British Columbia Hansard — Friday, June 11, 1982 — Morning Sitting (32nd Parliament, 4th Session)
32p 04s 820611a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1982 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 32nd Parliament
Hansard
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
( Hansard )
FRIDAY, JUNE 11, 1982
Morning Sitting
[ Page
8145 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Special Appropriations Act (Bill 11). Report. (Hon. Mr. Curtis)
Third reading –– 8145
Social Service Tax Amendment Act, 1982 (Bill 30). Committee stage. (Hon. Mr. Curtis)
On the amendment to
section 4 –– 8145
Mrs. Wallace
Mr. Davis
section 4 as amended –– 8146
Mrs. Wallace
section 12 –– 8147
Mr. Levi
Housing and Employment Development Financing Act (Bill 39). Second reading.
(Hon. Mr. Curtis)
Hon. Mr. Curtis –– 8147
Mr. King –– 8148
On the amendment
Ms. Sanford –– 8152
Hon. Mr. Curtis –– 8154
Home Purchase Assistance Amendment Act, 1982 (Bill 46). Second reading.
(Hon. Mr. Chabot)
Hon. Mr. Chabot –– 8154
Mr. Barber –– 8154
Motion: Nuclear arms reduction
Hon. Mr. Gardom –– 8161
Mr. Macdonald –– 8161
Appendix –– 8162
The House met at 10 a.m.
Prayers.
HON. R. GARDOM:
Hon. members, there are a number of distinguished guests in our
galleries from the People's Republic of China, who are members of an
auditing study team whose mandate is to establish the office of the
auditor-general in China. I would like to say to them: Hwanying Junggwo
pengyou lai B.C. sheng. Syiwang nimen feicheng kwaile chengji meihau.
Ching nimen daihwei B.C. sheng renmin dwei Junggwo renmin de youyi jufu.
These
gentlemen have spent a week with senior officials and the federal
auditor-general in our national capital. We are indeed honoured that
they have designated the office of the B.C. auditor-general for their
only provincial visit. Today they are meeting with Mrs. Erma Morrison,
hopefully the Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Curtis), the Chairman and
Secretary of our public accounts committee and a number of B.C.
accounting and financial officials.
Leading the delegation
is Mr. Sun. His colleagues are Mr. Dzang, Mr. Tsu, Mr. Hsien and the
interpreter, Mr. Dzang. I am sure all members would like to bid them a
very cordial and special welcome.
MR. BARRETT: As the husband of a Chinese-speaking person, may I add
my welcome to the Chinese delegation by saying: Tonjer, meihau and hwanying.
HON. MR. BENNETT:
It is a pleasure to present in the gallery today the winner of the 1982
Queen Elizabeth II B.C. Centennial Scholarship: Miss Marlee Kline of
Vancouver, a psychology graduate from Simon Fraser University. This
award is worth $20,000 and commemorates Her Majesty's visit to British
Columbia during our centennial. Marlee will be attending Oxford
University's Magdalene College this fall to pursue a two-year law
degree. Marlee has now won many scholarships, including the Simon
Fraser University award for her individual contribution to the social
and cultural development of her university.
In addition to
Marlee, we have one of the two runners-up in the gallery: from
Victoria, Ronald Niezen, an anthropology student from UBC who will
pursue his studies at Cambridge University. The runners-up receive
$4,000 each to further their graduate studies. Not here today but
attending the Courtauld Institute of Art at the University of London is
Bridget Elliot of UBC. I would ask all members of this House to make
these exceptional students welcome.
MR. MACDONALD: Kungwok pang yow gung hay gung hay gum yat ho tin hay in British Columbia dojay, dojay.
Orders of the Day
HON R. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker, I ask leave to proceed to public bills and orders.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: Report on Bill 11, Mr. Speaker.
SPECIAL APPROPRIATIONS ACT
Bill 11 read a third time and passed.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: Committee on Bill 30, Mr. Speaker.
SOCIAL SERVICE TAX AMENDMENT ACT, 1982
The House in committee on Bill 30; Mr. Strachan in the chair.
Sections 1 to 3 inclusive approved.
section 4.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Chairman, I move the amendment standing under my name on the order paper. [See appendix.]
