is responsible for the Human Rights Code, take the
leadership and show some initiative, show some indignation, and not
just say that they think that the Klan is, as the Provincial Secretary
(Hon. Mr. Wolfe) suggested, just repugnant. Well, great! They're
repugnant. So let's forget it. They're just repugnant. No, we want more
than that. We want you to do more than hold conferences for ethnic
communities, when you're getting ready for an election, to talk about
policies, and then as soon as the election is over forget it, or make
promises which you don't keep, like appointing the cultural heritage
adviser without consultation with the community and these kinds of
things. Stop playing games with the ethnic communities and get on with
doing something which shows that you have a real commitment to the
mosaic in this country.
Mr. Speaker, I'll just close my
remarks by suggesting as well that if nothing else, this government
should recognize the need to make the Human Rights Code arm's length
from politicians, the same as the auditor-general and the ombudsman's
office. In other words, get out of the ballgame if you can't play it
fairly. Leave the people to do their job. We don't need to get
politicians involved in human rights. Let's set that commission up so
it can do the job it has to do. This is one of the other faults. Let's
begin to recognize that citizenship is not the core curriculum only; it
involves recognizing the delicate nature of the democratic society so
that people understand when they are in trouble. Let's start doing
something about that in the school system.
In the meantime,
Mr. Speaker, I think that we could do with a few impassioned speeches
from that side of the House. So far we've heard nothing. I don't think
they really understand. It's difficult to draw the analogy between the
kind of mentality it takes to sell cars, perhaps, and the kind it takes
to look after human rights, but I think that that government has an
obligation to at least try.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Mr.
Speaker, number one, I would like to again reiterate my good wishes to
you upon your return, sir, your cheery disposition and, indeed, your
most healthful presence in our House.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, sir.
HON. MR. GARDOM: I'm delighted to have you back.
[Mr. Davidson in the chair.]
I'm
not going to comment upon the very thoughtful speech of the last
speaker, except to make one observation about what he said about core
curricula. I think, really and truly, that this is an area that we
should be giving a great deal of additional consideration to. I do know
that my colleague, the Minister of Education (Hon. Mr. Smith), is
responding to requests that have been developed over the past months
concerning the introduction into core curricula of something about our
democratic institutions, our democratic goals and our democratic way of
life. I think that the sooner we have that within our schools in a
better fashion than it is today, the better, and to be included in that
should be an expansion of legal education. It is my general
understanding that today there is only one elective course in legal
education — I think it's a very good course, which, I believe, is in
grade 11 or
[ Page 4287 ]
grade
12. But, you know, we all live under a democratic society, we all have
to subscribe to the rule of law, and precious little is ever taught
about it.
Mr. Speaker, I want to take a few moments to talk
to you and to my colleagues in the Legislature about our view of the
constitutional turmoil that currently besets our country. I'd say there
is no question that because of it and because of the economic dilemma,
we're now facing some very critical times in Canada at this point in
our history.
I will not be transgressing upon the motion, Mr. Speaker, you may rest assured of that.
This
September we were as close as we have ever been to substantial
constitutional reform. Yet, Mr. Speaker, the capacity to fully and to
fairly recognize that opportunity became lost. It was lost because of
an unrealistic and an unworkable timetable; it was lost because of the
lack of success at the first ministers' meetings in September; and it
was indeed lost because of a process that did not adapt itself to the
possibilities of reasonable compromise and accommodation. We have to
look at what is the present result in the country. I'd say it's
regrettable feelings, exacerbated rhetoric, separatist sentiments and a
federal activity that is proposing unilateral, self-defined solutions —
with all the discordant emphasis and the discordant result from that —
instead of everyone better utilizing our collective Canadian energies
to address the more serious and, indeed, the ever-increasing problems
of the day: the wildly mounting deficits in our national economy; the
double-digit inflation — most of the members have made some reference
to that already during the throne speech debate; burgeoning national
unemployment — it's pretty good in B.C., but in the rest of the country
it's on its way up; staggering bureaucracies across our land; a
spreading housing crisis — members on both sides of the House have
talked about that; interest rates — well, I guess you could say they
are blowing the Richter scale, and they used to be called usury at the
rate they're at now.
MR. MACDONALD: They're still going up.
HON. MR. GARDOM: And they're still going up. It's dreadful. And a letter takes about two weeks to cross town.
But,
Mr. Speaker, you can remember that it was only about six months ago
that all Canadians, and both sides of this House, urged Quebeckers to
stay with us at the table of Confederation, and in turn, all other
provinces, led by the federal government, promised Quebec substantial
constitutional reform. I have to put the question to you, Mr. Speaker,
as to whether the federal package will produce that, and I'd say the
answer purely, simply and unequivocally has to be no. There is no
question that we are very proud of our country. We want to make it
work, and that's very much the commitment of the government of which I
am part.
We are completely opposed to separation, as I said
in a talk in Toronto, "be it east, west, central or centrifugal
separation." The government of the province of British Columbia is
today, was yesterday, and will be tomorrow for one strong and united
Canada. And all of us should be, for the country has got to stay
together.
But you have to take a look at where Canada is six
months after the Quebec referendum, We have discontent throughout
Canada in varying but in increasing degree, and it exists right across
the whole of our nation. It's sad and it's indeed unnecessary, but it's
nonetheless a fact. I think we can all agree, there is more than one
cause for that: the quavering economic performance, the elective
imbalance on the national scale, and the constitutional issue — and,
I'd say, the amazing amount of federal emphasis that has been placed
upon the constitutional issue.
Mr. Speaker, we've existed
for 113 years under our present constitution — I think it's of good
stuff — and I'd say that with an effective amount of cooperation and
flexibility we could probably go on for another 113 years. But if we're
going to change it, then we've got to do it the right way and it's got
to be the Canadian way, and we have to do it properly.
I'd
like to address to all members of the House what has happened since
June 8. Here is a quick rundown, On June 8 the Prime Minister and the
Premiers requested consideration of 12 items of constitutional reform.
It wasn't 1, 17 or 6; it was 12. Extensive meetings were held right
across the country, and it was a very, very intensive process. I say,
without qualification, that a lot of consensus and agreement was
arrived at on all matters. I think more could have been developed had
the timetable been extended even by a month, but that was denied. I
say, Mr. Speaker, that the will was there for agreement, Even a formula
for amendment was developed subject to rounding off some rough edges,
and that became known as the Vancouver consensus or the Vancouver
accord. But that accord that was developed in the city of Vancouver by
all of the provinces was not heeded by the federal administration, and
I say that heretofore accepted Canadian conventions, Canadian customs
and practices — and, indeed, appropriate legal routes — were abandoned.
This culminated in the federal government introducing its own material
into the House of Commons.
