British Columbia Hansard — Monday, March 10, 1980 — Afternoon Sitting (32nd Parliament, 2nd Session)
32p 02s 800310p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1980 Legislative Session: 2nd Session, 32nd Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
MONDAY, MARCH 10, 1980
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
1341 ]
CONTENTS
Routine proceedings
Oral questions.
Administration of justice. Hon. Mr. Williams replies –– 1342
Speech from the Throne.
Hon. Mr. McClelland –– 1344
Mr. King –– 1348
Hon. Mr. Bennett –– 1350
Division –– 1363
Ministerial statement
Revised Statutes of British Columbia.
Hon. Mr. Gardom –– 1363
Mr. Howard –– 1364
MONDAY, MARCH 10, 1980
The House met at 2 p.m.
Prayers.
MR. SPEAKER: Before we proceed, hon. members, it is my
pleasure to draw to your attention that today is Commonwealth Day. It
is on this day that we have chosen to put on your desks a recent
publication regarding the parliament buildings — of which we almost
feel we are a part, don't we?
We also have a message from the chairman of the association's
executive committee, Hon. Ripton MacPherson, who is the Speaker of the
House of Representatives in Jamaica. With your indulgence, I would like
to read that message to you.
"It seems appropriate that a Commonwealth Day message
has afforded me the first opportunity of communicating with all the
branches of the association since my election in New Zealand as
chairman of the executive committee of the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association. It is an honour to be able to serve in this capacity, and
I look forward to working constructively with all branches throughout
the Commonwealth.
"Over the years the Commonwealth has evolved into a
major international organization, with a membership of 42 sovereign
states. Not surprisingly, therefore, its functions and activities have
increased significantly, and its role in international affairs has
received great recognition.
"The relationship which has developed among its
members is of inestimable value, not only because of the shared
experience and the consultative nature of the relationship but also
because of the practical nature of Commonwealth cooperation and its
concern for matters with which we can all closely identify.
"Within the Commonwealth there is continuous
wide-ranging intergovernmental cooperation in such areas as education,
health, youth, law, and various forms of technical assistance. It is,
however, the special responsibility of the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association to actively encourage the growth and the development of
appropriate parliamentary systems within the member states of the
Commonwealth. The association, therefore, warmly welcomes Norfolk
Island, and the return of Bangladesh, Ghana and Swaziland to its
membership and hopes that in the very near future it will have the
pleasure of receiving delegates from Nigeria and Zimbabwe-Rhodesia at
its conferences.
"As we observe the occasion of Commonwealth Day, it is
my deep belief that this group of nations, with its time-honoured
traditions, its rich diversities and strong sense of community, will
continue through its parliamentarians to inspire and provide leadership
in the pursuit of new, cooperative and mutually beneficial
relationships among states of the international community."
The Provincial Secretary has some guests.
HON. MR. WOLFE: Mr. Speaker, I have the pleasure ….
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: They are guests in connection with Commonwealth Day.
HON. MR. WOLFE: I had the pleasure of representing the
provincial government yesterday at the church service in honour of
Commonwealth Day at Christ Church Cathedral in Vancouver. On the floor
of the Legislature today we have representatives of their lower
mainland and Victoria society. I have the pleasure to introduce Mr.
George Kidd, president of the local society; Mr. James McPherrin,
honorary secretary; Mr. Philip Kitley, chairman; and representing
Vancouver and the lower mainland, Mrs. Joyce Basham. I ask the House to
welcome them.
MR. BARRETT: Mr. Speaker, I would like to add my greetings to
the representatives of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and
extend to you a thank-you for reading out the message. I would
particularly welcome the opportunity, perhaps sometime during this
session, if the House itself could respond to a motion from, perhaps,
the government, and seconded by the opposition, to reach out a hand on
the return of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia to the Commonwealth and the
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association.
It is to be recognized that in a world of turmoil, under Lord
Carrington's able leadership, the negotiations that led to free
elections in Zimbabwe did take place without any further armed
conflict. I think that those of us who are members of the Commonwealth
can point with pride to the results of the manner in which the election
was conducted. I extend an open-hand "welcome back" to
Zimbabwe-Rhodesia and an open message to the rest of the world that,
even with difficulties and differences of opinion in the Commonwealth,
we have hung together for a long time. It's an example which can show
the rest of the world what a Commonwealth can do.
MR. BARNES: Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the House to
join me in light of this being Commonwealth Day in welcoming three
people in the galleries who share something in common with the first
member for Vancouver Centre (Mr. Lauk) and myself. They are members of
our staff in the constituency: Mrs. Dorris Mutch, Wendy Davis and
Thelma Pankiw.
HON. MR. CHABOT: Mr. Speaker, we have in the galleries today
47 students from the Golden Elementary School and their teachers, John
Wirtanen and R. Brett. I would like the House to join me in welcoming
them.
MR. LEA: Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the Legislature to
join with me this afternoon in welcoming to Mr. Speaker's gallery
Maureen O'Brien, who is visiting us from San Francisco, California.
HON. MR. HEWITT: Mr. Speaker, it's my pleasure today to
introduce a constituent of Richmond, Mrs. Jean Nielsen, who is not only
a constituent of Richmond but also the wife of our Minister of Consumer
and Corporate Affairs, Hon. Jim Nielsen. I'd also like to mention, Mr.
Speaker, that it happens to be the Nielsens' nineteenth wedding
anniversary today, March 10, and I hope the House will give them its
congratulations.
[ Page 1342 ]
MS. SANFORD: Mr. Speaker, I have four guests today from the constituency
of Comox and I would like the House to join me in giving a warm welcome to Ruth
Munn, Marge Whelon, Kay Chapman and Pepper McLeod.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Mr. Speaker, I would ask the members of our Legislature
to welcome Mr. William Dyson, who is the executive director of the Vanier Institute
of the Family. He is visiting us from Ottawa.
MR. BARRETT: Mr. Speaker, I rise to welcome my first three
guests this session. They are my two sons, Dan and Joe, and their
friend Cindy Milner from Ottawa.
MR. RITCHIE: Mr. Speaker, I am proud to introduce two guests
to the House today: a life-long friend of mine, my sister Freda Munch
from Victoria, and my wife of thirty years, Maud Ritchie. Would you
please extend a welcome.
MR. COCKE: Mr. Speaker, I would like to introduce two guests
from the far-off royal city of New Westminster. John and Hazel Wallace
are visiting us today, and I'd like the House to welcome them.
MRS. WALLACE: From not-so-far-off Duncan, in the heart of
Cowichan-Malahat, I would like the House to join me in welcoming two of
my constituents, good friends John and Doris Starkey.
Hon. Mr. Wolfe tabled the seventh annual report of the Insurance
Corporation of British Columbia for the 10 months ending December 31,
Oral Questions
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker, on March 3, 1980, the hon.
second member for Vancouver East (Mr. Macdonald) posed certain
questions which I took on notice. I'd like to respond now; the answers
are very brief.
The first question was: "Will the Attorney-General indicate to the
House the date on which he had a conversation about this matter with
his Deputy Attorney-General over the allegations?" My answer is, I had
several conversations with the Deputy Attorney-General: first on
November 26, 1979; second on December 17, 1979; third on December 20,
1979; and for the fourth time on January 9, 1980.
Question: "Did the Attorney-General have new information at the time
he made that decision?" Answer: the question is unanswerable, as I did
not make the decision.
Third: "Having been advised prior to December 18, 1979, that a
statement was to be made, did the Attorney General investigate as to
what the statement was to be or on what grounds it was going to be made
before the press statement was to be issued?" The answer is no.
Question: "On what basis did he decide that a release should be made
by the Associate Deputy Attorney-General? On what grounds did he make
that release? Apparently the Attorney-General approved it." The answer:
it's not the policy to make news releases with respect to the decisions
rising out of criminal investigations, either that charges are to be
laid or are not to be laid. In light of the attention that had been
given to this matter over several weeks, I concluded that the general
policy should be relaxed. The timing of the release and its content
were nevertheless left entirely to the discretion of Mr. McDiarmid.
Question: "Can he inform the house what additional information
either he or Mr. Vogel, his Deputy Attorney General, or his Associate
Deputy Attorney-General or any other member of the Attorney-General's
ministry had over and above what the RCMP had and recommended, and over
and above what regional counsel had and recommended, that led him to
the decision that the decision not to proceed should be upheld? Was
there any additional information?" Answer: the question is unanswerable
because, as I said in the response to an earlier question, I did not
make the decision.
There was a question by the hon. first member for Vancouver Centre
(Mr. Lauk): "Did the RCMP conduct an investigation into that meeting" —
referring to a meeting between the hon. member for Central Fraser
Valley (Mr. Ritchie) and others — "with a view to charges being laid
for obstruction of justice under the Criminal Code?" Answer: the RCMP
investigation included the meeting of October 17, 1979, to which the
hon. first member referred. The question of obstruction of justice was
considered, and no basis for such charges was found.
MR. MACDONALD: Relating to the same matter, I ask the
Attorney-General: did the RCMP report on this matter either recommend
or — it's in two parts — set out grounds whereby it could be concluded
there was an infraction of law that should be dealt with or proceeded
with?
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker, I've never seen the RCMP
report with respect to this matter. Therefore I can't respond to the
question. But I would be happy to take it as notice, make further
inquiries and bring the answers back.
MR. LAUK: With respect to the investigation of the meeting on
October 17, first of all, the Attorney-General indicated he hasn't seen
the police report. How did he conclude, then, that the report did not
indicate a charge of obstruction of justice may or may not have arisen
as a result of that meeting?
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: I was advised by the Assistant Deputy Attorney-General, Mr. McDiarmid.
MR. LAUK: Did the Attorney-General indicate to the House
whether or not that investigation included a possible charge of public
mischief on the part of Henry Friesen?
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: The advice I have from the Assistant
Deputy Attorney-General is that Mr. Friesen's conduct in the matter was
considered and there was no suggestion of ill motive on his part.
Therefore no such charge would lie.
MR. LEGGATT: Mr. Speaker, my supplementary is also to the
Attorney-General on this matter. In answer to a question last week as
to whether the Attorney-General had consulted or contacted outside
counsel, could the Attorney General now advise the House whether, in
contacting outside counsel, the subject of who would issue the release
— whether it would be himself or his deputy — was a matter that was
canvassed with outside counsel?
[ Page 1343 ]
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: The answer is no.
MR. MACDONALD: I have a supplementary on the same subject,
Mr. Speaker. I ask the Attorney-General whether he saw the report on
this case, made by the regional Crown counsel, who I think was a Mr.
Holmes, from the Fraser Valley region. Has the Attorney-General seen
that at any time?
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: I understood the member's question was about the police report; but I haven't seen....
MR. MACDONALD: No, this is a different question; I'm asking about the regional Crown counsel's report.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: The answer is no.
MR. MACDONALD: Mr. Speaker, I ask the Attorney General, who
issued a public statement that he had concluded that Mr. McDiarmid was
correct in his decision, how he could possibly make such a statement
without having looked at either the police report or the report from
Crown counsel. How could you satisfy yourself?
AN HON. MEMBER: That's not a proper question.
MR. MACDONALD: I have a further question, Mr. Speaker. Has
the Attorney-General questioned as to how this particular case, which
was in the Fraser Valley area and did not involve a major charge, came
to be summonsed to Victoria to be laid on the desk of the associate
deputy minister, and, presumably, the deputy minister, and possibly the
minister? Why did it come to Victoria, and why was it not treated in
the ordinary way as a prosecution to be undertaken or not undertaken by
regional Crown counsel?