On the amendment.
MRS. WALLACE:
Mr. Chairman, this is an interesting amendment inasmuch as it deletes
the second part of this particular section, because there is a court
case presently being appealed. I wonder why the minister is so
inconsistent, because part of
section 1 is also being appealed. A court
case relative to the front-end loader tractors is under appeal as well,
I understand, thanks to the courtesy of the minister in replying to my
query. There was a previous decision that the exemption of the Bobcats
was contrary to the intent of the legislation. That particular court
ruling indicated that the intent of the legislation was whether or not
the equipment could be used for farm use, and would be used for farm
use, not whether or not it could be used for something else. In this
case, the court found in favour of the mushroom farmers, who took it to
court.
That was some time ago, yet the people involved in
that particular case.... A fair amount of money had to be repaid to
people who had actually paid sales tax on those pieces of equipment,
and it worked a considerable hardship on the dealers in that equipment.
In fact, I know of one firm that has had to close its doors because of
their inability to cope with the financial burden of that tax which
they had not collected but were forced to pay. In speaking on this
amendment, my concern is that different rules seem to apply to
subsection (
b) than to subsection (a). I'm certainly not suggesting
that the minister should take front-end loaders out of subsection (a),
but I'm wondering why he's using one set of rules for (
b) and another
for
section (a).
MR. CHAIRMAN: This debate might be more appropriate in discussing the section, not the amendment. But we've gone this far, so please proceed.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
As you wish, Mr. Chairman. There is no inconsistency. With respect to
the subsection that would be removed by the passage of this amendment,
it does not speak of litigation, which has been going on for quite some
considerable time. The committee will note that the subsection now
being debated for deletion was to be effective on April 6, the day
following the presentation of the 1982-83 budget. It does not speak
about a court case or cases which
[ Page 8146 ]
may be pursued by the parties. It simply speaks to the question of the deletion of that tax measure for this fiscal year.
MRS. WALLACE:
In the minister's news release, which indicated that he was going to
delete this — that this amendment was on the order paper — as I read it
he gave the reason that the case was before the courts; he was deleting
it because the decision would not be down, and he was going to wait
until that decision was made. Did I not read that correctly, Mr.
Minister?
HON. MR. CURTIS: Yes, Mr. Chairman, that's
essentially correct, but I'm speaking in the narrow context of the
subsection before us. We are not proceeding with the taxation measure
announced in the budget and originally proposed in this bill. We are
not proceeding with that for this fiscal year. If the member seeks a
commitment with respect to the next fiscal year, I'm unable to give
that, because that would be the subject of a review of taxation matters
later in this calendar year. I'm not ducking the question, but all
we're doing is removing it as of today; therefore it is not active
within the 1982-83 fiscal year. I have no idea whether a tax of this
nature will be reintroduced in a year or two or three. I do not know,
sir.
MR. DAVIS: Mr. Chairman, I support the deletion
basically because had a tax of this kind been imposed I and I'm sure
many people would view it as a tax on resource processing in the
province — resource processing using electricity and electrolytic
methods. I think if we have a basic philosophy for industrial
development, it has to include resource processing as one of its
elements. This tax, had it been imposed, would be anti-development in
that sense. So I'm glad to see the minister withdrawing this particular
provision from the bill.
MRS. WALLACE: I just want to
make it clear that I'm not asking whether or not the minister is going
to do this at a later date. I was asking why he did it, and whether or
not my understanding was correct. He has given me the answer as to why
he did it.
Amendment approved.
section 4 as amended.
MRS. WALLACE:
Now inasmuch as the minister indicated that he withdrew the amendment
because it was before the courts, why then has he taken a different
approach in relation to the item of front-end loaders, which is on this
particular list that we're referring to in
section 4(a)? Why a
different tack? This one is also before the courts, according to the
minister.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Chairman, I have the
press release to which I believe the hon. member for Cowichan–Malahat
is referring. It is dated June 10, and it speaks of an amendment to
this bill — the amendment dealt with. It is four paragraphs long. The
third paragraph in full says:
"A recent court
ruling held that electricity used for these purposes was a direct agent
or catalyst, and therefore was outside of the taxing powers of the act.
The Ministry of Finance is currently appealing the decision."