MR. HALL: On a point of
order, I'm somewhat loath to interrupt the Minister of
Intergovernmental Relations. It's a good speech, I wish he'd give it
more often, but I'm wondering whether or not in view of the resolution
on the order paper.... The Minister of Intergovernmental Relations is
indeed the House Leader, and it's his timetable; he gave notice of the
motion. Is this particular part of his contribution today in order?
HON. MR. GARDOM:
I don't have any difficulty whatsoever in responding to that point. The
motion deals particularly with patriation of the constitution and a
formula for amendment of the constitution. That was referred to during
the throne speech. I do not intend to get into particularity during
this talk but to inform all hon. members how the process developed to
this point in time. I can assure the hon. member that I'm most
delighted to speak during the motion when it's called and develop some
particular aspects of it. This is a general talk informing you of what
is happening in the country at the present time.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
While the point raised by the second member for Surrey is a fair point
to raise, I must say that the motion is very clearly set out. While
there is a very thin line here, I believe the minister presently
addressing us is keeping to the appropriate side of that line.
MR. KING:
Mr. Speaker, you should be aware that there is an amendment to the
motion, and it is the amendment which is under debate at this
particular time. That amendment is regretting that His Honour failed to
comment on the lack of leadership of this government.
[ Page 4288 ]
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Thank you, hon. member. Notwithstanding the point, the debate on the
throne speech or amendments to the throne speech has never
traditionally restrained to that degree discussion by any members.
Otherwise, hon. member, it would be difficult for the Chair to rule
many of the addresses in order on that point.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
I certainly will be indicating to all of the hon. members.... I'm sure
if they will give me their attention they will receive from my remarks
very, very clearly the distinct impression that there's been excellent
leadership in the province of British Columbia vis-à-vis constitutional
reform since 1976, but rather a void prior to that.
I was
mentioning that the accord that was developed in Vancouver was not
heeded by the federal administration. I drew to your attention that the
conventions, customs and usages in our country, and indeed the
appropriate legal route, were effectively abandoned by the federal
administration introducing its own material into the House of Commons,
which clearly incorporates intrusions into the historic and, indeed,
accepted divisions of powers between the federal government and the
provinces of our country. We are objecting to that, and we are showing
leadership in this regard.
The activity that has been
undertaken by the federal government is unilateral as opposed to
cooperative. It was, and it is, increasingly discordant. What is
happening, as you will see from my remarks, is completely contrary to
the accepted concepts of Canadian federalism, and this is coming from
the one agency that all Canadians should be able to look toward and
count upon as the wellspring of unity in our country.
The
concerns that I am expressing are just not the concerns of this British
Columbian, nor the concerns of just one government in our country. They
are very legitimate concerns; they have been expressed right across the
whole of our nation. I'd say let's not try to get caught up in the
parlance that is so often used these days that this is just Ottawa
bashing. These people expressed those kinds of observations. The kind
that I'm expressing are just as Canadian and just as much a part of
Canada, and they have just as much right and responsibility to express
their points of views as do those who differ with them. What we've
constantly said in B.C. Is to return to the table and try to agree; and
I say that we have to do that.
In 1978 the Premier of the
province, at the first ministers' conference on the economy, called for
a more businesslike, planned approach to resolving Canadian issues.
Last month, November of this year, he called for a cooling-off period
and a return to the economic and constitutional table to resolve our
constitutional difficulties and then get to the real problems, which
I've been talking about.
In 1978, as the second member for
Vancouver East knows, if he's yet read them.... I do hope you have at
least read them by now; you've had two years of them hanging around.
You have an opportunity to break open that book jacket, sir, and read
the comprehensive set of constitutional proposals that were prepared by
this administration. The aim of this administration then was to enhance
Canada and to make it a better place for all Canadians. We believe very
strongly — and this is the philosophy of this government — that strong
provinces make a strong Canada, and that the main part of Canada's
strength is in its being a true federation, where that which can best
be done locally is done locally, and that which can best be done
federally is done federally. That is cooperative federalism; that is
what this country has lived under and indeed has prospered under. But
the country today is not experiencing a program of cooperative
federalism but confrontative federalism. I say that this is very
contrary to the concepts and the spirit of Canadian federalism and the
BNA Act, and those thoughts and sentiments are shared by provinces
right across this country; those thoughts and sentiments are also
shared by citizens right across this country. We believe Canada is more
than just the sum of its parts; that is by far the most shared view of
the country. Then surely this nation is more than just the sum of one
perspective or of just one government timetable.
Federalism
is fragile. Its very strength is also where it is most vulnerable. A
belief in federalism implies a belief in diversity, which in turn
reflects the source of its richness. It implies the acknowledgement of
its separate parts, and it requires that each respect the unique
desires and needs of the others. Is that being done today in our
country? I have to put that question to you. I submit that it is not.
When this respect suffers, the trust is broken and the entire federal
fabric suffers. This brings us back to an amending formula, which is
indeed an issue which is too fundamental to short-circuit.
I said, this is a view that is shared by many across the whole of our
country and by the majority of our provincial governments. Since this
proposed federal alternative is without provincial agreement, it is
contrary to Canadian practice and custom. It is contrary to Canadian
convention and contrary to Canadian law. This is the main theme which I
want to develop in this talk: the common thread throughout our history
is that where both federal and provincial responsibilities are
involved, the consent of all of the constituent parts must be required
to validate any kind of request for an amendment.
I'm going
to talk to you a little bit about Prime Minister Pearson. I'm going to
read you some of the words that were expressed by Arthur Meighan when
he was the Leader of the Opposition; Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Borden, Prime
Minister St. Laurent and some others. These sentiments certainly come
from very well known and historical figures in our country. I don't
think they can be lightly disregarded, but I suggest to you that they
are being lightly disregarded in today the national context. I say
that's very, very bad and improper.
Prime Minister Pearson
when he was talking about unanimity said this — I'm going to
paraphrase: "The facts of national life have imposed the unanimity
requirement, and experience since Confederation has established it as a
convention that a government or parliament would disregard it at its
peril."
Arthur Meighan, when he was the Leader of the
Opposition, said: "The common thread running through the
federal-provincial conferences has been that Canada should have a
method of procedure to amend its own constitution without resource to
the United Kingdom, provided that method was satisfactory to the
Parliament of Canada and the provincial legislatures."
Sir
Wilfrid Laurier said: "Confederation is a compact. It should be altered
only for an adequate cause and after the provinces themselves have had
an opportunity to pass judgment on the same."
This House ought to hesitate in passing judgment until it has before it the views of all the provinces affected.
Prime Minister Borden was again talking about the federal compact: "It is only right that each province should be
[ Page 4289 ]
consulted and its decision given in the right of its separate entity."
Prime
Minister St. Laurent said: "It is and has always been the view of the
federal government that the exclusive jurisdiction of the provinces
which gives a federal character to the constitution of Canada must be
respected. " Is that being respected today in this process? I submit to
you that it isn't.