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker, may I make it abundantly
clear, because the member touched upon that obliquely in his question,
that the matter did not come to the desk of the Attorney-General.
In specific answer to his question as to how it came to the
Assistant Deputy Attorney-General: it had been earlier referred to him
during the process of the investigation.
MR. MACDONALD: Mr. Speaker, leaving that subject for the time
being, I have a question to the Minister of Intergovernmental
Relations. I ask that hon. minister to advise the House if, in view of
the serious allegations of Bruce Donald, relating to the Andrew Rigg
case, which were made in a letter of November 15, 1978, he determined
whether or not Richard Vogel, the deputy minister, did personally know
the accused or the Riggs family.
HON. MR. GARDOM: In response to the hon. member, Mr. Speaker,
not being in the House on Friday, nor having an opportunity to speak to
the House, I would like to inform the hon. members — as I informed the
press on Friday morning — that following the receipt of the letter from
Mr. Bruce Donald, I met with Mr. Neil McDiarmid, the assistant deputy
minister of criminal law. I informed him of the matters that were
contained in the letter from Mr. Donald. I instructed him to look into
it, to take whatever action he deemed appropriate, and whatever action
he deemed necessary, and to report to me.
After that, Mr. Member, I met with Mr. Donald and informed him of
the course that I had taken with Mr. McDiarmid, and I requested Mr.
Donald to give Mr. McDiarmid his full cooperation.
I have since determined that it is correct that Mr. Vogel knows the doctor in question.
MR. MACDONALD: Mr. Speaker, I suggest to the hon. minister
that the request was that he investigate this matter, not Mr.
McDiarmid. But leaving that aside, I ask you....
HON. MR. GARDOM: Hon. member, I asked Mr. McDiarmid to investigate it. Let that be abundantly clear.
MR. MACDONALD: I ask the hon. minister, in view of the fact
that a charge and an appeal was abandoned on the instructions of a
deputy who, he found out, either then or shortly thereafter, was a
personal acquaintance of the accused, or his family, why the minister
took no action at what would appear to have been a partiality creeping
into the justice system, which is totally unacceptable under the
British common law.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Mr. Speaker, the hon. member is drawing a
conclusion that is not a conclusion according to the facts that I
received, and it is an incorrect conclusion on the part of the hon.
member.
I requested a course of action be taken. There were a number of
meetings held, and following those meetings I was informed, both by Mr.
Donald and by Mr. McDiarmid, that the matters had been resolved.
Insofar as the doctor situation is concerned, it was an error of
judgment on the part of the Deputy Attorney General, Mr. Vogel. There
was no mala fides whatsoever.
Insofar as the witness situation with Mr. Farris and Miss King is
concerned, Mr. Vogel was expressing a lawyer's opinion. The attorney is
looking into these matters, and no doubt you will receive a full and
complete report from him.
MR. MACDONALD: Mr. Speaker, I ask the minister just to make
it clear that the minister took no action whatsoever against Mr. Vogel
at that time, when he found that he was intervening in this case and
was acquainted with the accused.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Again to bring this very, very clearly home
in point of time, these matters came to my attention as a result of the
correspondence from Mr. Donald, which was November 15, 1978. The
doctor's case had arisen about a year and a half ago. I received a
report from Mr. McDiarmid when he had concluded his responsibilities.
It's fair to say, Mr. Minister, that I was distressed with what had
happened; I was distressed with an error in judgment. And it was a
mistake in judgment. I had the greatest confidence in the integrity and
in the capacities of Mr. Richard Vogel; I still have that confidence.
MR. MACDONALD: I have a supplementary question to the
minister. Why was Mr. Richard Vogel intervening in that one case out of
the tens of thousands that take place every year in the province of
British Columbia — and taking a very active interest in the Rigg case,
as he clearly was? Did the minister investigate that and inquire why
this intervention
[ Page 1344 ]
from Victoria should be taking place in that particular charge?
MR. SPEAKER: The member is seeking an opinion in the first part, but the second
part is in order.
HON. MR. GARDOM: I informed the hon. member in the House
today the very same thing I informed Mr. McDiarmid. I said: "Mr.
McDiarmid, will you please look into this matter? Look into it very,
very carefully and take whatever action you deem to be appropriate and
necessary in the circumstances." I received the report, the report was
an error in judgement, and it was an unfortunate error in judgment, but
I consider that at that point in time that was satisfactory. The
information I received then…. Mr. Member, I'll tell you this: if I
received the same information today, knowing Mr. Vogel as I know him, I
would still be quite satisfied with the information that I received.
There has been a scurrilous attack upon this man.
MR. MACDONALD: Did the ministry reply to the letter of Mr.
Bruce Donald, the Crown counsel in Vancouver, which was dated November
15, 1978? Did you reply in writing to that letter?
HON. MR. GARDOM: No.
MR. BARRETT: A serious charge like that and you didn't respond.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Ah, the Leader of the Opposition is chirping
up now. Hon. Leader of the Opposition, I acted immediately and
requested that it be looked into, thank you very much.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. We are in question period now, hon. members, and interruptions are not provided for.
MR. MACDONALD: The present Attorney-General has said that he
has had no prior knowledge of the matters referred to, either in the
CBC broadcast or the letter of Mr. Donald, until very recently. Can the
Minister of Intergovernmental Relations explain to the House why he
didn't inform his successor of this serious problem surrounding the
administration of justice through his deputy minister in the province
of British Columbia?
HON. MR. GARDOM: First of all, Mr. Speaker, it was not a problem; it had been concluded. We had general discussions.
Orders of the Day
SPEECH FROM THE THRONE
(continued debate)
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: Mr. Speaker, it gives me a great deal of
pleasure to rise at this time, during this session of the Legislature,
to support the speech of His Honour Henry Bell-Irving, the
Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, one of the finest throne
speeches that we've had before this House in all of British Columbia's
history. I hope that I can bring to this chamber some of the thoughts
that I have and reasons for which I bring that most enthusiatic support.
But first, any debate of a throne speech is necessarily a debate on
the leadership of the government, of the way in which the government is
planning the fortunes of its province over the next years and decades
and into the long-term future. It's also, Mr. Speaker, necessarily, a
debate about the leadership of the leader of the province, the Premier
of British Columbia. I intend to speak to some degree about that as
well.
It's difficult to speak about that leadership without going back in
history just a bit to talk about the leadership of the past. One of the
hon. members on the other side — I believe it was the member for
Coquitlam-Moody (Mr. Leggatt) — referred during his comments to this
government as a "temporary government." Well, as a temporary government
I'd just like to remind this House and yourself, Mr. Speaker, that in
the last 28 years in British Columbia the people of this province have
chosen Social Credit government for about 25 of those 28 years. If
that's temporary government, we like it and the people of British
Columbia like it.
I don't think we need to go back a long way in history to trace the
pattern of leadership that we've been experiencing in British Columbia,
but we could go back, I think, to those last few months of 1975. The
New Democratic Party was on its final legs, close to an election, in
disarray — yes, on its knees and wondering what to do next. They had
one of the finest and most golden opportunities that any government had
ever been given in all of the history of this province: a full purse,
opportunities abounding in all of the resources that were available in
British Columbia, people willing to work and willing to support them in
their bold, new experiment — a golden opportunity, Mr. Speaker, to
carry on with government for years and years. It's all lying in ruins
because of some 39 months of improper management of the province's
finances, of its social programs, and its caucus is dismayed. They are
dismayed at how those people who served with it as their government
took this opportunity and threw it away — cast it to the winds.
We hear lots of talk from the opposite side about some of the lively
cabinet meetings and lively caucus meetings that we have on this side
now. Mr. Speaker, I can can tell you, having been around in those days,
that poor, dismayed and dishevelled caucus was wondering how it threw
those opportunities away, and those caucus meetings, Mr. Speaker, were
wild. They were noisy; they could be heard in the Sooke hills. They
even kept the hon. member for Burnaby Willingdon (Mr. Lorimer) awake.
The fights in caucus were tremendous, and not much wonder, because they
had taken this province from a shining and glorious opportunity to a
province which was reeling economically and socially.
I remember some of those leaders, Mr. Speaker, in those dying months
of 1975 — the Hon. Mr. Nicolson was the Minister of Housing, I believe.
Do you remember the Casa Loma affair? A quarter of a million dollars of
taxpayers' money was thrown away. It might be interesting, too, with
the news these days about uranium moratoriums, to remember that it was
that same hon. member who gave a shining speech, I believe in his own
constituency, about the need for nuclear power in British Columbia. It
wasn't much longer after that, Mr. Speaker, that that member was in the
cabinet, and not much longer after that that the government issued an
order allowing uranium exploration.
[ Page 1345 ]
How many of you remember the Meadowbrook affair in Coquitlam? The
member for Coquitlam-Moody (Mr. Leggatt) probably had some knowledge of
it while he was a federal member. It was an example of leadership where
hundreds of people saw their hopes dashed because of inaction and
mismanagement by the Minister of Housing.
AN HON. MEMBER: It works good now.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: Lots of things are working good now, Mr. Member. Thank God.
I remember Mr. King, the Minister of Labour in those days, being
pushed around by the labour bosses while the labour people were on
strike. There were pickets up all over this province. It was the most
disastrous three years of labour harmony in the history of this
province with that kind of leadership.
I remember Hon. Mr. Strachan, who was Minister of Transport and
Communications at that time, exiled to London in shame after having
completely demoralized what had been the finest B.C. Ferries fleet in
the world. I remember Mr. Cocke, who was Minister of Health, almost in
tears, Mr. Speaker....
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. I think I can anticipate the point of order. The member for Nelson-Creston.
MR. NICOLSON: Having drawn your attention to the order of not using Christian names in addressing people....
MR. SPEAKER: Any members of former administrations who are still members of the House are now referred to by their constituency.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: Mr. Speaker, I appreciate that. Thank
you. I just didn't want anyone to make any mistake about whom I was
speaking. I wouldn't want someone else to take the blame for some of
these things.
The former Minister of Health, the present member for New
Westminster (Mr. Cocke), was almost in tears in this House because many
of the programs that he had promised, in terms of health facilities in
this province, were falling down in a shambles. The British Columbia
Medical Centre was losing millions per month, and Arthur Erickson was
on retainer at $50,000 a month and doing nothing. A children's hospital
which the member for New Westminster desperately wanted was being put
forward in terms that no government could afford. There were so many
programs. The ambulance service which he had so proudly introduced only
a couple of years before — I'm sure that the member for New Westminster
was in tears when he had to shut down the training programs because
there was no money left. All of us felt bad about that, but it was
because of the mismanagement and unreasonable activities of that group
of leaders that those kinds of things were happening.
The member who used to be the member for Coquitlam — he was the
Minister of Human Resources; I can't remember who he's the member for
now — had bankrupted the Human Resources ministry. He showed no signs
of understanding where he'd gone wrong. But the suffering was felt not
by us in this Legislature, but by those people who weren't able to get
programs because of that financial mismanagement.
The member for Vancouver Centre, who at that point at least, I
believe, was Minister of Mines and perhaps Minister of Economic
Development — I'm not quite sure — had put his dark business suit on
and attempted to tell the mining industry: "Well, we want to help you.