That
is all that is said about any litigation which may be before the courts
at this time with respect to this matter, Mr. Chairman.
The concluding paragraph says:
"After
reviewing an extensive analysis of the industry in British Columbia,
Curtis announced that the government has decided to withdraw this
amendment, pending a final decision on the Ministry of Finance's appeal
in the courts."
The key phrase here is: "After reviewing an extensive analysis of the
industry...." That is the fundamental reason for the amendment which has just been approved,
and for the amended
section which is before us.
appreciate the member's point. In the case of court cases with respect
to another matter which is not before us in this
section — front-end
loaders or Bobcats — it may appear we are not being consistent. But I
submit that we are being consistent. Again, the subsection which has
just been deleted — I hope I'm not reflecting on that vote — was as of
April 6, 1982. It did not speak of any time prior to that date.
MRS. WALLACE:
Mr. Chairman, I note that the minister says that we're not discussing
the matter of Bobcats, but I think we are. This subsection reads:
"prescribed tangible personal property when purchased or leased by a
bona fide farmer to be used...solely for a farm purpose." The court
ruling I'm talking about indicated and decided that what this act
intended is that in each case these questions should be asked: is the
machinery capable of being used on a farm, and is it to be used by the
purchaser solely for the needs of his farm? That's saying almost the
same thing, although in different words, as this act, yet I have a
letter dated June 4 and signed by the minister which says he has
appealed that ruling. The whole thing just doesn't make sense to me.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
We have appealed both of them, in fact. What is dealt with in
subsection 4(
a) is the further exemption of equipment used by bona fide
farmers for farm purposes. The member may wish to meet with me on this.
There
are always cases before the courts regarding litigation on tax matters;
it's an ongoing process. Today in committee I am not going to speak
about the likelihood of success, or the diligence with which the
ministry, the government or the Crown will pursue those cases, whether
it applies to front-end loaders or to electricity used in the process
described in this subsection. That, I think, would be completely
inappropriate for the purposes of this section.
MRS. WALLACE:
Mr. Chairman, this seems mighty strange and inconsistent to me. Here we
have coming into effect a piece of legislation that removes the sales
tax from front-end loaders effective April 6 of this year. At the same
time, the minister is appealing a decision that's almost word for word
what this legislation says for people who purchased those pieces of
equipment prior to that time. It seems to be discriminatory against
those people who purchased during that period of time in view of the
court decision, which evidently has prompted this piece of legislation,
because it's almost word for word from the transcript of the court
case. But the government sees fit to appeal that decision at the same
time as they're bringing it in and making it mandatory from April 6.
[ Page 8147 ]
HON. MR. CURTIS:
I disagree with the member for Cowichan–Malahat. In the recent history
of tax matters at the provincial and federal levels, there must be many
instances where prior to a law's being enacted by the legislature or
the parliament, and in the absence of an exemption, as an example, the
responsible ministry — in this case the Ministry of Finance — would
take the appropriate action to recover the revenues in question. All
this
section speaks of is: as of April 6; forward from April 6, 1982.
I'm not going to be drawn into a debate in this context. Perhaps it may
be raised in my estimates, but I'm not going to be drawn into a debate
now as to the merits, or lack of merit, of court cases which predate
April 6, 1982.
Section as amended approved.
Section to 11 inclusive approved.
section 12.
MR. LEVI:
I wonder if the minister could comment on the question of the sales tax
with regard to people who raised money on a voluntary basis. I provided
him with the material related to that particular effort. Some $9,000
was raised, and they have to pay sales tax. The federal government does
not require that. It was a gift to the Children's Hospital. I was
hoping that the minister would find an appropriate place or even be
prepared to say that he's going to add it to the
schedule exclusions. I
don't want to lose the opportunity to get him to respond to that. I
thought it might be under this section. He's evidently getting some
good advice from his official there. If the minister would care to
comment, I'll sit down.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Chairman, to the hon. member for
Maillardville–Coquitlam, I confirm that he raised this in second
reading of Bill 30 and has since provided me with material relative to
equipment which is purchased by a social club — certainly a non-profit
organization — and then made available to a hospital. I informally
undertook, as I undertake now, to review that very carefully within the
ministry for possible action at some future time. I do not feel that it
is possible for me, within the space of these several weeks, to make
that change. Certainly I would not want to make that change without the
very careful examination to which I've referred earlier. But I assure
the member and the committee that we have made full and complete note
of that which he brought to my attention. It should be pointed out that
the province itself, the provincial government, like any other
purchaser in the province, pays the tax on its purchases.