Mr. St. Laurent made an earlier comment when he was then the Minister of Justice
for Canada: "It has always been my view that any procedure for amendment
of the joint portion of the constitution must make proper provision for participation
by both the federal and the provincial authorities."
Mr.
Speaker, I think this is perhaps best summed up by a short statement in
1965 in the federal government's own White Paper on the constitution:
"The Canadian parliament will not request an amendment directly
affecting federal/provincial relations without prior consultation and
agreement with the provinces."
So, Mr. Speaker, what do you
really see from all of that? I put to you that it is abundantly clear
that there is an inviolate requirement on the part of the government of
Canada to receive provincial consent before there are any steps along
the line it's proposing to take, because that is the clear and dominant
theme. Sovereignty under our federal democratic system is not the
private preserve of just a federal government, but is divided between
the two levels of government.
Interjections.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
I'm going to refer to that in just a moment. As a matter of fact, that
point was taken into consideration during the debates in Ottawa and
they have had a ruling that it is not sub judice.
The member
for Surrey is talking about the proceedings that are in front of the
Manitoba court of appeal. Proceedings are also going to be taken in
front of the Court of Appeal of Quebec and the Court of Appeal of
Newfoundland. In all of these cases, at least six provinces are going
to be addressing the issue that the legality and legitimacy of the
federal position is in very serious question.
I think we
should not leave this point without making some reference to the Senate
of Canada and what its responsibility will be concerning these matters.
I would say to you, Mr. Speaker, that there is indeed a very commanding
responsibility upon the Senate of Canada within its role of having to
provide sober second thought to the House of Commons legislation and,
secondly, within its historically conceived responsibility to represent
regional or provincial interests. The Senate will have to take a very
careful look at this type of legislation, because what is being
proposed by the federal government will certainly shape the future of
our country.
The Senate will have to give very highly
detailed and exceptionally careful consideration to the process as well
as to the substance of the Commons proposal. In the absence of
provincial consent, in the face of opposition from the majority of the
provinces of our country, and in the face of what appears to be clear
intervention into existing provincial legislative domain, the Senate
will have to determine whether that which is being proposed is
inappropriate and is not the Canadian way of doing things.
MR. LEGGATT: They haven't got the guts. They'll never change.
HON. MR. GARDOM: The former member for Ottawa, the
member for Coquitlam-Moody, says the Senate haven't got the guts and
they'll never change. I don't know. Maybe you're right, but I hope that
won't be the case.
I have before me the report on certain
aspects of the Canadian constitution which was chaired by Senator
Goldenberg, and it's dated November 1980. I'll be darned if this
material was not apparently produced — and I quote from the first
page.... "This report was approved in substance by the committee before
the beginning of the first ministers' conference on September 8.'' It
was too bad it wasn't released at that time. It goes on with a final
revision given at a meeting on October 30.
This is what this
committee of the Senate of Canada said in their report. I'd like to
read it to you, because I think they should have to live by their words
on this issue. I say the Senate of Canada has a commanding requirement
to live by their words in this issue. This is on page 7. I'll read it
to you. "It is genuinely accepted today that Canada should have a
genuine federation in which each order of government would be sovereign
within its own areas of jurisdiction." Now, senators, please don't
change your minds over the Christmas holidays.
I will carry
on. "This basic principle has been recognized by all the documents that
have dealt with constitutional reform in recent years." So they have
accepted the concept; they have accepted the wisdom of the direction of
the Meighans, the Bordens and the St. Laurents of this world, and I say
thank God for that and I do hope that they will have the courage to
stick to it.
They refer to the Pépin-Robarts report. It said
that since we view the provincial governments as equal in stature and
maturity to the central government, we have no difficulty in stating
that in a restructured, genuinely federal union the provinces should be
recognized as having a constitutional status equal with that of toe
central government. That is the quotation of the senators of
Pépin-Robarts. They refer to the Beige Paper of the Quebec Liberal
Party. "Quebec wishes to belong to a federation in which all of the
provinces will be sovereign and autonomous in their fields of
jurisdiction."
In the 1978 White Paper of the federal
government — they refer to that too. "The federal government set as its
first condition for the renewal of the constitution of Canada that it
should be a genuine federation, that is a state in which the
constitution establishes a federal parliament with real powers which
apply to all parts of the country, and provincial legislatures with
equally real powers within their respective territories."
I like the way they sum up, and I do hope that we are going to have your support during this amendment or during this debate.
Interjection.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
My goodness, time for repentance, my friend. But I would like to read
this to you. I am returning to the senators: — Other documents as well
have expressed their support for a genuine federation. There seems to
exist, therefore, a general consensus on the principle of sovereignty
or nonsubordination of the two orders of government." Senators, please
read your own words and don't forget them, and if the senators read
their own words
[ Page 4290 ]
and
if they live by them, the present constitutional proposals will not
pass through the Senate of Canada, and I say that they should not.
have to conclude from that, Mr. Speaker, without question, that the
House of Commons is moving too far and it is moving too fast; it is
moving clearly without the kind of consent and the kind of Canadian
accord that is required for the Senate's approval of a measure that
would be as difficult and as dramatic to reverse as this one.
I'm
going to talk to you now a little bit about London. As you know — and
these were filed with the Clerk's office, and copies were sent to your
caucus, to your leader, sir.... This deals with the B.C. brief that was
filed to the Select Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs of the
British Parliament, which is receiving evidence on the legal and
constitutional responsibilities of that parliament, its duties,
procedures and juridical position. I would say that it is very
regrettable that the Mother of Parliaments has to be drawn into a
process which can be, and should be, resolved here in our country. And
I say, without being presumptuous, as to the conclusion that will be
reached by the House of Commons, surely it will be bound to recognize
that for years Canada has been a free and independent and sovereign
nation, and surely the United Kingdom parliament, which is the trustee
of our constitutional heritage, is being put into....
MR. LEGGATT:
I just wanted to raise the question of relevance around the debate. The
motion that is before the House deals with the question of leadership.
I haven't heard the Minister of Intergovernmental Relations refer in
any way, so far that I have been able to detect, to the motion on the
Coor. I would suggest, Mr. Speaker, that you give consideration to the
relevancy of his remarks.
HON. MR. GARDOM: I would
indicate to you, Mr. Speaker, since we got the attentive ear of the
member, it is very clear that British Columbia has taken great
leadership in the development of the best set of constitutional
proposals put forth by any province in our country by opposing this
unilateral activity on the part of the federal administration, and we
are not rolling over like you are, sir.
MR. HALL: Mr.
Speaker, I want to raise the question of the relevance of the debate,
when one considers the presence of the motion on the order paper
dealing with the constitution, and ask you if you would consider for
one second whether any of the remarks that the Minister of
Intergovernmental Relations has just been making over the last 20
minutes would have been declared out of order had he been speaking on
Resolution 1.
Secondly, all the leaders he spoke about in these last 20 minutes are dead.