We'll do what we can to get you back in business," after having put
them out of business, after having helped them in the Yukon, in Alberta
and in other places outside of British Columbia.
The former member for Vancouver East, Mr. Williams, is no longer in
this House. All of that didn't bother him much; nothing fazed him. He
just went right on with his Machiavellian ways, planning and
destroying. As a matter of fact, when it was all tumbling down among
those other members, and those wild caucus meetings were carrying on,
Mr. Williams didn't even bother to stay around British Columbia. He
went down, I think it was to Minnesota or some place, and told them
down there that the reason his government was in so much trouble was
because the CIA had infiltrated the government and was about to take
over the politics of British Columbia.
There was that famous and always-remembered minister Mr. Nunweiler from the
north, who was labelled by Mr. Lester, the mayor of Prince Rupert, as "the
Ann Landers of the north." As a matter of fact, when that headline in the
newspaper came out about Mr. Nunweiler being the champion of the north, I took
the opportunity to write a little limerick, which I would like to share with
the House at this point — "When Prince Rupert Mayor Names Mr. Nunweiler
Ann Landers of the North." The limerick goes like this:
There once was a minister named Annie
Who flew by the seat of his fanny
His big claim to glory
Was a pay lavatory
In Prince George, which had once been uncanny.
In all of this we also remember the first member for Vancouver East,
the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Barrett), who was desperately trying
to find a way to get out of playing Mortimer Snerd to Mr. Williams'
Edgar Bergen. One of the worst criticisms of leadership, I guess, that
could be made of that group in those dying months of 1975 was that they
didn't do anything.
When we came into office — I think every minister here will confirm
this — there were stacks and stacks of orders-in-council, government
business, which had been lying on the desks for three, four, five or
six months. It had not been handled, because they were in shock, I
guess — numbed by their disastrous incompetence and unable to deal with
the issues of the day. Money orders, Treasury Board orders,
orders-in-council leading to projects in communities all over British
Columbia — none of them were dealt with, because that group was
incapable of dealing with them.
During those wild and woolly caucus meetings one voice was being
heard loud and clear. That was the now second member for Surrey (Mr.
Hall), who was then the Provincial Secretary, desperately trying to
convince his colleagues to get a new pension bill through before they
got defeated at the polls. I can remember the lobbies going on in this
House about that. Because they saw the writing on the wall. They knew
what was coming. They knew that their lack of leadership had in fact
put them out of business, and they wanted a way to cushion the fall.
The election came too soon.
The Premier of the day was reduced to threatening farmers,
threatening sawmill owners from the north, making obscene remarks to
female columnists and in general making
[ Page 1346 ]
this province the laughing-stock of Canada. We have
heard a lot about dirty tricks. Those leaders in those dying months of
1975 played the dirtiest tricks of all on the people of British
Columbia.
I want to make a couple of other comments about some of the things
that have been said in the debate so far, because I feel a lot of them
very deeply. One of them was a remark made by the member for Prince
Rupert (Mr. Lea) when he referred to some things that happened in this
Legislature during the course of the previous government. One of them
was about some cheques of the former Minister of Human Resources.
I remember those cheques. There was a lot of concern about whether
or not someone had added something to those cheques. But everybody
forgot the real issue. The real issue was that that member broke the
law. The Attorney-General of the day just ignored it, stonewalled it
and let it pass. And the press let it pass. That member broke the law,
just as clearly as anything that we have ever had before us. And it
passed.
The member for Shuswap-Revelstoke (Mr. King), drowning in his own
bitterness, said in this House some of the most despicable things I
have heard since I have been in politics, clearly attempting to place
some kind of guilt on a member of this House where none should have
been placed. He certainly had no nerve to repeat outside this House the
statements he made, which are in Hansard
for all to see. It is without a doubt a despicable action, because it
didn't come by accident; it was coldly and carefully calculated to do
exactly what it did, cast some aspersions of a criminal nature on a
member of this House where no aspersions could possibly be cast.
I have heard some people saying they were surprised that it would
come from that member, who generally holds himself out as being better
than that. But I am not surprised, because it is the tactic which has
clearly been decided upon, again coldly, carefully and calculatingly,
by the members on that side of the House, and they mean to carry it
through. They will have their own consciences to deal with, but I felt
it would be derelict of me not to tell this House how I felt about that
statement particularly. It doesn't make me proud to be a member of this
assembly.
I want to deal for a moment with the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard).
Again, it doesn't surprise me that those statements came from the
member for Skeena, or from any member on the opposite side of the
House, because the truth will always out. That member, in opening his
comments about the Speech from the Throne, referred to the free
enterprise system as heartless, and as being driven by money, power and
greed.
Interjection.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: Thank you, Mr. Member, because each time
you do that it only serves to help our cause. And I hope that you will
say that in public too — that you believe that the free enterprise
system is driven by money, power and greed. I hope that you will tell
that to all the businessmen in the Victoria Chamber of Commerce, Mr.
Second Member for Victoria (Mr. Hanson), because it's important that
they know how you feel, if you are to continue to represent that
constituency in this House. And I know you will tell them, because
you're a truthful member.
I hope, too, that those members will make it very clear that they
believe that the free enterprise system is driven by money, power and
greed to Len Friesen, who apparently is the head of that phony NDP
front called the Independent Businessmen of British Columbia. I hope
they'll tell Len, so he can save his money in the next election; he
won't have to spend all his money on those television ads. Speaking of
dirty tricks, Mr. Speaker.... I didn't want to bring this up, but the
so-called Independent Businessmen of British Columbia — I think I've
got the name correct, but it's close — spent a lot of money, with Mr.
Friesen telling how he voted NDP, and how many more of his members were
voting NDP. Funny part of this was, no matter how hard we tried we
could never find an organization which was called the Independent
Businessmen of British Columbia, or whatever it was that Mr. Friesen
called his association. He didn't have an association and he didn't
have any members. You think that's not a dirty trick, Mr. Speaker, to
go on television and promote an absolutely phony association?
HON. MR. WOLFE: Bogus.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: That's what it was, absolutely bogus.
I hope that in the next newsletters put out by the members opposite, they'll include a copy of the Hansard
in which the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard) announced that free
enterprise is driven by money, power and greed, and I hope they'll send
copies of those newsletters — and I know they will — to all those small
businessmen that they say they represent, that they've been courting,
that the members for Vancouver East will send a copy of Hansard
to all of those little grocery stores and barbershops and restaurants
along Commercial Drive and Hastings Street, and tell them that their
free enterprise is driven by money, power and greed. I hope they'll
send copies of Hansard to all
of those people throughout this province who put their savings on the
line, mortgage their homes, take out bank loans, to take
part in the
development of this province, and I hope that they'll tell them that
that action means that they're driven by money, power and greed. I hope
that they'll send copies of Hansard
— because I think we might if they don't — to all of those people who
have put their lives on the line to make a better place for their kids.
Are they driven by money, power and greed? Are all those people who
have put their lives, and those of their families, on the line to build
this economy, to provide for the social needs of the people of this
province, driven by money, power and greed? All of those people have
put their lives on the line to build the wealth of this country. I hope
they'll send a little note to all of them, and tell them that they're
heartless, and that they're driven only by money, power and greed.
I've had an opportunity to talk about the way leadership was in this
province in those dying months of 1975, and I know that the members
opposite would very much like to shift the public's attention away from
those dying months, and, in fact, the 39 months that preceded them —
the 1,200 days. But no matter how much the Leader of the Opposition
puts on his moderate suit, the truth always comes out. The truth always
comes out, as it did in that marvellous speech by the member for
Skeena, because those members opposite have a commitment to destroying
the enterprise of individuals — not a commitment, Mr. Speaker, but an
obsession. That obsession will always win; no matter how moderate they
attempt to be, it always comes out.
I mentioned Mr. Williams talking down in the United States about the CIA invading the politics of British Col-
[ Page 1347 ]
umbia. And it came out there too. He told a group down there that capitalism is the root of social problems.
AN HON. MEMBER: Is this the Mr. Williams who...?
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: That's that free enterpriser who is in the pub business now, yes.
Every time the opposite side attempts to become moderate, that
obsession gets hold of them and pulls it out of them, like when the
member for Nelson-Creston (Mr. Nicolson) said, "It's high time we took
control of real estate in this province," and when the member for
Vancouver-Burrard and the member for North Island (Mr. Gabelmann) and
the member for Comox (Ms. Sanford) made the same kinds of comments,
because it always comes out.
What did Mr. Barrett, the member for Vancouver East, the Leader of
the Opposition, himself have to say shortly after his defeat? I always
get a kick out of rereading this because it strengthens my enthusiasm
to do everything I can to make sure that the people of B.C. know about
members opposite. I read this quite often, Mr. Speaker. There were lots
of them in all the papers, but this particular one is from an editorial
in the Colonist on December
30, 1976, a very short while — about a year — after the defeat. The
member for Vancouver East said at that time: "Social workers should use
politics for social change. They should learn practical things like how
to pack a meeting and how to subvert existing political processes. The
system is wide open. You can do anything you want with it."
AN HON. MEMBER: That was down in Nova Scotia.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: That was a Nova Scotia speech, yes.
Do you know what else he said, Mr. Speaker, at that time? He told
the social workers to subvert the political process and "do anything
you want with it." But then, what else did he say? He also said: "The
Social Credit government will not spend any money to develop resources.
Things are getting worse in the province and I'm loving every minute of
it."
Interjection.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: Yes, he said that the United Way should
be done away with, as well as the Boy Scouts, and the Easter Seals and
all volunteer groups.
Mr. Speaker, I read that comment again only to remind this House
that regardless of what kind of pin-striped suits and moderate tones
that Leader of the Opposition takes on, no matter how often he says,
"Sorry, fellows; I know we were bad guys, but we'll reform, we'll be
fiscally responsible and we'll never do it again, trust us," we know
that that obsession will drag the truth out. The people of B.C.
remember the theme song of that former government and that former
Premier, that great country music song: "If I Had to Do It All Over
Again, I'd Do It All Over You." It's not much wonder that this group on
that side of the House has embarked on what I consider to be an
exercise in hallucination, because they don't have a hope of either
defending their own inadequacies or seriously criticizing the
achievements of this government.
Other members have dealt more than adequately with the comments that
were made about our so-called lack of input at the federal scene. I
don't need to go on on that, because it's been well put forward in this
House, except to say that it might do the opposition members some good
to read what British Columbia has done, to read what British Columbia
put forward as our constitutional proposals, leading Canada in putting
forward those proposals delivered to the first ministers' conference in
1978. I would commend that as mandatory reading for all members in this
House and, certainly, for those members opposite.
Mr. Speaker, I don't have much more time, and I wanted to go on
about a lot of things that deal with the way in which this government's
leadership has put this province into a position of envy, not only in
Canada but all over North America.
We know what happened to the mining industry in this province during
the term of the NDP government. We know now, Mr. Speaker, that mining
exploration and opportunities are at an all-time high in British
Columbia, rivalling those exploration booms of the 1960s. We know that
from a time when oil and gas exploration and development in this
province's northeast were shut down — and I mean literally shut down —
we now have oil and gas development in this province, and it is one of
our major cornerstones for the future of the development of British
Columbia.
I deliberately didn't want to use a lot of figures in this speech,
but there are two or three which might be of interest. They have to do
with the total number of wells drilled in 1975 — 82, Mr. Speaker; in
1978 — 408; in 1979, the last figures we have — 400 and growing.