I'm inclined to agree with the member that
there seems to be some validity, but if an amendment were presented
today, then out of necessity, not because I disagree with it but
because I would be quite nervous about the possible implications and
how far it might reach, I would have to recommend that we not accept it.
MR. LEVI:
Mr. Chairman, I'll watch and wait and see what the minister does. I
know that a large number of organizations do this and raise a lot of
money. I think the key thing that was brought out to me by the
particular group, the PH Club at Penticton, was that it felt it was
really a question of double taxation; they pay taxes as individuals,
and here they are in an effort to provide for a very worthwhile cause
and they suddenly find that they're being taxed again. So I'll look
forward to seeing an amendment from the minister either in some omnibus
form or a little later on.
Sections 12 to 14 inclusive approved.
Title approved.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Chairman, I move the committee rise and report the bill complete with amendment.
Motion approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Bill
30, Social Service Tax Amendment Act, 1982, reported complete with
amendment to be considered at the next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Second reading of Bill 39, Mr. Speaker.
HOUSING AND EMPLOYMENT
DEVELOPMENT FINANCING ACT
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr.
Speaker, I have a few remarks to make in respect to Bill 39, the
Housing and Employment Development Financing Act. I trust that other
members will assist in offering comments with respect to this piece of
legislation, which is, in fact, a companion to others that have been
presented in the course of this session or which are yet to be called
for debate. The purpose of this bill is to introduce an innovative new
financing mechanism for housing and employment development programs
within the province of British Columbia. The bill itself provides for
the issuing of up to $250 million of housing and employment development
bonds for terms of up to five years with the funds to be allocated by a
special cabinet committee, which is dealt with under another bill.
This
special funding, together with the fiscal injection provided by the
operating budget and the provincial government's substantial capital
investment program, will, we believe, provide a major stimulus to help
sustain employment during the current downturn in provincial economic
activity. The most innovative aspect of the proposed mechanism, the
bonds, is the concept of exempting interest on them from personal and
corporate income tax. If the interest rate were exempt from both
federal and provincial tax, it would be possible to issue these at a
rate of almost 50 percent below that which would be required for a
fully taxable issue. The benefit of this lower rate could then be
passed on in the form of low-interest loans for housing construction
and other employment creating projects. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, as
you realize, full tax exemption of the interest on these bonds requires
the agreement and the cooperation of the federal government. I have to
say to the House that the federal government has not appeared to be
eager to accept the British Columbia proposal.
Contrary to
an earlier report which was carried in the press — and, I think, dealt
with in this Legislature very early in our spring session — we made
early contact, first in conceptual form, with the Minister of Finance
and his officials as well as the minister himself in Ottawa to discuss
this. Two direct communications to Mr. MacEachen have gone
[ Page 8148 ]
from
my office — one to Mr. MacEachen and one to the Minister of National
Revenue — and I have had further contact with other federal ministers
as well. In addition, officials of the Ministry of Finance in British
Columbia have been to Ottawa to discuss the proposal with their federal
counterparts and have participated in a number of discussions, both in
writing and verbally. Yet, Mr. Speaker, out of all this, we do not yet
have a specific response to the tax exemption proposal insofar as the
federal government is concerned.
I shall continue to press
for that agreement, and at an early opportunity would, in fact, want to
meet with the federal Minister of Finance and other appropriate
ministers to discuss this. Given the possibility of failure at the
federal level, the Ministry of Finance in British Columbia is exploring
alternatives to the tax exemption concept, and there are some options
which would be available to us within the ambit of Bill 39. I will
comment on those at some later, appropriate time.
Mr. Speaker, the federal government has permitted the raising of Canadian interest
rates to a height which certainly is of concern to every thinking Canadian.