Thirdly,
I'm suggesting to you, Mr. Speaker, that you're allowing the Minister
of Intergovernmental Relations to deliberately abuse the rules of the
House as he just did in his rejoinder to the member for Coquitlam-Moody
(Mr. Leggatt) when he said that this government is providing leadership
in opposing the unilateral actions taken by the federal government,
which specifically refers to parts of Resolution I on the order paper.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
To the minister, I must confess that the Chair is having some
difficulty in making all the remarks by the minister relevant to the
amendment presently before us. Nevertheless, in the throne speech
amendment we have traditionally allowed great latitude. But I must
remind the minister that there is a motion on the order paper, and he
must bear that in mind when continuing with his remarks.
HON. MR. GARDOM: An excellent caveat, Mr. Speaker, and I shall certainly endeavour to do so.
think the hon. members would certainly appreciate receiving first-hand
some particulars of the leadership that this government has shown by
filing its brief in London. That is just collateral to the resolution,
as you will see once I've summed up the remarks of the brief in London.
If you'll just bear with me for a moment, it's not reflecting upon....
DEPUTY SPEAKER: On a point of order....
HON. MR. GARDOM: I have the floor, Mr. Speaker, if you don't mind. I'm responding to their point of order.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Hon. member, I thought the point of order had been resolved and you
were continuing your address. I did recognize the second member for
Surrey (Mr. Hall). If the member was continuing on a point of order
then obviously he will retain the floor.
HON. MR. GARDOM: I was.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: You will continue on that point of order, and then I will recognize the second member for Surrey.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
I've just informed the hon. members of the kind of leadership that this
province is demonstrating and the initiative that it has taken in
London. I think that these hon. members would like to receive specifics
of it. I can give them every assurance that I'll be speaking in the
next debate, and we will be dealing with many, many specifics and
particulars which I am not dealing with now. I'm informing them of the
position that is taken in London. This is, I would say, a most
unprecedented time in the history of our country,
MR. HALL:
On a point of order, the entreaty by the Minister of Intergovernmental
Relations is in contrast to the lecture that he gave us half an hour
ago. The point of order that I wish to raise is that it's only some
three and a half hours ago since conclusions were reached to see the
debate that the member talks about take place on Thursday. I don't make
the rules around here, and neither does the Minister of
Intergovernmental Relations. He's the leader of the government in this
House. He's the one who saw fit to put the motion on the order paper.
He's the one in charge of the timetable of the government, not 1, and
not you, sir. It's up to him to arrange the government's business in
such an order that he can tell us those things in a proper way, and not
seek to bend the rules to his advantage when it suits him. I suggest to
you that he's been out of order for the last 20 minutes.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Again, I must remind all hon. members that, traditionally, on the
throne speech reply, whether it be in the main motion or amendment to
the motion, great latitude has always been allowed. Nevertheless, I
must bring to the minister's attention the fact that there is very
clearly a motion on the order paper, and that the
[ Page 4291 ]
member
must relate his remarks more specifically to the amendment which is
presently before us. I find it difficult to rule specifically on the
points of order raised by the second member for Surrey, but I would ask
hon. members to bear in mind, when addressing their remarks, the long
standing traditions of this House.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
Insofar as the London process is concerned I just want to repeat that
the U.K. Parliament is the trustee of the constitutional heritage of
our country, and it's been put into an invidious position by the
actions of the federal government. As such a trustee I say that the
U.K. Parliament can well ask if that which the federal government
proposes effects existing provincial powers under the BNA Act. I say it
should put that question. If the answer is that it does, then the
trustee Parliament ought to ask the additional question: is there
provincial consensus? I'd say in the absence of such consent, an
unprecedented abuse of power would be worked upon the U.K. Parliament
by the federal administration. I don't think it should respond to that
kind of practice.
Since the legality of the federally
intended procedure is being considered by the Canadian courts this
would create an additional dilemma for the United Kingdom Parliament.
If it happened to take any action on just one request, it could end up
developing new laws that would govern all of Canadians. Depending upon
the outcome of decisions before the courts, those laws in themselves
could well be subject to later constitutional and legal challenge in
our own country. And this is why, Mr. Speaker, this province is showing
leadership. This is why other provinces in our country are showing
leadership. This is why I say they are responding to the defense of
Canadian traditions. This is why the British Parliament has been
entreated to do nothing until the matters are resolved in Canada
through the legal process or political process to the satisfaction of
the federal and the provincial governments.
Mr. Speaker, I
have some specifies now which would infringe upon the motion. I do not
propose to discuss them. But I'd like to say that I think the time has
come for some up-front, straightforward, no-frills, Canadian-type
negotiations, and a return to Canadian common sense. Let's get this
constitutional thing properly back on track. I'd say that the time has
come for the Prime Minister of our country to state that he will return
to the table with all of our Canadian Premiers to develop an early
return of our constitution and to develop an amending formula. By
taking this kind of route — to the member for Vancouver East — at least
we'd be able to get the constitution home and the capacity to reach
accord would be within the Canadian family, where it should be. Our
current disagreements may be dealt with within the Canadian family,
where they also belong. What we want is a "made in Canada" constitution.
MR. PASSARELL: At the outset, I welcome you back to the hotseat. I hope you can enjoy the next week or two.
was unbelievable that the previous government speaker stated at the
onset of his speech that he wouldn't comment on the second member for
Vancouver Centre's (Mr. Barnes'
s) speech concerning the Ku Klux Klan.
What he did was he lambasted the federal politicians in Ottawa again —
a continuing saga of this government on its Ottawa-bashing routine.
It's a shame that this government can't show the type of leadership it
should be showing when we have a problem such as the Ku Klux Klan.
Mr.
Speaker, in the throne speech the present coalition government spoke on
the individual British Columbian as having six basic aims in life. They
are six basic aims in which northern residents have once again been
ignored. For instance, the first basic aim that shows the lack of
leadership in this party is that every British Columbian should enjoy
the best possible health. It makes it very difficult to enjoy the best
possible health when for the last two years we've been talking about
the need of a health facility in Dease Lake. Two previous Health
ministers have had this fact drawn to their attention, that there's
nothing in place in Dease Lake for a community of 300. There is no type
of trailer, no type of medical facility. Everything is done out of the
nurse's kitchen, and I think it's time that this government, if it's
going to put down aims, start putting in some type of facilities more
than having a nurse operate out of her kitchen.
The
provincial medical facilities in many communities in the north are
non-existent, For instance, Cassiar is a private hospital. It's about
time the provincial government showed some type of leadership in taking
over the Cassiar first-aid station and making provincial medical
stations throughout the north to benefit residents,
Secondly, Hydro was in the Speech from the Throne. There was an interesting
article in the May 26, 1980, Citizen :
"Bennett's Answer Shocks Kemano Opponents." I'll just read a little
bit, Mr. Speaker, from this article: "The Kemano hydroelectric project
can go ahead any time the Aluminum Company of Canada wants, according
to what Premier Bill Bennett told a group of protesters on Saturday."