Exploration dollars. In 1975, oil and gas brought in about $180
million to this province; in 1978, $628 million. Money earned on cash
for Crown oil and gas leases. In 1975 it had fallen to a pitiful $12
million, because, as I said, the business was shut off; in 1978, $177
million; in 1979, just under $200 million.
Mr. Speaker, l could go on and on. I'd love to talk about the way in
which this government turned around health programs in the development
of new and improved hospital services, how we took the $200 million
debt for ICBC and turned it around, how we took a $261 million general
debt of this province and have turned it into balanced budgets and
surpluses every year we've been government. But time doesn't allow me
to.
But I will, Mr. Speaker, say a couple more words. I had the honour
to be asked, at the convention of the Social Credit Party, to introduce
our leader at one of the major sessions. I don't want to embarrass our
leader, so I would just like to bring a few words before the House,
because I wanted the opportunity to get this on the record. I've wanted
the opportunity to tell this House how much I appreciate the leadership
that has been shown to British Columbia by Hon. W.R. Bennett. I want to
say that I am proud to be associated with the Premier's record of
leadership, and I want to stand up here in front of as many people as I
can — and I always will — to put that pride on the record.
I've reminded you, Mr. Speaker, and members of this House what it
was like around here in 1975. A lot of us were here and know what it
was like: our economy was weak, industry was leaving, capital was
leaving, people were leaving. We need only look at British Columbia
after four years of sound leadership by Bill Bennett. Our province is
strong. By every indicator British Columbia is one of the few economic
bright spots on the continent, under Bill Bennett's
[ Page 1348 ]
leadership. We've enjoyed a period of labour
stability unequalled in the history of this province, under Bill
Bennett's leadership. I have said that we have had four balanced
budgets and are on our way to a fifth at a time when every other
government in the country, except for Alberta, is racking up massive
deficits, and we've even managed to put away a few surpluses.
At a time when every other government in Canada has been forced to
cut back, British Columbia has been able to introduce major new social
programs. Mr. Speaker, we are the only government in Canada that has
introduced major social programs in the last five years: Pharmacare,
long-term care, SAFER, soon — in this fiscal year, next fiscal year —
denticare, and the largest hospital construction program this province
has ever known.
Mr. Speaker, our stature in Confederation, as I've mentioned, has
never been higher; it's certainly higher than when we had not an empty
chair but a full chair that was being laughed at from the period from
1972 to 1975. Today, the country understands that British Columbia will
demand and will be able to have, because of Bill Bennett's leadership,
a dominant role in the development of the constitutional nature of our
great country.
Mr. Speaker, the birth of BCRIC has been described as one of the few
truly innovative financial ideas to come forward in this country for
years. It was conceived and developed under Bill Bennett's leadership.
So, Mr. Speaker, if the issue is leadership, then that issue has
been not only challenged but has been won in British Columbia. If the
strength of our province is in the strength of leadership, then our
foundation is extremely solid in this province. If our future lies in
leadership that displays courage, dedication, imagination and vision,
then I'm proud, Mr. Speaker, that you and I are going to be able to
reach into the 1980s, reach into the twenty-first century, hand-in-hand
with the finest leader this province has ever had, Bill Bennett.
MR. KING: I'd like to thank the minister for his comments
this afternoon, Mr. Speaker, and agree with him on one or two points. I
would certainly agree that the national stature of the Social Credit
Party is at an all-time high. After all, we've just had a federal
election, and that party received almost as many votes as the
Rhinocerous Party. So I certainly don't blame the minister for
revelling in his popularity.
The minister said that truth will out. Mr. Speaker, just one more time, for the record, I want to refer to Hansard ,
because remarks have been improperly attributed to me with respect to a
previous speech I made in the House. I would like to read Hansard to clarify those allegations that were improperly made to me.
I made this comment. Perhaps my choice of words was not the best;
however, I did withdraw upon the direction of the Speaker. I said this:
"From the Minister of Consumer and Corporate Affairs (Hon. Mr.
Nielsen), problems with the law to the extent where they have found it
necessary to bug his office."
Now I stated twice after that that I did not mean to imply any
criminal wrongdoing, or anything else, to the minister. In fact, on
page 94-1 of Hansard for
Tuesday night's sitting, I made this observation: "system...where a
minister and his conduct in office is called to question in any way
without presuming guilt."
Certainly I was implying no guilt, but if the members on the other
side wish to ignore that for their own reasons, they are free to do so.
Fortunately, Hansard is a verbatim record of debate in this House, and anyone who wishes to find the truth can find it therein.
Now the minister also said that B.C. is not a laughing-stock today,
and I agree with the minister on that also. B.C. is not a
laughing-stock, because the matters before this province and before
this Legislature today are certainly nothing to laugh about, Mr.
Speaker. However, the reputation of our province, the reputation of the
very justice system in this province, is certainly called into question
by allegations that have been made very recently on the CBC television
station — allegations, I would observe, that are unproven but certainly
serious enough to raise questions in the public mind with respect to
the impartiality of the criminal justice system in this province, and a
whole variety of other questions to which I am sure the public are
awaiting answers.
Now I think everyone in the Legislature and the public know that
justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done, particularly
with the administration of justice in the highest offices of the
province. The highest office of the province is, of course, the
Attorney-General's office. Allegations have been made that the Deputy
Attorney General intervened in at least three cases in such a way as to
to cast some doubt, at the very least, on the impartiality of the
justice system with respect to those three cases.
A deputy minister operates under the direction, the scrutiny and the
control of his minister. That is true in each and every department of
government. It is also true in the British parliamentary system that a
minister must accept full responsibility for the decisions made by his
departmental staff, without question senior departmental staff. In many
cases that can be referred to, down through the ages, ministers have
stepped aside from office when there was a question or an allegation
regarding the propriety of the conduct not only of themselves but
certainly of senior officers of their ministry.
I am not seeking a resignation from the current Attorney General
(Hon. Mr. Williams) nor from the previous one (Hon. Mr. Gardom). I am
simply asking that the British parliamentary tradition be recognized,
respected and complied with. That means that the minister simply steps
down from his cabinet position until such time as the nature of the
allegations can be fully investigated, the evidence gathered and
weighed, and the truth of the matter determined. Of course, if it is
found that there is no foundation to those allegations, then the
minister should be free, along with his deputy, to resume his role.
If, on the other hand, there is merit to be found in the allegations
which have been made — and, indeed, there has been some impropriety
with respect to the impartial administration of justice in this
province — then, of course, the minister who has stepped down should
indeed be required to resign that portfolio. We on this side of the
House seek to make no judgments in that respect; we simply seek to
ensure that the proper practice is followed in terms of recognition and
respect for proper parliamentary traditions in this province. That's
the issue here.
Now a whole variety of questions come to the mind of the public with
respect to the allegations that have been made, and these questions
will remain until such time as a proper and impartial investigation has
been conducted. I am not satisfied at all with an investigation which
provides for a junior staff member to investigate his own boss, as we
are led to believe was the case when the Attorney-General (Hon. Mr.
[ Page 1349 ]
Williams) asked Mr. McDiarmid to investigate Mr.
Vogel previously. I suggest that that kind of investigation is
ludicrous. How can an associate deputy, a junior officer to the deputy,
investigate his superior, the deputy, and hope to arrive at any
impartial conclusion that will be seen to have any merit and any
substance in the public mind? Mr. Speaker, that's absolute nonsense.
And certainly one doesn't have to be a lawyer to recognize that that is
not an impartial inquiry; that is not one that would be acceptable to
the public, much less to the opposition.
We are now treated to the spectacle of yet another allegation being
made of interference by the Deputy Attorney General into other criminal
cases. Hard on the heels of the previous investigation, where the
associate deputy investigated his boss, now would you believe, Mr.
Speaker, that the Attorney-General's view of how to approach this new
crisis is, apparently, for he himself to investigate his senior
underling? Mr. Speaker, that is not good enough. We cannot have the
Attorney-General conducting a quiet, internal investigation of the
serious allegations that have been raised by the CBC television program
— the serious allegations that have been put down in a letter from Mr.
Donald, Crown counsel, to the former Attorney-General (Hon. Mr.
Gardom), specified in writing and of such grave consequence as to
demand the highest and the most impartial inquiry. We cannot have a
little, quiet, internal investigation by the Attorney-General, who,
indeed, is responsible if his deputy was indiscreet in any way in
intervening in a criminal case.
The old doctrine of ministerial responsibility is something that the
current Social Credit government has chosen to totally disregard in a
whole variety of cases. They know as well as we do that that is the
core of the issue. They seek to divert the argument by going back to
speeches of what happened in this province five years ago — in their
view, from their jaundiced eye. They cannot stand to deal with the
reality of here and now, Mr. Speaker. They don't want to involve
themselves in a debate on these questions that affect the very, very
important matter of the justice system.
The Attorney-General and the previous Attorney-General have scarcely
been in this Legislature since that program was revealed. The
Attorney-General, after being absent from the House all day Friday,
finally dragged himself back into the House, just before adjournment,
to make a very pallid statement that there would be some kind of
internal investigation. Well, the criminal justice system in the
province of British Columbia hangs in the balance while the minister
fiddles.
People out there who have been convicted of violations of the Liquor
Control and Licensing Act, people out there who have been convicted of
drunk driving charges, are going to be asking the question today:
"Would I have been treated differently had I known the Deputy
Attorney-General?" And under the circumstances they have the right to
ask that question.
Mr. Speaker, there is another very serious side to this matter, in
my view. It's bad enough when we're accused of playing political
favourites within the criminal justice system; but I suggest that if
favouritism can be played, then we have to assume that enemies or
perceived enemies of that office of the Attorney-General could also
conceivably be treated differently than the average citizen.
We heard a minister of the Crown in this House get up and identify a
member of the judiciary as being a lifelong enemy of the Bennett
family. I suggest that that's a dangerous concept. I wonder how many
other enemies of Social Credit are perceived to be out there. And I
wonder whether or not those cases, when they came before the courts,
have been treated in exactly the same way as the average citizen. It's
a valid question that the public has a right to ask. If there's a
charge of favouritism, then presumably there could be charges of
discrimination in a harsh way too. This is a very, very serious matter.
I hope the charges are absolutely untrue — I certainly do — because it
doesn't do any good for the system of justice. It doesn't do any good
for the political structure in this province to have that kind of thing
going on.
But the question at this point is not whether they are true or
false; the question at this point is not whether those charges are
ultimately found to be valid; the question is that there should be no
hesitation in getting to the root of the matter with a full and
impartial investigation. That is not being done. We find the
Attorney-General stonewalling in terms of coming to grips with these
serious allegations in a proper and expeditious way; that is the danger.
Certainly I'm not a lawyer, but lawyers in this institution and, I
think, most of the public for that matter.... You don't have to be a
lawyer to recognize the importance of the separation between the
executive branch of government and the judiciary — and, of course, the
church. No one is suggestion any tampering with the church to date. But
the proper separation of all of these estates in a democratic system
are fundamental to preserving democracy, and when they are called into
question in any way whatsoever, then the reaction of government should
be immediate and it should be decisive. It should demand that all of
those touched by the allegations step down, and it should conduct a
full and private investigation by someone who is completely at arm's
length from the political interests of the government. Then let the
chips fall where they may. That is what's required in this case. I, for
the life of me, cannot understand why the government hesitates, why
they appear to be stonewalling on this issue, why they appear to be
here in this House willing to debate anything but that crisis which is
before the people of British Columbia today.