That point has been made on many occasions. One would not want in the context
of this bill to discuss the interest rate levels in the United States versus
interest rate levels in Canada, but let me say that the interest rate levels
in Canada at this particular time are harmful, debilitating and threaten many
activities in our country. The federal government is in charge of monetary policy,
as members will know, and it cannot simply pass the blame for high interest
rates to the United States, as occurred as recently as the Versailles economic
summit. But having said that, it is not good enough for the provincial government
— for any provincial government — to simply fire off verbal rockets towards
Ottawa saying: "You must do something." That is the essence of this
legislation: this legislation would permit us, as a province — albeit with limited
scope, because we are a provincial rather than a federal government — to undertake
the kind of activity which I'm sure, and which my colleagues are sure, would
have a beneficial effect on the people of the province of British Columbia.
think that the federal government, having been presented many months
ago with this concept from the province of British Columbia, owes us at
least a chance to try this innovative and quite exciting proposal. At
least we are trying, Mr. Speaker. I say in this assembly that I hope
that these words, as well as the other words which we have mentioned
and which have been sent in one form or another, will reach Ottawa,
that we can have a quick and a positive response, because I believe
that the program could be a model for other provinces; indeed it could
be a model for the national government as well.
As I said,
I'm sure there will be comment by both sides of the House in second
reading of Bill 39. It is one of the initiatives being taken by this
government. The order paper will clearly indicate the others. It is
just one of several that have been developed by the government in these
difficult economic days.
I move second reading of Bill 39.
MR. KING: I listened to the minister's comments with great interest. I was intrigued by some of the comments he made.
Interjection.
MR. KING:
Yes, I support the bill. I think that it's fine as far as it goes. But
by the minister's own admission, the federal government, upon whom this
bill depends to a great extent, is not eager to participate. The
minister said that given the possibility of failure at the federal
level, his ministry is exploring alternatives to the programs offered
in the bill.
This places the opposition in the position of
being asked to debate and vote on a highly tentative bill; it may
indeed proceed as the minister hopes or it may die aborning, as it
were. The minister commented on all of those things. He indicated that
the federal government should not pass the blame onto the United States
for the very high interest rates. I say to the minister: that is a true
statement, which I support. Similarly, the provincial government cannot
pass the total responsibility for the economic chaos in this province
onto the federal government. There is balanced responsibility. Any
fair-minded person would, I think, accept that. But there is a little
bit of a ruse involved here, in my view, when a partial remedy is
offered tentatively by the government, which is all highly dependent on
what the federal government policy may be.
Where is the
positive, unequivocal initiative of the provincial government to come
to grips with unemployment, with the economic chaos in this province,
with the business collapses — the bankruptcies of small businesses —
and indeed the foreclosures on both private homes and small businesses
that are taking effect on a daily basis at a very alarming rate? I see
no decisive initiative here in the bill to put forward a positive and
unequivocal program. That is the responsibility of the provincial
government. I wish them luck in obtaining assistance from the federal
government. But I am not prepared to let the provincial government
abdicate their responsibility to deal with the economic problems that
face us here in British Columbia by introducing a bill which is, in the
main, contingent upon federal government approval and participation in
the financial guarantees. That's not good enough.
We have
hundreds — thousands, indeed — in the province of British Columbia who
are now looking to this Legislature for some positive action, for some
hope, for some programs that would offer them the opportunity of
gaining employment through the summer, which would at least put them in
a position to earn enough unemployment insurance stamps to be able to
face what threatens to be a very difficult winter with some benefits
earned under the Unemployment Insurance Act. Many forest workers and
construction workers have now exhausted their unemployment insurance
benefits. Unless they are able to find some employment over the next
few months, even if it is temporary, they lack the opportunity to earn
any benefits to tide them over a long, cold and difficult winter.
my view, it's the responsibility of this government to come to grips
now with this problem in British Columbia on behalf of the people you
represent. The minister referred to other initiatives that have been
taken. There is indeed a cabinet committee set up to deal with job
creation. There is a pale initiative taken in the forest industry, and
I say "pale" because I do not know of one program that has yet been
approved under the program that the cabinet committee approved for the
forest industry. I have been checking the different regions of the
province of British Columbia to find out whether any of the bridging
programs have yet been approved. This is the program where supposedly
people on unemployment insurance will be hired in the forest industry
[ Page
8149 ]
to involve themselves in silvicultural treatment
and intensive forest management so that they can get back on UIC, and
not one program yet approved. Indeed, as far as I know, there is
no mechanism determined at the provincial level to finalize any of the
applications that are before the ministry. There has not been one job
created.