Skipping down to the end of the article: "One of the demonstrators
said: 'We were shocked when we saw this. This is directly contrary to
what the Energy minister, Bob McClelland, told us when we were in
Victoria. We have it in writing. I think one of them is speaking with a
forked tongue.'" It's about time this government showed a type of moral
leadership in this province, instead of running around and stabbing
each one of the ministers in the back. There should be a direct and
concentrated effort to benefit residents in this province.
agree with this morning's statement by the member for North
Vancouver–Seymour (Mr. Davis), concerning Hydro and its policy of
overbuilding. When a policy statement comes out on new construction, on
massive dam complexes such as the Stikine-Iskut and the Laird complex,
compared to building small hydro dams on rivers for local
consumption.... This would be greeted much more by residents in the
north than building some massive dam on a river that affects not only
the environment and the livelihood of people, but the wildlife in the
area also. Once again the residents of the north must sacrifice their
environment to keep swimming pools warm in California, if projects such
as the Stikine-Iskut-Laird go ahead.
The Minister of
Environment (Hon. Mr. Rogers) has once again displayed a non-caring
attitude by not holding a public inquiry into this aspect. But they say
it's just a feasibility study at this stage. Well, presently there's a
40-man camp at Site Z, drilling a 2,000-foot diversion tunnel. This is
much more than a feasibility study. Hydro yesterday applied to the
lands branch to have a Cat trail built — they call it a Cat trail
because they originally asked for a road, which was turned down, to
bring in a Becker drill and some other heavy equipment for the
2,000-foot diversion tunnel. Then the government still has the audacity
— it's leadership — to say that it's only a feasibility study. Knowing
that a road would cause considerable protest from the local residents,
Hydro
[ Page 4292 ]
attempts
to sidestep the environmental impact assessment study by calling their
road a Cat trail, to be used only for a one-shot effort to bring in the
Becker drill. This is nonsense and a travesty in terms of money and
use. Once again I reiterate that I agree with the member for North
Vancouver–Seymour that Hydro should be looking towards local
consumption — small dams on streams and rivers instead of building
massive dams.
A company up in the Atlin constituency has
gone ahead, and they're using a program of this nature for the benefit
of the local residents. That's Cassiar Asbestos, which is constructing
a small dam on the Cottonwood River for local consumption and
industrial use. Small rivers can be harnessed for local consumption and
development, without the massive environmental damage that dams such as
the Stikine-Iskut and Laird will cause.
The fourth thing
mentioned in the Speech from the Throne was a healthy environment. I
wonder how northern residents can achieve a healthy environment when
the present government, through its lack of leadership, allows 100
million tons of toxic waste to be dumped into Alice Ann — an area the
Nishga nation uses for its food source. Never once have they been
directly involved in the decision-making process. We have heard the
Minister of Environment — he's not in the House at this time — state
publicly that there's nothing he can do concerning the Amax dumping
permit. At the same time, we're selling the livelihoods of the native
people — the Nishga — to the interests of a multinational company
that's known in many other countries across the world as a poor
corporate citizen in its dealings concerning environmental issues. This
is an Environment minister who allows a pollution permit to be granted
three months prior to a federal government order-in-council, and then
turns around and tells a group such as Project North that it's too late
to do anything. While he was meeting with Project North — the church
organization made up of seven different churches — the minister had to
be corrected by his deputy, that he couldn't do anything concerning the
pollution-control permit. If one reads the statute books —
chapter 110,
the Environment and Land Use Act — it spells it out in three different
places exactly what the Minister of Environment can do, if he's willing
to take the time to read the act, concerning the pollution permit in
Alice Arm.
Point five is equality of treatment and
opportunity. A campaign promise by the Premier, back in 1975, to the
Nishga people has still never been addressed by the Premier, as well as
the present Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Williams). When this government
attacks Ottawa over the constitution, it's ironic that this present
coalition government has failed to address the problem of aboriginal
rights for the first citizens of this province. It seems that they're
simply ignoring the native issues in their Ottawa-bashing routine.
Also
included in equality of treatment and opportunity as an aim is the fact
that northern residents, to a certain extent, pay higher taxes because
of the increased wages that they get, but receive few social services
in return. I think it's time that this government granted some type of
tax incentive for northern residents. Hopefully, the member for Omineca
(Mr. Kempf) and the member for North Peace River (Mr. Brummet) will
support me in a resolution — if the three of us can get together
sometime — that the MP for the area, Frank Oberle, presented in the
House concerning northern taxation benefits for northern residents.
Both of you are aware of what Mr. Oberle presented in Ottawa?
AN HON. MEMBER: Yes.
MR. PASSARELL:
Fine. I think it's time we sat and had a discussion about that.
Hopefully the member for Prince George will join us in that discussion,
to introduce rebates to a certain extent for rural residents of this
province, specifically in the north, in a structure of income tax and
sales taxes.
Another interesting aspect was that the
Minister of Industry and Small Business Development (Hon. Mr.
Phillips), who's in his seat at the present time, put out a flashy
brochure a few months ago concerning financial assistance for small
business individuals. But once again he ignored the concerns of the
north by putting a rider, subsection (5), on who can apply for
small-business grants. He stated that the program at this time is only
for the lower mainland, specifically the Fraser Valley, Vancouver and
Victoria. It's a shame that the minister has ignored rural businessmen
by discriminating against them with this program, by allowing
small-business men and women in the lower mainland to be the only ones
to apply for this program.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I
cannot support the throne speech, which ignores northern residents'
concerns and livelihoods. I support the amendment of the New Democratic
Party.
MR. HYNDMAN: Mr. Speaker, may I begin by
joining others in the assembly in extending words of welcome to the
member for Chilliwack (Hon. Mr. Schroeder), who is back with us in his
normal role as Speaker. He is not in the chair at present, but I would
like to associate myself with all of those who welcomed him back. At
the same time, to you, sir, the member for Delta (Mr. Davidson), at
present in the chair, I once again acknowledge the very fine work done
by you standing in for Mr. Speaker last session, and welcome you back
as Deputy Speaker this session.
In dealing with the
amendment to the throne speech motion, which is couched in terms of
confidence in the leadership of the present government, and in rising
to oppose the amendment and to support the leadership of the
government, I want to talk in terms of the leadership being provided by
this government in British Columbia Rail. I'm pleased to see that the
minister responsible for B.C. Rail, with his usual interest in these
matters, is in the House.
The record of B.C. Rail in the
last several years is a commentary on the leadership shown by this
government in turning around and improving B.C. Rail, a Crown
corporation which languished in difficult straits from 1972 to 1975.
Just last week a very independent newspaper, the Toronto Globe and Mail ,
had a feature story on B.C. Rail. The headline was this: "Projected $10
Million Profit at B.C. Rail, First in a Decade, Completes Turnaround."