[Mr. Davidson in the chair.]
I think about certain pieces of legislation that have been brought
in by this government. In the last couple of years certain bills have
generated a great deal of heat in debate in this institution. I think
about the compulsory drug treatment program, that facility which the
Minister of Health devised to capture all of those accused of drug
abuse on the streets of Vancouver and throughout the length and breadth
of this province and to compel them to be institutionalized in a
facility for the alleged treatment, although the treatment was never
specified. My colleagues on this side of the House said that was a
dangerous intrusion into the free and legal rights of individuals in
the province. The courts ultimately decided that we were correct and
that the government had been hasty. It was found to be
unconstitutional, at least in part.
Yet here we have the same government today that will stand silently
and blithely by and let the most serious allegations be raised with
respect to partiality in the administration of justice. To be
charitable, all I can say is that they are extremely slow in
responding. And when they have responded it's been in such a pallid
way, as I suggested earlier, as to give no credibility to the kind of
investigation that we have been promised by the Attorney-General.
[ Page 1350 ]
The Attorneys-General, both of them, past and present, have already
stated that they have full confidence in the deputy. That's fair
enough, I guess. But surely it might have been more prudent, in light
of the new allegation, to learn the truth of the matter, to view the
evidence, before they came out with a judgment on the deputy's conduct.
We heard the Attorney-General earlier today, in response to
questions from my colleague the first member for Vancouver East (Mr.
Barrett), indicate that he had accepted a previous investigation
regarding his deputy without ever viewing the evidence, simply on the
basis of a report delivered to his desk by a junior staff person. I
would think that matters of this import would command the personal
attention of the Attorney-General. I would think that these matters get
to the very heart of the justice system in this province, and nothing
less than the personal scrutiny of the Attorney-General and his
satisfaction as to the evidence in the matter should be expected of a
senior political officer of that government.
AN HON. MEMBER: Mr. Mair would have handled it better.
MR. KING: I'm sure that he probably would have, Mr. Member.
I'm sure that the Minister of Health would have handled it better. He
may have lost his temper in the process, and he may have wanted to
punch someone in the nose. I don't know, but I'm sure he would have
handled it better.
While we're on that subject, I read a little
article in the Colonist
the other day about that minister saying that he and I had almost got
involved in an altercation. He observed that if that happened I would
beat his brains out. Now, Mr. Speaker, I want to say he's wrong on two
counts. First, I have no intention of becoming involved in a physical
conflict with him or any other member of this House. Second, I think it
would be a great challenge to beat that member's brains out. So, be
that as it may, those things, I think, are a bit of an exaggeration.
But I do think the Minister of Health is a pretty capable lawyer,
and I think he understands the law. I think he understands the need for
even-handed administration of law, and I think that he would have moved
expeditiously to ensure that the public interest was protected, that
the people of British Columbia could be satisfied that the law was
being applied fairly and that justice was not only being done but would
be seen to be done fairly and equitably without the benefit of any kind
of tampering with the system for the alleged friends of the government
or anyone else. That's the issue here today, and it's very, very
important. Personally, I don't know how opposition members can really
address themselves to any other issue until the government is prepared
to come up with a straightforward decision on what they are going to do
to preserve and protect the impartiality of our very basic criminal
justice system in the province of British Columbia.
I would think that the Premier of the province would be giving some
very pertinent and decisive direction to his Attorney-General at this
particular point. I think, personally, that this is the most serious
and grave allegation that I can ever recall being made in the province
of British Columbia. I think it strikes at the very underpinning of our
system, it is such that it should not be held in abeyance in any way
and left to dangle while the minister fiddles around with an internal
investigation of his own staff. They are too close — not only in
working relationship, but in terms of the chain of command through that
ministry — for it to be adequate or for it to be impartial to have the
Attorney-General investigating his own deputy. Mr. Premier, I call for
something better than that.
HON. MR. BENNETT: Mr. Speaker, in speaking to the throne
debate, let me congratulate you on the most onerous and difficult job
your fellow legislators have asked you to carry out. Let me say that
all of us look forward to your fair but firm hand helping to maintain
the level of dignity and decorum in this assembly. And, Mr. Speaker,
let me say that, for our part, we will attempt to give you every help
in achieving that type of standard in our Legislature, all of us
recognizing that the eyes of British Columbians are upon us and that we
are their representatives and they wish to act as such.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I stand to support the Speech from the Throne. I
do not support the Speech from the Throne because it is our legislative
program; I support it because the things which are outlined in this
Speech from the Throne have not been arrived at or achieved easily. It
has taken some years of preparation by our government to bring us to a
point in time when the programs that are outlined, promised and
indicated in that speech could be carried out.
I intend, in winding up the throne debate today, to deal with the
preparation that has taken place, and how we've arrived at this point
in time in our province, so that we have been able to offer such
programs and such an economic strategy that British Columbians can look
forward with confidence to the future of this province.
First, without commenting on a vote in this House, but commenting on
the charges that have been a part of the amendment proposed by the
opposition, let me say this: I have no intention of responding to some
of the convoluted charges made by that opposition. The innuendo — some
of the facts clearly untrue, many of the statements a rehash of
newspaper articles over the past six months — obviously is not the type
of detailed research or the type of debate on how this province can be
better administered that the people expect from us in this assembly.
There have been cries, shouts and requests that the assembly meet
much earlier than we have been called because there were important
things to be discussed, important programs that must be undertaken to
lead this province into the 1980s. Let me suggest that the opposition,
during the first four days of the throne speech debate, in not dealing
with any issue in a positive way — any concrete proposal — has not
given any indication that they can be a part of any administration or
any leadership. In fact, they have come ill-prepared to this
Legislature, prepared only to deal in that which they consider to be
good political points, well-discussed and canvassed in the newspapers,
but not prepared, as is called for in this assembly, to deal with the
programs, the economic development, the industrial development, the
programs for people and the budgeting of expenditures that will help to
create a climate to lead this province.
Not one word have they uttered in order to offer an alternative to
the programs of this government. Nowhere have they shown the direction
in which they would like to lead British Columbia. Nowhere have they
come out and said they are against many of the proposals, which I will
deal with in a moment, which are sketched and fleshed out in that
throne speech which has been termed by many to be the most detailed and
significant throne speech in some time.
[ Page 1351 ]
Those are not my comments, Mr. Speaker, because obviously I would
not pretend to give a critique of the speeches of His Honour the
Lieutenant-Governor. To me, all of the speeches that have been
presented by Lieutenant-Governors since I entered this House as the
government leader have been exceptional and worthy documents for the
direction in which British Columbia is going.
I don't intend, in summing up this debate and in supporting the
Speech from the Throne as a positive document, to deal in the type of
negative discussion that has been a part of some of the speeches in
this chamber, speeches which have drawn responses and which have led to
incidents of which no one in this House can feel proud. But we can
understand the climate that was created and the public can understand
that such allegations as were made would draw such responses. For our
part it is sometimes difficult, but that is not this government's way
and it is not the way in which we are going to lead this province in
the 1980s.
Nor would I suggest that the main topic of conversation or those
things which are put forward in this debate should be the idle
speculation in which the gossip and rumour surrounding politics plays a
major part. You would think by some of the things that have been put
forward that we were in another election campaign. The speculation is
that somehow an election campaign is imminent. Let me say to those who
only wish to fight the last election because they didn't like the
result that the voters have spoken: let me say to them that this
government has prepared for a time of leading this province into the
eighties. That isn't just a catchword or phrase to be said on New
Year's Eve, 1979 — "We are launching ourselves into a new decade" —
because we started launching ourselves into the eighties in 1976. And
let me say that the throne speech and the budget of 1976 and the
following throne speeches and budgets of 1977, 1978 and 1979 have all
been a part of bringing us to a point in time when British Columbians
can look with optimism to the future. People want leadership. They have
had leadership — exciting leadership, tough leadership, strong
programs, strong action — that has brought us to this point in time,
and an outline and a blueprint for stronger action to come.
This government has made some difficult decisions and at times we
have erred. We apologize for when we err, because we want, more than
anyone else, to be a perfect government. But perfect governments would
only be made of perfect people, and we must admit that, as a populist
party, representing the average people of British Columbia, we don't
come as perfect people. But we come with a perfect commitment — a
commitment to perfection.
Now when I say, Mr. Speaker, in summing up for the government our
support of the throne speech, that these things that are outlined
didn't just happen, let me review for you some of the thoughts and
actions that went into four years of preparation. Let me talk about
1976 and a new government having to develop an industrial strategy for
British Columbia where no such strategy existed, a government prepared
to lead and help provide the climate to make things happen, rather than
trying to deter, even penalize, those who were successful in the
province but who somehow didn't deserve their share of the wealth.
Rather than discourage or penalize, our government set out to encourage
and provide opportunity for those people in British Columbia who would
take the initiative, risk their capital, build some prosperity, create
employment and be proud to be in British Columbia, knowing that their
investment, under fair laws, not laws of privilege, would be protected;
that they would be dealt with fairly and could look to the future; that
the things they built through their own effort would depend on their
own success; that government would not be in the position to penalize
them, but would be there to provide the opportunities. The people have
responded, and that's why I wish to outline some of these things as I
wind up the throne speech debate as the designated speaker for the
government — and for the party, and for the people of this province.
Let me say that the industrial strategy demanded that British
Columbia not isolate itself from the rest of Canada. It demanded that
matter which political party was in power. Perhaps that statement is
easier for a party such as ours to make — for a leader with no federal
party. We are a strictly provincial party, in which I think there are
the government of British Columbia, not to threaten them or to be
partisan or to embarrass them. But we also don't go down as their
junior partners, somehow in a junior role, so that we are not able to
achieve the results that the people of British Columbia expect. And I
say that perhaps that has been a large reason why we have been so
successful.
We found that British Columbia had not always been considered to be
interested in participating with the rest of Canada. Whether the
impression was correct or not, we felt that many felt that somehow the
Rocky Mountains were a dividing line between British Columbia and the
rest of Canada, and that somehow we didn't care. But we do care, and we
did care. Above all, we cared for the people we represented as
government, because we felt that if there had been neglect, it had been
to the detriment of British Columbia. Many federal programs of
industrial development, opportunities to participate with tax dollars
we'd already sent through the federal system, lay unused because no
agreement had been achieved — the type of agreements that would give us
our fair share to try and develop industry in a sophisticated and real
way. We were able to sign a number of agreements, and we didn't sign
them easily; they took a lot of negotiation. I think of the General
Development Agreement, DREE, TIDSA, agreements in education and health,
and a host of programs that have benefited the people of this province
— forestry and others.
Mr. Speaker, these agreements were not easily arrived at. They took
hard negotiation. I can remember when the minister, then known as the
greatest Minister of Economic Development that British Columbia had
counterparts. During the first two visits, he had to get over the fact
that they were shocked to see a real live member of the government of
British Columbia willing to talk and willing to try to get some action
for our province. Talk he did, but he did more than talk. That minister
entered negotiations. He upgraded the ministry, he brought in strong
people and advisers, and British Columbia is the winner today. The
signing of the General Development Agreement and the subsequent
agreements attached to it is responsible for many of the jobs that
British Columbians have today.