A very serious thing is happening as a result of
this delay and as a result of a lack of decisiveness on this
government's part. Even the planting program planned for this year is
not being fully engaged in, because there was no lead time with site
preparation to receive all the seedlings. Some of the seedlings marked
for planting this year will be returned to the nurseries because there
was no pre-planning by this government to make sure the sites would be
ready to receive the seedlings. That is an absolute shame and waste.
There are unemployed people out there prepared to go to work.
are talking about employment-creation programs, and I am pointing out
that there is no specific program offered in this bill. Indeed it
mentions employment and refers obliquely to the other program in the
forest industry. This bill is purported to offer itself as a mechanism
for financing the forest industry program. Even the backbenchers don't
understand that. I am saying to you that this government is offering
mechanisms which are highly tentative with no solid programs of
employment as an underpinning. We can't accept that. This government
has a responsibility to come out with some well-planned programs that
can be initiated very quickly to ease the tremendous trauma that
hundreds of thousands of people in the province of British Columbia are
facing.
It's not just a matter of putting those unemployed
people back to work; there is a multiplier effect that runs through the
whole economy when people are working, however temporarily. People who
are at work purchase more, will patronize their local small businesses
to a greater extent, and there is a stimulus to be offered by that kind
of investment by the government in priming the economic pump throughout
the regions of the province. This could well have the effect of saving
some of our small businesses that are going into bankruptcy at an
alarming rate in British Columbia.
We all know what is happening in the forest industry. Just to review some of
the headlines over the past few months concerning the need for employment in
the forest industry, let's have a look at what's happening. The Times-Colonist
of May 21 outlines a situation in Nelson, British Columbia: " 'Idle
forest industry workers who face going on welfare because their unemployment
insurance benefits have run out will not be eligible for a $40 million work
scheme now being introduced, ' says Forests minister Tom Waterland. However,
Employment Canada will soon begin other new programs to provide the 10 to 14
work weeks needed to qualify workers for the program." "Forest Job
Plans Limited," is another headline in Nelson. Another
article reads:
"Crown Zellerbach to lose Newsprint Machine. Thirty-five employees will
face layoff at the Elk Falls Mill in Campbell River." "Forest Industry
Layoffs Could be Double," is reported in the Vancouver Sun on May 21.
It goes on and on. "Macmillan Bloedel Lays Off Loggers." "Powell
River — 175 Loggers Laid Off," dated May 25. The Daily Colonist headline
is: "Banks Told to Back Off Sawmills by the Minister of Forests."
The
only thing that's happening of a higher activity in the province of
British Columbia are the activities of the receivers and sheriffs in
terms of foreclosures. It is a catastrophe. The headlines go on: "Two
More Mills to Lay Off;" "Temporary Plant Closures Due to Poor Market
Conditions at Crown Zellerbach Canada's Elk Falls Mill;" and "Plumper
Bay Now Bankrupt." The economic analysis by the B.C. Central Credit
Union, which this government has criticized, notes that there are
39,000 more men and 23,000 more women unemployed at present than there
were just one year ago. The surge in unemployment began during the
October-November period of last year and has been climbing ever since.
The
opposition warned the government last year that there was an economic
downturn facing not only the economy of British Columbia but the
economy of the nation. We moved to cut $81 million of the excessive
spending from ministerial travel and extravagance last year. The
government turned that down. We moved to introduce specific work
generating programs in the small business sector, forest industry,
mining sector and tourism. We have challenged the government to bring
some initiative before the Legislature that we could debate in a
specific way. All we get instead is a bill authorizing the government
of British Columbia to establish some interest-free bonds, but it's
totally contingent upon the federal government's acceptance.
It's
not good enough to go cap in hand to Ottawa and say: "You solve all our
problems in the province of British Columbia." This government was
elected with a responsibility to manage this economy. This government
was elected to offer some hope and some specific programs for the
unemployed in this province. To those businesses that are facing
heartbreaking failure after years of work on a total investment in
their enterprise, this is an abdication of the government's
responsibility. It's not good enough.