In commenting on the leadership role provided by the present government
in turning around B.C. Rail, I will read several paragraphs from this
article, which begins as follows:
"The long
train of troubles that three years ago brought sell off and close-down
suggestions has finally clattered past for the British Columbia
Railway, according to company president M.C. Norris. BCR this year is
expected to have its first net profit in a decade, close to $10
million, in a not particularly favourable year for BCR operations.
"The turnaround has been achieved by support-at-a-distance
decisions by the railway's owner, the
[ Page 4293 ]
British Columbia government, and by management's own efforts.
The milestone for management was the appointment two years ago of the railway's
first business-type board of directors with a minimum of government representation
and interference. This was confirmed last year by the appointment of Mr. Norris,
a lifelong railway man and previously vice-president, as only the second non-politician
to be president."
So,
Mr. Speaker, if you want to talk leadership and look around the
province at British Columbia Rail, you see a record of success and
improvement determined by the leadership role of this government in
putting B.C. Rail at arm's length, putting in a businesslike board of
directors. And the decisions have flowed. Today, in talking about B.C.
Rail, I want to commend the Premier and the government for their
leadership role with respect to B.C. Rail and to suggest that that
leadership role can and should be maintained by moving in a further
direction with B.C. Rail. I want to spend a few minutes proposing a
major passenger division on the basis that that onward-going kind of
policy will be continued leadership, and the people of this province
not only support and recognize the leadership that's been provided to
date by B.C. Rail; they want it to continue.
In terms of
continuing leadership for B.C. Rail, may I talk about the need for the
immediate establishment on a priority basis of a passenger rail
division for B.C. Rail. Mr. Speaker, passenger service has never been
given a fair test on B.C. Rail. That's not the particular fault of
management or government; it's an accident of history. Passenger
service has been the necessarily neglected orphan of a resource railway
— a railway which in its time to date quite properly has been concerned
with resource development and resource movement. Management at B.C.
Rail has had neither the mandate nor the financial help with which to
initiate and run a proper passenger rail system. The time has come for
B.C. Rail to be given the mandate and to be provided a financial
footing for a major passenger rail service.
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
May I just spend a few
moments on the history — such as it has been — of B.C. Rail passenger
service. It began in 1956 with the purchase of six of what we call Budd
cars, or Budd rail diesel cars, and the start of the North Vancouver to
Prince George run. Those same six Budd cars, Mr. Speaker, are the same
six — and the only six — passenger stock in service today, nearly 30
years later, and they're nearly worn out. They would cost about $1
million each to replace. They would cost about $700,000 each to
reconstruct. Presently about 40 percent of the total usable time of
those six passenger Budd cars is reflected in down time in the shop for
repair and problems of age and mechanics.
It's no surprise
that passenger rail service — such as it has been — has been declining,
and passenger rail losses on B.C. Rail have been mounting. But it's a
Catch-22 situation, Mr. Speaker, because the losses have been mounting
due to declining passenger volumes and increased operating and repair
costs. But the declining passenger volumes, in turn, are a consequence
of poor equipment and equipment that's often broken down. So it's a
vicious circle. As the equipment gets older, it gets less attractive,
it spends more time in the shop. As what's offered to passengers
becomes less attractive, or isn't available, or is interrupted because
of shop time, fewer passengers want to ride.
The losses in
B.C. Rail on passenger service since 1968 have increased from $184,000
per year to about $933,000 per year. The total losses in respect of
rail service now exceed about $5 million on a cumulative basis in B.C.
Rail, and passenger service is declining. Last year it fell to about
72,000 from about 76,000 the previous year.
The Victoria Times ,
in a wise editorial, commented on the difficulty of passenger service
and passenger traffic generally in this country. May I quote, Mr.
Speaker, from the June 6, 1979, editorial of the Victoria Times ,
which had this to say about passenger rail service, in particular with
respect to the E&N line here on Vancouver Island — but I want to
come back and comment about that relative to new leadership for B.C.
Rail. The editorial says:
"Ironically, rail passenger service has never been more
popular. The E&N is carrying more people than it has in years. Passenger
volume on Amtrak is up. Given the increasing price of gas for private automobile
travel, the trend is likely to continue. Railway passenger service is at a crucial
crossroads. It cannot continue much longer without new investment in more efficient
equipment and improved road beds. Without them railway passenger service will
deteriorate even further. Once abandoned, railway passenger service cannot be
replaced except at tremendous cost. "
And that's exactly where passenger service at B.C. Rail seems to be at
today, a very, very critical crossroads.
Last
summer when the Crown corporations committee sat, executives from B.C.
Rail came forward and provided some very interesting evidence about the
rail service, the passenger division, and the possible future of
passenger rail service, I want to quote from some of the testimony
given to the the Crown corporations committee of this House by those
B.C. Rail executives, because, Mr. Speaker, they underlined the fact
that the reason why passenger service on B.C. Rail has been shrinking
is because of an inability, for financial reasons, to offer better
service or better equipment, and they went on to say that if you could
improve the service and improve the equipment, passenger patronage
would increase.
Now Mr. Sturgeon, who is the vice-president
of marketing and sales for B.C. Rail, had this to say to the Crown
corporations committee just this last July about reasons for the loss
of passenger traffic on B.C. Rail: "I would assume that the basic
reason to reflect the loss in passenger traffic is basically the fact
that we haven't been able to utilize our equipment because of the
problems we have had in the mechanical end of it. " In other words, the
equipment itself accounts for the declining passenger service. It
follows, Mr. Speaker, that an improvement in the equipment would
provide an improvement in passenger volume.
Mr. Sturgeon went on, and again I quote:
"The
biggest single complaint on the railway is that we don't have good
equipment. The equipment is old, it's uncomfortable, it doesn't enhance
the railway in any sense of the word. I feel that if we had good
equipment and provided a better service to the people in the Interior
and what not, we would be able to encourage a considerable number of
passengers on the railway."
In terms of what the railway
might do to provide an ongoing leadership role for service to people in
this province, how interested is B.C. Rail management, Mr. Speaker, in
[ Page 4294 ]
getting
involved in passenger rail service? Again, the evidence of the
executives of B.C. Rail is that if they had some financial support or
capacity to get involved in passenger rail service in a meaningful way,
they would be enthused to do it. Mr. Norris, the president, had this to
say: "We are prepared to cooperate with enthusiasm, provided our
financial health is protected. We would do that enthusiastically." Mr.
Norris gave further evidence that management at B.C. Rail had the
expertise to do a first-rate job in passenger service and could do at
least as good a job as VIA Rail, and at less cost. So I am proposing,
Mr. Speaker, an ongoing leadership role for B.C. Rail. Now that as a
resource railway it is back on the rail, so to speak, the turnaround
has been accomplished — operating at arm's length a businesslike board
of directors, a leadership success story provided by this government —
the next stage of leadership, in my view, is into the passenger service
area.