The increase in the number of British Columbians working — I will
deal with that later in this opportunity to deal with the growth that
we find to be very, very positive in this province, and growth we wish
to accelerate. Because we're not yet satisfied; we want even more
opportunity for our people. These agreements have created employment;
but
[ Page 1352 ]
what they've also done is created opportunities for
many, many small businesses in this province. Those agreements created
a climate, along with the climate of optimism and opportunity that was
created politically by a number of other moves relating to specific
areas which I will discuss in a moment, moves that led people to start
their small companies and get out and compete in the marketplace
knowing full well that the market system does not allow everyone to
succeed. If it did, the consumer would be the loser. A genuine
marketplace guarantees that the consumer is getting the best possible
price, service and quality. No single supplier such as a government
monopoly, or a system that guaranteed that everybody could make a
profit, could provide that guarantee to the people.
The market system is there for people to succeed. It allows them the
opportunity to fail, but it also gives them the chance to try again and
again. Many of the successes in the history of this province have been
people who've tried again and again. Bitterness over a single failure
has never been part of the British Columbia dream, nor has it been part
of the character of the people who have built this province. It has
been the opportunity to strive that has driven them on.
What have been the results? Well, we've seen an exciting and
dramatic increase in British Columbians setting up small limited
companies, small businesses, in response to these opportunities. In
1975, 10,267 companies incorporated in British Columbia. You realize
though, Mr. Speaker, that through the years 1972 to 1975 the number of
new companies was practically constant — no increase. Listen to these
figures. In 1972 there were 9,024 companies; 1973, 9,412; 1974,
9,766;1975, 10,267 — a difference over four years of just 1,000
additional companies, or about 10 percent. In 1976, a new year, a new
opportunity, there was a jump to 12,355; 1977, a jump to 13,209; 1978,
a jump to 15,215; and 1979, a jump to 17,611. Let me say also that the
same sorts of results were also felt in what are called extraprovincial
companies.
At that point in time our own people and other Canadians found a new
confidence in this province, a confidence gained from the fact that
they had a government that would deal with them fairly and that
provided opportunity. The people responded. You can find dramatic
increases in partnerships, over and above the small, limited-liability
companies. You can also find dramatic increases in single
proprietorships where, with no association with others, British
Columbians set out to provide their own small service independently.
These are the people who have helped to build the tremendous growth
that has taken place in British Columbia these last four years, a
prosperity and growth that, perhaps, many now take for granted. Perhaps
the very success that we have had is now considered the norm. Perhaps
British Columbia's difficulty, then, is competing with our own success,
because if you go to any other part of Canada, they look at British
Columbia with wonderment, amazement and envy. That is why that very
disturbing trend had started in the early 1970s just prior to us being
government, that interprovincial migration — that is, that movement of
Canadians back and forth within their own country — with more Canadians
leaving British Columbia than were coming to it.
Interjection.
HON. MR. BENNETT: It is the only time, I am advised by the
Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Curtis), in the history of British
Columbia that that happened. I wonder if the people of British Columbia
can measure that significant event by the fact that it was after three
years of the only time in our history when we had a socialist
government. I wonder if the two events are related. No, I don't wonder,
Mr. Speaker. I know they are, because I remember those days.
The member for Coquitlam-Moody (Mr. Leggatt) remembers those days.
Those are the days he preferred to be in Ottawa. But he knew when there
was an opportunity in British Columbia, and after we were elected he
left his seat in Parliament and came back to British Columbia. He knows
that his primary concern is to develop a lucrative law practice. I
won't comment on that.
Mr. Speaker, those are the things that happened. The development of
a milestone for British Columbia.
What about the mining sector? What about that industry — British
Columbia's number two industry? What did this government face in 1976
when we were attempting to develop an economic strategy where none had
been? One was to look at the mining industry and the great
opportunities that were here in British Columbia — opportunities that
didn't require government going out and looking for mines, didn't
require government developing the mines, didn't require government to
take over the mines, but required fair taxation. This would offer a
just opportunity for the people of British Columbia who had
traditionally worked in this area, those who went out and sought new
minerals, economically developable minerals — the prospectors.
What we had seen by the type of unfair and ridiculous
legislation.... More than that, the implied intent of the government of
that day created a climate that made not only prospectors and capital
flee this province, but a technology that had been built up because of
the optimism.... It was the fleeing of a technology considered at that
time to be the best in the world. People of skills — professionals,
people who could make a contribution to British Columbia — fled to
various parts of the world where there was some opportunity. What had
taken years of hard work, confidence and opportunity to build up was
lost almost overnight by an unfeeling and uncaring government who
didn't understand that they were there to govern for the people. Some
of those people were the little people who worked in mining. It was
easy to stand up and rail against multinational corporations or mining
companies, forgetting at the same time that many of these companies
were owned by little people — individuals who, through their pension
funds or through their individual purchase, had bought the shares. They
were looking for their company to have a fair opportunity for return —
nothing special, just an opportunity — and not only those who work but
those who'd put up their capital were hurt. We looked at it. We changed
the legislation. It's tough legislation but it's fair. It's a tax on
profits, Mr. Speaker, to make sure there are no undue profits, but
above all it's not providing the taxation level that was there before
that went over 100 percent.
Never let that party over there run the banks, because you've heard
of usury; you wouldn't know what they could do when they had taxation
over 100 percent. What would they ever do with the interest rates in
this country, given the responsibility of power or the opportunity of
power?
Mr. Speaker, this government had a strategy to encourage mining, but
it was not just to encourage the prospectors and the people to harness
their capital, or to invite back the
[ Page 1353 ]
technical skills, the technicians, the technology
that had been built up in order to provide greater economic opportunity
for this province, which was reflected not only in the wages in the
pockets of the people. Some of it, Mr. Speaker — a lot of it — is
finding its way into the government coffers and is returned to the
people in general benefits.
When there is no industry, there can be no money to government, and
so not only have people lost their jobs and companies failed and
investors lost their money and technicians left, but there is no money
for government either. That's the day a government that would be so
irresponsible — and they would have had they had a chance to have more
than a single term — would have to look at the people and say: "We've
run out of money, so we're going to borrow more and go into more debt.
We're going to put more charges on you, the people. At the same time,
I'm sorry, but we can't continue the social benefits that have been
built up by the people of this province in the past because we've got
no money. Those horrible companies left us." Oh, yes, they'd blame it
on them, but we know, Mr. Speaker. And that was the strategy for mining.
Also, Mr. Speaker, we sought to improve the trading relations with
other countries in the world for British Columbia products. We sought
to open up new trading opportunities with Pacific Rim countries. We
sought to open up not only trading opportunities in the Pacific Rim,
because it was a new and opportunistic market, but we looked at some
parts of our industries — and I'll deal with forestry — when we saw
that the dependency that had been built up on U.S. markets, say, for
our lumber products, left British Columbia and British Columbians
vulnerable to another economy. We said: "That's not good enough. The
sort of taking it for granted that the Americans will always build
houses and always be prosperous is not enough. We want to spread our
risk." Not that we don't like them, not that we're not confident in the
Americans or their economy, but we did it to say British Columbians
have greater opportunity. And today we have developed additional
markets, encouraging the private sector and companies — and I'll deal
with it in a moment — so that, in a significant way, we have lessened
our dependency, provided greater confidence or greater opportunity to
the people who work in the industry, so when the U.S. catches a cold we
won't catch pneumonia. We'll no longer be the tail of the dog.
You'd think, Mr. Speaker, that would have been done, but that was
done by this government, by that minister. The Minister of Economic
Development then, the Minister of Industry and Small Business
Development now (Hon. Mr. Phillips), the Minister of Mines and
Petroleum Resources at that time, the Minister of Energy, Mines and
Petroleum Resources now (Hon. Mr. McClelland), and the Minister of
Forests (Hon. Mr. Waterland) have all played a major part, and I'll
deal with that in just a moment.
We've sought and are sending a signal that we want to do more
processing, more smelting and refining, in our province. And, Mr.
Speaker, that is part of the new additional policy that I will be
speaking to in just a few moments.
What about forests? As I say, we had a dependence on U.S. markets,
and what did we do? We encouraged trips, not only of industry but
industry and labour, to Japan and other countries. The standards then
which frame construction techniques, using British Columbia
techniques.... There were no housing starts there in North American
techniques, and British Columbia and the United States now are both
prospering in the amount of housing that is being built using our
techniques, using British Columbia forest products. Mr. Speaker, 10,000
homes a year are being constructed now, and it will be just a short
time before 100,000 homes are being built.
Interjections.
HON. MR. BENNETT: The chirpers opposite are chirping, Mr.
Speaker, but I talked to the president of Mitsui Homes. He knows who
encouraged his company to use these types of standards.
Mr. Speaker, we're also working with the industry to get additional
British Columbia forest products into the Japanese market. Beyond the
opportunities for plywood, we now are working to get the glue-line
standards and the standards of British Columbia softwood plywoods
accepted to help our interior plywood industry have access to that
market. None of that work was done before we became government. Our
British Columbia success is that we don't do these things for
ourselves, it is to help provide a growing and stable forest industry
in British Columbia.
What are the results of some of this? Just recently I had the
opportunity, at Nanaimo, to participate in the opening of the Mayo
sawmill. You might be interested to know that this is the first sawmill
geared to Japanese sizes and dimensions, for their housing market,
geared solely to take advantage of that growing market. It's an example
to other mills which will be taking the same opportunity. After four
years of this government we will see a growing number of this type of
mill, which will spread the market and open the market and end the sort
of single dependency we had before. You've seen the changes, Mr.
Speaker. I will deal with the figures, which are dramatic, that show
the type of dependency we had on the U.S. market. That was part of the
economic strategy on forestry.
We looked at other major economic areas, areas that British Columbia
had traditionally felt would grow, yet something had happened. One of
them was tourism. We looked at tourism, and we recognized it as a great
opportunity for the service industries of this province — many
individual people working in small businesses, many people wanting to
develop small restaurants, wishing to develop service stations or
laundry services or coin washes, wishing to work in those industries,
the workers in the restaurants and dining rooms of this province,
thousands and thousands of people whose livelihood depends not on just
British Columbians, but on others who come to share our province and
leave behind their dollars and jobs for our people and who take away
nothing more than pleasant memories of a province that's worth visiting
and worth living in as well.
We well remember that not all governments have been sensitive to
tourism as a worthwhile industry. I remember very well sitting in this
Legislature, being a part of the people of B.C. and hearing the
shocking statement from the former Minister of Highways (Mr. Lea), who
said he didn't want tourists because all they brought was garbage. That
isn't the philosophy of our government. When we became government we
had to do a lot to repair the damage to B.C.'s reputation by that
member, the member for Prince Rupert now, who they felt was speaking
for the government, and whose statements went unchecked and were,
because of the silence of his colleagues, supported by that government.
We had to go down and win the confidence of, and deal with, the
[ Page 1354 ]
travel industry. We had to help our people learn
how not to reflect the attitudes of that former minister and that
former government. We had to tell them that that isn't the way British
Columbians win tourists. They had been told to frown and scowl and that
tourists weren't wanted. We had to teach them to smile. That was the
way to win tourists: not to go around with a scowl.
The Minister of Highways in that former government told them he
didn't want tourists and that tourists brought garbage. We said:
"Nonsense! Let us help you with hospitality courses for small
businesses who don't have the sophisticated training programs of Hilton
Hotels and others." These training programs helped many a small
businessman, but more than them, the people who work in the industry.