My proposals are these, Mr. Speaker. First of all, the
immediate establishment, on a priority basis, of a passenger division
of B.C. Rail, and the appointment of a separate vice-president for
passenger services with a separate passenger services budget. Now why
is that important, Mr. Speaker, if B.C. Rail is to have a new
initiative for passenger service? It is important because to date, it
has been a resource railway. If you look through the annual report,
which is about 15 pages long, and full of a lot of valuable data, there
is a total of one and a half lines devoted to the figures on passenger
service, and there is no sign of a senior executive in charge of
passenger service. That, historically, is understandable, given that
the mandate has been to develop a resource railway. But here we have a
railway with an investment in it of about $700 million dollars by the
people of this province, 3,000 employees, annual revenues of about $126
million from operations, and virtually a thimbleful of financial and
human resource presently going to passenger rail service. It is no
wonder the McKenzie commission recommended that the passenger rail
service be discontinued, but only because it was operating at a loss.
And as I say, modern, proper passenger rail service has not been given
a decent chance. That chance should now be provided as a matter of
future leadership at B.C. Rail.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Now,
Mr. Speaker, it is going to take some dollars, as these things do, to
get that going. I would suggest that the provincial government provide
a special passenger service grant of $25 million to B.C. Rail towards
the establishment of the passenger rail service division. That figure
is arrived at subjectively, Mr. Speaker; it is about 10 percent of the
proposed cost in 1980 dollars of the automated light rail system that
is going to serve greater Vancouver. It seems to me if, in 1980, we can
talk about $250 million for automated light rail for greater Vancouver,
then for a passenger rail service to serve the people of the province,
10 percent of that figure is a reasonable suggestion as an initial
funding. In other words, Mr. Speaker, at the same time as we are
committing to a major lower mainland urban light rapid transit system,
let's contribute even a fraction of that capital investment requirement
to get a new passenger rail service going at B.C. Rail.
Mr.
Speaker, what should the purpose of this passenger rail service
division be? It should be to establish a modern, attractive and
efficient passenger rail service for the citizens of British Columbia
for their regular, their commuter and their recreational travel, as
well as to provide a new avenue for tourism development in the province.
The
particulars of that new leadership role which B.C. Rail can undertake
in the passenger area would include the following, and it's no great
difficulty to negotiate the use of alternate and existing railway
roadbeds through right-of-way agreements. So utilizing, as might be
needed, right-of-way agreements to obtain the access and jurisdiction
to run BCR equipment over other rail beds, I would recommend we proceed
as follows.
First, to immediately upgrade the
Vancouver-Prince George rail service, including the immediate
acquisition of new equipment, with the following goals:
a) a regular,
modern and attractive passenger service from Vancouver to Prince
George,
b) the immediate establishment of a Whistler ski train, and I
emphasize the possible use of the Royal Hudson for that purpose this winter with the Whistler ski season almost upon us. The Royal Hudson is a piece of equipment that's available, and given it might take a year to find fresh, new equipment, why not consider the Royal Hudson now? Finally, some look at special Cariboo tourist passenger services summer and winter.
Second,
Mr. Speaker, the taking over of Vancouver Island rail operations, and
utilization of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo railway lines to provide
provision of the following:
a) regular first-rate, comfortable, modern
passenger service up and down Vancouver Island,
b) regular recreational
rail services up and down the island for recreational purposes
including Mount Washington ski trains,
c) special tourist trains and
packages up and down Vancouver Island.
Further, Mr. Speaker,
the establishment of a Fraser Valley commuter recreational GO train on
the south side of the Fraser River which would include the following
components: first a Hope-to-Vancouver and Vancouver-to-Hope commuter GO
service much like the kind of commuter GO service which moves in and
out....
My good friend the member for North
Vancouver–Capilano (Mr. Ree), I believe, has an introduction to make. I
would happily yield for that purpose.
MR. SPEAKER:
Hon. member, any time a member yields the floor of the House, he runs
the risk of losing his place in debate. Is it by leave? Shall leave be
granted?
Leave granted.
MR. REE: I would like leave to introduce some students we have in the gallery, if I may.
MR. SPEAKER: Please proceed.
MR. REE:
It's my pleasure to introduce 55 students from Carson Graham School in
North Vancouver that arrived just a few minutes ago. They are grade
11s, and they are under the guidance of their teacher, Mr. Frank Perry.
I'd
like to point out that possibly during the last session we had more
students from Carson Graham School visit us than any other school in
British Columbia, and I think they'll keep the same record. I ask the
House to welcome them.
MR. HYNDMAN: Thank you, Mr.
Speaker. I certainly should have added that I'd be happy to yield on
the basis that I might be allowed to continue.
In any event, I think, Mr. Speaker, and you, sir, as the member for Chilliwack, would have some special interest in
[ Page 4295 ]
this.
I think the time has come when a commuter type of GO train running from
Hope all the way to Vancouver and back has arrived, and the B.C. Rail
passenger service division could look at that. Additionally, Mr.
Speaker, you, sir, are familiar with the recreational opportunity in
the eastern end of the Fraser Valley — the Hemlock ski area, the
Manning Park ski area, the Skagit Valley, I think the time has come
when British Columbians from the lower mainland would make good use of
a recreational commuter type of rail service where, for example, they
could take speedy rails to Chilliwack, Rosedale and Hope, disembark
there and be bused for a day's skiing, hiking or what have you. So in
addition to the commuter GO service up and down the Fraser Valley, a
recreational service could be provided for winter and summer recreation
to areas like Hemlock Valley, Manning Park and the Skagit Valley.
Then,
in terms of the ongoing leadership role of B.C. Rail and passenger
service, some future planning could include the following. First of
all, a new rail ferry from Vancouver to Nanaimo sponsored by B.C. Rail
and providing all rail connections to and from Vancouver Island on B.C.
Rail. It would be possible for people to go entirely by rail and ferry
from, for example, Chilliwack to Victoria. Additionally, I think the
time has come for a fresh look at the wisdom of a rail spur being built
from Clinton to Cache Creek to provide a passenger rail service to the
Cariboo from the CNR and CPR present mainline roadbeds. B.C. Rail could
look at improving the Vancouver-Seattle passenger service. And B.C.
Rail passenger division, in terms of forward planning, could consider,
and I think it should, providing all rail service in British Columbia
for passengers from Calgary west by taking over all services presently
offered by VIA Rail, and by providing British Columbia-based and
British Columbia managed passenger rail services for all rail travel
within British Columbia.
Within that concept, and providing
modern equipment and modern service with a British Columbia flavour,
people could travel from Calgary west on the rails, on the B.C. rails,
on a special British Columbia rail passenger service, tourist packages,
down the Columbia River Valley from Golden or you could go south from
Salmon Arm into Vernon. The possibilities, Mr. Speaker, are limitless.