It was an extension of their education and a way in which they could
improve their skills, with just a little help from government in
providing a better service. You know, that brought tourists, and it
helped them not only to hold a job but to secure an industry in which
their jobs would be more secure in the future. That's people working
together. That was giving the people an opportunity to develop the
tourist business.
It wasn't government running around with tax dollars, spending and
saying: "This is the way we'll play in the tourist industry, after
we've told them we don't want them." It was saying: "Look, tourism is
one of the key areas in which there is an opportunity for the average
guy with limited capital to develop a small service or small business
and get out and do something for himself, and not be dependent on
government or be threatened by government wanting to be in the tourist
business." This is where the opportunities lie. More small businesses
start in that area than in almost any other.
Not all the people of this province have a chance to be wealthy
lawyers like the member for Coquitlam-Moody (Mr. Leggatt). For them
it's difficult; sometimes the opportunities were not there for that
type of preparation and skill. Perhaps then they need that opportunity
later in life, or encouragement in an industry they're already involved
in but haven't been given any help in.
I know people from Atlin have been concerned that even now members
of that party are hurting their tourist industry. I've had letters of
complaint from Atlin about their own member, who they feel has
threatened their tourist industry. I have had letters from the people
of that area asking me to refute the remarks attributed to that member,
because it has hurt their industry. Mr. Speaker, that wasn't just
something they practised as government. Apparently it's still there: a
sort of insensitive, unfeeling attitude for the little people who work
in the industry, the small businesses, that somehow it doesn't matter,
it's not important. Well, it was important to this government.
Mr. Speaker, you being impartial, can see the results in British Columbia today.
You've seen the change, the growth, the smiles upon the faces of the people
who work in those businesses. That smile doesn't reflect a campaign to make
them smile; that smile reflects the satisfaction they have in knowing that they
have a growing industry which offers them security and opportunity. That's why
they're smiling. It's not a forced smile; it's a smile of confidence. It's a
smile at the successes they're having because they have responded to the opportunities
government has encouraged — that they themselves have a more secure future,
not dependent on government handout or welfare but dependent on government giving
them a chance. That's all British Columbians want in the future. They don't
want a big government that says, "We will look after you, and you, and
you," so everybody becomes a ward of the government — and when that
happens I wonder who, as a taxpayer, is going to send the money to government
to pay for it. What they want is a chance. Nobody wants to be beholden to or
dependent on government. As many as can be will be given — and during these
last four years have been given — a chance in the various economic sectors,
because this government recognizes that. Tourism, forestry, mining: tremendous
changes have been undertaken in these industries that are one, two and three
in British Columbia; tremendous changes and opportunities, and the people have
responded.
What else has helped in that industrial policy over the last four
years that has brought British Columbia to this point of prosperity?
The boo birds on the other side would try to talk about scandal and
innuendo, because they don't want to talk about the real prosperity
that is in this province. It doesn't make exciting reading in the
gossip columns in Hush , Scandal ,
or whatever magazines print those sorts of gossipy rumours, that this
thing or that thing is going to happen or has happened. Success is now
taken for granted in this province, that's the problem; it's not news
anymore. Just a few short years ago success would have been news, but
not now, because it's happening and is taken for granted.
Today when you go out and talk to the small businessmen they say:
"Oh, we've got worries." I said: "What are your worries?" They said:
"Things are just tough for us small businessmen." "What is it?" "How
will we ever make next year as good as this year? How will we ever have
the type of success we've got this year, which is the best year in our
history? How can we repeat it?" Well, if that's a problem, that's the
type of problem we want in British Columbia. A few years ago they just
wanted to hang on, or they'd given up and were leaving and going to
Alberta and elsewhere, because they felt there was no opportunity here.
Besides these major sectors, how did government play a role —
besides fair taxation, removing taxation that was unfair and
prohibitive to the industry? Well, of course, you know that we brought
in a major new Forest Act. Since that time we have been updating the
act through the type of fair regulation that provides a place for the
small, the large, the sophisticated and the value added that's needed
in the forest industry, which is mostly allocated and now needs the
guarantee of continuing forest cut that can guarantee the workforce in
the markets we've established, that needs the type of innovative look
beyond the inventory of the forest base to see if there are areas in
which, as part of our reforestation and good forest practice, we could
look at the type of timber that could be utilized to help small
business today and the type of project which I believe is being
undertaken now at Ocean Falls, according to the announcement the other
day. That could dramatically change the forest industry on the coast
for small business, as it changed for the interior forest industry in
the sixties.
A man named Williston was hooted at and disagreed with, told that
his policies wouldn't work, and yet they developed the largest part of
the forest economic strength. They brought an opening up of the
interior, opportunities for workers, the IWA members, the people in the
pulp and paper industry and others. They gave the people of the
interior a chance, and that very same vision and determination and
stubbornness to do it again is going to mean major economic growth that
can be good forest practice as well. Because, Mr.
[ Page 1355 ]
Speaker, areas of timber that are considered
decadent and not now part of the forestry reserve will be harvested.
When this is successful — I was going to say "if" but I say "when,"
because I'm positive about it — they can provide opportunities for
small mills up the coast and even into Stewart, which has wanted to
have some forestry and some forest facility for so long. Even in that
community we can develop those types of new, small facilities using the
decadent and unharvested timber that has been not regarded as
merchantable up until now. There's a secondary benefit besides the
economy and the jobs and the new businesses, because it will make a
place for new growth, proper silviculture, reforestation, and as well
it will mean a new and renewed forest rather than a forest not having
the opportunity to attain its potential because nobody has looked in an
innovative way at those decadent stands.
This is a government that's looking for new ways and new
opportunities to help the people. But as well as those industries, what
about the areas of transportation? Important transportation links in
this province — rail, ferry, highways, and an area that up until now
has not been considered in the provincial jurisdiction and so has been
neglected, air facilities.... We've had governments before who were
great at talk but poor at action, who have always just said: "This
belongs to the federal government." We look around B.C., and we see a
vast province, one of tremendous area and a growing population of about
2.5 million now. That's not many people in a large area, many of them
in remote communities. Their access is by air. Distance now is measured
in time although our province is 950,000 square kilometres. For those
opposite who can't convert, that's 366,000 square miles. But it's large
by any measurement, and those people's access depends on air facilities.
Our government, with the member for North Vancouver–Seymour (Mr.
Davis), broke new ground by setting up the airport facilities fund,
scoffed at by that party over there. Yet, Mr. Speaker, the citizens and
the communities received upgraded airports, additional navigational
aids, lighting, because this government said: "We're not going to wait
large city like Nanaimo which needed lighting, whether it's the
development of a strip or the paving and construction of facilities —
because the weather's not always the best there at Bella Coola, Stewart
and other towns — this government provided facilities so that not only
could small aircraft get in but the provincial government's air
ambulance service could extend very necessary life-saving aid to the
people of those communities.
It won't be lost on those people that during my discussion of this
members opposite have hooted. They're against it. It can be considered
then that they don't care, in hooting during my remarks, to help the
people of those areas with transportation, to provide ambulance
services and, what's more, to be an encouragement not only to the
private planes but planes that carry some services — the mail and
others, ambulance planes — so hopefully we could encourage the
third-level air carriers to provide some sort of scheduled service.
That's the type of innovative transportation policy this government has
had.
I could go through just a single constituency, the constituency of Omineca,
in which three airports have been substantially upgraded — those people
are appreciative. They'll be interested to know that the New Democratic Party
laughed at the program and still laughs at it. But they do know this: they've
got a service that's quick, they've got an opportunity that can provide even
better service in the future.
Small business, in the third-level air carrier business in this
province, has an opportunity to do what British Columbia has done
before, and we have been the one province that has developed a major
successful airline — not a government airline, but CP Air was first
coming out as a third-level air carrier in British Columbia. It now
stretches coast to coast. The second was PWA, successful in extending
now to the middle of the country. We now have an opportunity for that
success out of innovative and opportunistic British Columbia to be
repeated. The answer isn't in nationalized airlines or in taking them
over after they're successful, but in allowing the initiative of the
people and giving them those areas where government should be involved:
proper and safe landing strips, safe navigational aids and lighting to
increase not only day service but night service. Mr. Speaker, the
people of those areas know that this government was first.
And what about highways? When we came to government there was no
real highway program in existence. The highways of the province, once
the main connectors that linked together the people of this province by
truck and by car and that helped to open up communities, not for the
sake of blacktop, as some will say, because highways are there for the
people.... But talk again to the people in the remote communities who,
for a large part of their life.... Maybe some members are too young to
remember what it was like in the interior of British Columbia before
1952, when we were substantially landlocked, cut off from access to the
rest of the province or from British Columbia's large metropolitan
centres — Vancouver and Vancouver Island. We had no connection, and yet
we had a potential in the interior of this province second to none.
This province extended more than just a couple of miles beyond
Chilliwack.
But there was a big province waiting out there, and there was a
dream of a government elected in 1952, a government that has the name
of the party that is the government of today, which said: "British
Columbia, if it's to be anything for all people, must indeed provide
services to all the people, connect communities...." They built
highways, and because the highways of this province met a very basic
and fundamental need of the people, that party over there called them a
blacktop government and said they were buying votes because they were
doing the right thing.
Well, I've got to tell you, if that's buying votes, then the right
thing that this government intends to do will pay off in a lot of votes
in the next election, because we intend to continue to do the right
thing by those people and communities. Rather than neglect the
highways, as was done prior to our government, we intend to continue
not only to maintain those highways we have, but to open up new areas
to provide new access. That means, as well as highways and as well as
dramatic new roads into the interior, that bridges will have to be
built to service the people of this province. I'm amused — maybe even
distressed — to hear the specious arguments that somehow this
government, in trying to meet the needs of the people of Delta, Surrey,
Richmond and those areas, is hurting the opportunities for transit by
building and constructing the Annacis Island crossing.
Let me tell you that the two are not competitive; they must move
together hand in hand. And the member for Coquitlam-Maillardville (Mr.
Levi), who stood up and stated that he was against the Annacis Island
crossing.... Because no member of his party over there has dissociated
himself or herself
[ Page 1356 ]
from his remarks, I presume now that he has spoken
for that party and that they will tell the people of Surrey and
Richmond that they're against it. Let me tell you that they're not
competitive, Mr. Speaker.
We recognize it is not government's right, through the taxation and
spending powers we have, to dictate the way people move in this
province. There are some who say we should force people to travel in a
certain manner. Obviously that is not the type of democratic government
people want to see in this province. They must be given choices, and
they will have those choices. Because of solid management of the
financial affairs of this government and this province, we can proceed
in both ways at once. Those people will have the opportunity to travel
over the Annacis Island crossing, and I look forward to opening day and
helping to cut the ribbon as the first car crosses — just as I look
forward, Mr. Speaker, to cutting the first ribbon on an LRT and a
transit system that serves the people of greater Vancouver as well. And
we will, because for the first time we've brought in
an act and a
rationalization of transit so that you don't have one part of the
province and the major cities of the interior operating with government
and the others run by an energy distributing and production company. It
will be equitable under a single authority that calls for local
representation.
Local representation. Do you know how long the local people have
been asking for local representation in transit, in UTA and transit
authorities? Do you know how long? They've been waiting a long time. I
can remember that party. They got a few people to make a lot of
independent moves into transportation, like SeaBus, and move this way
and order buses for a Hydro system without them knowing. I remember
that. I remember that, Mr. Speaker, and that didn't rationalize it.