With the greatest of respect to VIA Rail and efforts to manage
passenger service from eastern Canada, I think in this province, which
does so well in tourist management and promotion, if we bring the
management of passenger rail service closer to home, we'll do a better
job of that.
In
summary, Mr. Speaker, if B.C. Rail can be
allowed to take a leadership role in passenger rail service, these
kinds of benefits can accrue to all British Columbians: a vital new
transportation link in the province of B.C. for all our citizens; an
easing of road traffic and congestion; the use of an energy-conserving
form of moving people; the provision of an alternative form of
transportation within the province, given the vagaries of weather and
climatic conditions; further, a new link for tourism development
throughout the province, a new assist for recreational enjoyment,
giving access to our citizens for increased recreational opportunities.
It would be a supplement and a complement to the announced lower
mainland ALRT system. Of course, a passenger rail division, with the
requirements of new equipment and new programs, would mean the
provision of jobs, business and industry for our province.
concluding, Mr. Speaker, if we're going to talk about leadership in
this amendment, the record is that the leadership of this government,
the Premier and the minister responsible for B.C. Rail has taken B.C.
Rail as a resource railway to a new level of accomplishment and
success, I submit that it's now time to continue that fine record of
leadership with further leadership, more leadership, new leadership for
B.C. Rail into a passenger service division.
MS. BROWN:
Mr. Speaker, I too would like to add my voice to that of the other
members of the House in welcoming you back into the chair and to
wishing you continued very, very good health.
Before
supporting the amendment, Mr. Speaker, I would also like to express my
thanks and gratitude to my colleague, the second member for Vancouver
Centre (Mr. Barnes), for that very moving and articulate statement
which he made on behalf of all minority-group people in British
Columbia. I know that there is a body of opinion, Mr. Speaker, who
believe that the best way to deal with groups like the Ku Klux Klan is
in silence, but I recognize that that body doesn't take into account
the sense of isolation and loneliness and how vulnerable, really,
minority-group people feel when a group like the Klan invades their
community and such an invasion is met with silence or by silence on the
part of community leaders and inaction on the part of the government.
For that reason and certainly on behalf of all of the young people of
colour in this province, I certainly appreciate and want to thank
specifically the second member for Vancouver Centre, as I said before,
for that very moving statement.
In speaking in support of
the resolution, Mr. Speaker, maybe I should repeat it, because I think
that we may have forgotten, or certainly the Minister for
Intergovernmental Affairs, when he spoke, seemed to indicate that he
had forgotten what the amendment was all about. But in speaking in
support of the amendment, which says that we regret that the Speech
from the Throne failed to reflect the lack of public confidence in the
leadership of this government, I would like to deal certainly with a
number of groups who have come to recognize that there is no leadership
at all from the government of the day. If there is any leadership, it's
certainly not working on their behalf.
The member for
Coquitlam-Moody (Mr. Leggatt), in speaking to this resolution,
mentioned that he thought that the throne speech was written by someone
with a very distorted sense of humour. I want to support that
statement, because it would take a very distorted sense of humour,
indeed, to make a statement such as: "My government believes that
individual British Columbians have six basic aims in life: to enjoy the
best possible health; to be protected by an evenhanded, fair system of
government; to attain financial security; to live in a healthy
environment'' — and specifically — "to enjoy equality of opportunity
and treatment." That's the one I want to deal with specifically,
because it's a very cruet, cruel statement to talk about full equality
of opportunity and treatment when one thinks about certain groups in
our society who, certainly under this government, have been very badly
used and have had no equality of opportunity whatsoever.
The
first group I want to deal with are the disabled, As you know, Mr.
Speaker, next year, 1981, has been designated by the United Nations as
the International Year of the Disabled, The whole reason for having an
international year is so governments around the world can involve
themselves in positive, aggressive initiatives toward improving the
lives
[ Page 4296 ]
disabled people in their communities. To this extent, some governments
have not waited. Some governments have made public announcements to
that effect. Certainly the federal government has already struck an
all-party committee to travel around the country to listen to groups
that work with disabled citizens or groups that are disabled themselves
speak and make statements about the kinds of changes that they would
like to see come about in this year which has been designated to be for
their special concern.
Certainly some other governments,
such as the governments of Saskatchewan and Ontario, have already made
concrete kinds of efforts in the direction of trying to enhance the
quality of life of the disabled people in their particular jurisdiction.
In British Columbia a group which is known as SPARC — and everyone knows about
SPARC, because certainly it's one of the community organizations which has
worked very, very hard on behalf of a number of disadvantaged groups in our
society down through the years — decided to grab the initiative and begin preparing
for the International Year of the Disabled. Recognizing that the disabled community
did not want this year to be a government year, did not want buttons, song books,
scrolls, badges and ice-cream cones on the lawn, and didn't want the year
to be treated in the way the International Year of the Child was treated or
ignored in the way the International Women's Year was ignored, SPARC appealed
to the government for funding so that they could in some way do what the federal
all-party committee is doing: canvass the disabled community and work with them
in terms of preparing for this year. This request for funding was turned down
by the government. Certainly that's a clear indication of the failure on
the part of this government to extend equality of opportunity to that particular
sector.
a matter of fact, the only comment that we've heard about it so far is
in the Speech from the Throne, which says there are going to be some
amendments to the regulations in the Human Rights Code, and I'll talk
about that to a greater extent later.
First of all, Mr.
Speaker, in case you are under the impression that there are just a
handful of people who are touched by this, in British Columbia there
are 12,935 people who are in receipt of handicapped benefits. As you
know, it's very, very difficult in this province to quality for
handicapped benefits. So if there are nearly 13,000 people who qualify,
you can be sure that the number of people who would be considered to be
disabled would certainly be closer to 15,000, 16,000 or 17,000.
This
is the group that SPARC wanted to work with. They wanted to work with
them in terms of community projects and help them to prepare for the
International Year of the Disabled. And this is the group that was
turned down by this government.
The government of
Saskatchewan has already established a committee of representatives
from governments, organizations working with the disabled, and agencies
serving disabled and handicapped people to start preparing for the
International Year of the Disabled. This government has done absolutely
nothing in that regard.
A very small group of disabled
people from Victoria demonstrated on the day the Legislature opened and
asked for a number of things. One of the basic things they asked for
was that the Human Rights Code be amended to include protection against
discrimination in either housing or employment or whatever based on the
fact that they are disabled. Instead, what they received was a
commitment in the throne speech to look at the regulations to the code
and do something with the regulations, and that's not good enough. In
fact, what has to happen is what happened in Ontario and what happened
in Saskatchewan, where the code itself was opened and amended to ensure
that discrimination against this particular group did not occur.
We have an example which was reported in the Vancouver Sun
of October 25, 1980, where a landlord refused to rent accommodation to
a man because he was in a wheelchair. This man was married and he had
children, but the landlord very clearly stated that he did not want to
rent his accommodation to someone who was in a wheelchair