What the people of greater Vancouver wanted.... I was a member of the
opposition and leader of this party then, and the mayor of Vancouver
came to me and said: "Give us a fair formula in which you participate
in the losses and give us representation. Help us to let us develop our
own system and we'll share the losses fifty-fifty."
I'll tell you what we did, Mr. Speaker. We brought in
an act that
gives them that participation. Do you know what we're sharing the
deficits at? It's 75 percent, because we know that the user cannot pay
the total cost. It's better than requested by the mayor of Vancouver.
We set up the system they asked for. We made it richer than they asked
for, and when you see the legislation unfold this year, you'll see that
this government is prepared not only to give them that invitation, but
there will be further invitations to respond and get on with the job in
transit in this province.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
It won't be the just the "we would have done it," because the ''we
would have done it boys" couldn't have done it because they had no
money, Mr. Speaker. They spent it all, or, if I could be excused,
spilled it all. They spilled it all.
Mr. Speaker, the communities of the interior and now the greater
Vancouver area and greater Victoria area can all operate in the same
equitable manner with a provincial government that's given them local
participation, direction, and is picking up the lion's share of any
deficit.
Let those on local government remember this: when we're setting up
that opportunity and when we're paying the lion's share, we won't let
them — whether it's a negotiation tactic or whether it's their
philosophy — take away the benefits of the seniors and their bus passes
in this province. I say to those local representatives: "You have been
given a challenge and a responsibility that you've asked for for a long
time; don't now frivolously, for a negotiation stance or whatever your
motive, make pawns of the people in this province whom we have seen fit
to help through social benefit — because of special rates, special
fares and sometimes no fares for our seniors. Don't make them the pawns
of any negotiation games. This government wants to assure those people
that they will not be pawns in any negotiation, that we will look after
them....
AN HON. MEMBER: Are you threatening them?
HON. MR. BENNETT: The member for Vancouver Centre has said:
"Are you threatening them?" No, I'm saying I'm not letting them
threaten anybody in this province. That's what I'm saying. I'm not
letting the people of this province be threatened. And I won't let you
threaten them either with the type of jackboot government you used to
be a part of.
Interjection.
HON. MR. BENNETT: What about ferries?
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members. Back to orderly debate. The Premier has the floor.
HON. MR. BENNETT: Thank you for your timely admonition and
reminder to those members, Mr. Speaker. What about that other part of
transportation? Yes, our government has taken some criticism earlier
over the subsidies to our ferry system. Prior to our government the
ferry system in this province, as an extension of the highways, had
been expected to stand on its own feet. For most of the years, right up
till '72, it had done so.
There developed then — in a period of inflation, with escalating
labour costs, and, later, escalating fuel costs because of the change
in energy values and the actions of the OPEC nations — the inability of
government to finance the operating costs through a user-pay policy.
That situation was not made apparent to the people by the government we
replaced, although those losses were starting to mount. Those losses
started during their administration — and they started to mount.
The public was not given any transportation policy or philosophy in
which, somehow, government would share. In fact it fell upon our
government to look at what was happening. And, yes, the messenger
brought some bad news: that that service was in a major loss position
and the losses were growing worse. We had to rationalize the cost of
fares, as had other transportation systems, not only in Canada and
North America but throughout the world. But we were going to bring
about a policy that brought in, for the first time, an identifiable
subsidy — a subsidy that could be rationalized, a subsidy that would
pay the major share of the operating costs of those ferries. And we did.
Today the ferry system can continue to expand and to develop its
service. It doesn't have to come, cap in hand, to government every
year, because within that subsidy it has a built-in cost escalator that
relates directly to the cost-price increase in this province. It means
that it is responsible for
[ Page 1357 ]
maintaining the balance of user-pay with a formula
already set up by government — a formula that is generous. Within that
formula, I must say, we have for the first time received — and it was
in the early part of our first term — a commitment in principle from
the federal government, which they said they would never give. They
told the former Social Credit Premier of this province, who set up B.C.
Ferries and provided that transportation system and presided over it
during its finest years, that they would never provide federal funds
for the west coast ferry system, although at that time they provided
major sums not only to the CNR ferry on the east coast but also to the
ferry systems that serve the Atlantic provinces. They said that in
principle they would never provide federal funds to British Columbia.
If the question was asked — and I don't know if it was — by the
government that preceded us, they were either ignored or turned down.
But we were not prepared to have British Columbians, in principle,
considered second-rate or second-class Canadians. We said that when it
came to a matter of principle the federal government had a
responsibility.
MR. LEGGATT: You let it get so bad that they had to bail you out.
HON. MR. BENNETT: Mr. Speaker, we negotiated that agreement
right after this government took over from the then operators of the
system. If the member for Coquitlam-Moody, who was in Ottawa at the
time, says that the system was bad, it is a condemnation of the way it
was operated by his party's government. I would think that that member,
who so far in this session and in the last session has been wrong so
consistently, would learn — as an old-time politician, but as a new
member of this House — to be a little more sure of what has gone on and
what is going on in British Columbia before he blunders into traps of
his own setting. Your words are recorded, my friend, and I am going to
mail them out to Coquitlam-Moody so that the people will know the type
of representation....
Let me get back to what has happened. We got the first agreement
from the federal government in principle. I said at the time that the
amount was not enough as it related to the type of subsidy — and it has
grown to well over $100 million — that the east coast was getting. But
the commitment in principle and the precedent it sets for future
governments — on the efforts of this government to negotiate fair
amounts — is priceless, because we convinced them that we were a part
of Canada and that that needed to be recognized in principle.
What about rail? There has been a lot of discussion on rail. Yes, we
had a royal commission on the British Columbia Railway, and we looked
at its recommendations. This government agreed with some and disagreed
with some of the recommendations.
When you consider the direction that railway was going, and that
during the years 1972 through to December 1975 it accumulated the
largest losses it had ever seen, it deserved some kind of attention
from the government — attention in which the public could focus its
attention on the people of those communities. From that we made a
commitment to those northern communities of Fort Nelson and elsewhere,
not only that the service that was so essential to their communities
would be maintained but also that the line would be upgraded to
standards that guaranteed safety and continuity of service. We said to
them that we would try to do as we had already done, but we would bring
in something that we did before the royal commission, and that is the
independent board of directors. Previous Premiers have been president
of the railway. I never sought that role, nor wanted it, nor took that
role. The president of the railway is a professional; the directors are
people who have some expertise in transport. Their responsibility is to
try and bring harmony to a railway in which harmony has not been the
case over a large number of years — too many years.
Railway is a pro.... This year, besides doing those things and
guaranteeing the service, in the throne speech, Mr. Speaker, we take a
further step and suggest that we will rationalize further the debt
burden, most of which was imposed between 1972 and December 1975, upon
that railway. And that will be consistent with the philosophy of our
government.
When we came to government and found a ferry system losing money, we
said, "Users shall not pay the total cost," and we provided money from
government. We provide highways at no user pay, bridges at no user pay,
and while the railway provides a freight service in which rates must be
competitive.... A large part of it is pioneering and opening up an
area, and part of it can never be measured — the economic contribution
it has made — because it opened up a province. We're going to give it
the same consideration.
But we also looked at this industrial strategy, besides all of the
transportation infrastructure, and we recognized, as I said earlier,
that new markets of expanding opportunity lay out there to the Pacific
Rim-emerging countries, countries with increasing industrial capacity,
the new growth, the new producers of the world — creating new consumers
and new markets for B.C. products.
That meant we could not be dependent on a single port system, Mr.
Speaker. We wanted to develop additional port capacity for the products
of British Columbia, but not only for British Columbians; for
Canadians. Canadian goods will move to the Pacific Rim countries
through our ports. The intense discussion we had with the government of
Canada then has got us commitments to improve port facilities at Prince
Rupert, but not just a port that will service grain, a port facility
that will be a bulk-commodity and resource port that will handle not
only grain from the Prairies and perhaps the potash from Saskatchewan —
I'm not sure whether it will handle the uranium from Saskatchewan that
Mr. Broadbent and Mr. Blakeney advocate the mining of; I'm not sure if
it will handle that — but also products from British Columbia. It will
be a part of giving the security of supply to our customers that they
must have in order to consider British Columbia a reliable supplier.
A single port that could be tied up by rail, could be tied up at
port, could be tied up by accidents, cannot be considered a reliable
supplier, and those who would trade with us, besides price and quality,
must have security of supply. It's not enough that we've improved the
industrial climate in British Columbia so that we have less man-days
lost due to strikes and lockouts each and every year we've been
government than took place under the previous government. That sort of
reliability of supply they can see. It's not just the double-tracking
of the CPR and Roberts Bank on the south. They need additional port
capacity from our province, and Prince Rupert will be built. It will be
developed and, Mr. Minister of Industry and Small Business Development
(Hon. Mr. Phillips), I look forward to cutting the ribbon at that port
and that rail system, and watching new products from British Columbia
go out through that port.
Duke Point at Nanaimo, additional berths at Roberts
[ Page 1358 ]
Bank — no single area is receiving all the
attention. It's a multifaceted and multifaced industrial and port
expansion that will bring prosperity to all parts of British Columbia.
And then we look further at our industrial strategy, because there
was no energy policy in British Columbia. We were still living in the
smug satisfaction and confidence that we had a secure and large energy
supply, because of the far-sightedness of government in bringing in the
Two River policy and developing the hydro capacity in advance for the
people of British Columbia. That means we have no brownouts, it means
we have no blackouts, but that false sense of security apparently was
prevalent in the administration that preceded us, and no energy policy
was developed, no energy policy was enunciated. In fact, the only
statement we had to go on was that the very success of British
Columbia's security of supply, the two-river policy, would not have
taken place if they had been government. I remember their speeches and
their statements. It was a former Speaker of this House, Mr. Dowding,
who said that if they were doing the two-river policy, they wouldn't
develop them both at once, that British Columbia couldn't use all that
energy and they wouldn't be developing the second river until 1984, a
date that is significant in their party's consciousness. If we had
listened to them and they'd been government there'd be brownouts and
blackouts in British Columbia today.
We have a policy and that policy extends beyond hydro. I don't
agree, and this government does not agree, with the member for
Nelson-Creston (Mr. Nicolson), a minister in that former government,
who said that there would be and should be no more hydroelectric
development in this province. That type of statement cannot be made.
British Columbia cannot be bound by that type of stupid statement.
Hydroelectric power is a part of British Columbia's future, if it is
developed conscientiously and with proper care. It is clean and safe.
For that member for Nelson-Creston, on behalf of that government, when
they were government — and who perhaps became a cabinet minister
because of it; he was made a cabinet minister right after it — to make
the statement, that he wanted nuclear power in B.C., is not acceptable.
We believe that responsible development of hydroelectric power provides
a clean and safe energy source for British Columbians.
But more than that, one of our more precious commodities in this
province is our water — clean water, fresh water — that right now runs
into the ocean unharnessed, unsaved, unused by the people of this
province. I believe that our most precious commodity will be fresh
water...
Interjection.
HON. MR. BENNETT: ...and that it can be developed with the
assurance that the fish stocks will not be harmed. We can look at hydro
development, but to reject it as totally as that member did....
I come from the Okanagan, and I recognize that the Okanagan would be
nothing without the storage of fresh water that has brought prosperity
to that area. That land would be considered useless; it would be
desert; it would be rattlesnake and sagebrush country, if it were not
the most highly dev