The glum details go on
and on: "MacMillan Bloedel Details Further Cutbacks and Layoffs;" and
"Layoffs Reach 25.7 Percent of the Organized Workforce in the Forest
Industry." And the best the Minister of Finance can do is come in with
a bill that says that if the federal government approves, we may do
something to help you. We want more specific programs from this
government. We want some specific initiatives brought before the
Legislature that can be introduced quickly and offer some support and
hope to those people out in our community who are suffering so
seriously. That's not too much to ask. We're not even asking for a
highly partisan debate in this regard. I'm sure the government members
are concerned about their constituents who are facing a life on welfare
unless they can obtain some work over the next few months. I'm sure the
government doesn't want that.
We don't blame the government
for the total economic circumstances that created this condition; we
simply ask for a human response to this condition. We ask on behalf of
not only our own constituents but on behalf of the people of the total
province who expect the provincial government to recognize the
emergency — and it is indeed an emergency — and to do something
positive and specific to mount some employment programs that will ease
the plight of these people now. They want something that will protect
them from the sheriffs hovering over their homes with foreclosure
notices, something that will allow them to pay their mortgages and
retain their business enterprise, and which will give them an
[ Page 8150 ]
offer
of employment and allow them to earn some unemployment insurance status
so they can at least live with some dignity over the course of the
winter months.
This bill is devoid of any specific program.
It simply says: "Hey, if the federal government approves, we might make
some interest-free bonds available for employment creation." We have
seen what the employment creation program was in the forest industry,
and I defy the Minister of Forests to outline one program under the
bridging plan, which is largely funded by the federal government, that
has been created by that particular initiative.
MR. SPEAKER: It wouldn't be in order under this bill, hon. member.
MR. KING:
Mr. Speaker, it deals with employment. It refers to the fact that
programs would be funded from the revenue generated out of this bill.
and presumably that includes activity in the forest industry.
I'm
pointing out that we should not be asked to buy a pig in a poke; we
have a right to expect some specific programs to be put forward by the
government. We are dealing with the here and now: we're not dealing
with some theory that can be held out as some possible, tentative hope
down the road. These are not just statistics out there; these are real
people who are suffering now. Surely the government can't sit blindly
insulated from the news that is coming out every day. Businessmen being
interviewed on television are actually weeping that they are losing
their total investment in an enterprise that they had spent a lifetime
developing and working for. Young married couples with small children
are being evicted from their homes because they have lost their income
and they can no longer meet the mortgage payments. That is the here and
now. That is the reality. These people cannot be treated like simple
cold statistics. The government has an obligation to bring in not only
a financing plan, tentative as it is, but we need something more
positive and firm than that. It's not good enough to tell those people
out there: "Somewhere down the road, if the federal government agrees,
we may have some additional money to invest in housing."
HON. MR. CURTIS: That's not correct. "If the federal government agrees..." is not correct. That's not what I said.
MR. KING:
Mr. Speaker, he said given the possibility of failure at the federal
level — that the federal government does not appear eager to
participate. What kind of a recommendation is that for the bill? In
introducing the bill the minister indicated that there is a highly
questionable possibility that the federal government will participate
in the guarantees. It is not good enough to say to the people out there
in the community: "Look, while you are suffering the day-to-day reality
of eviction, of business failure, of exhausting your unemployment
insurance benefits and being unable to meet your day-to-day commitments
and payments, we are offering a bill that gives us some financial
authority, depending on the federal government down the road, to build
some more houses."
HON. MR. CURTIS: Not exclusively.
MR. KING:
There is not one specific program included here. What kind of
employment-creation programs will be mounted or initiated? Not one.
That's what we need a debate on. We need a debate on precisely what the
provincial government can do now and what kind of programs should be
initiated now. I hear many of the backbenchers over there chirping
away, Mr. Speaker, and very soon they are going to have an opportunity
to stand up and recommend what actions should be taken by the
government of the province to assist their constituents, who are
suffering as much as anyone else.
I support the bill as far
as it goes, but it is not nearly adequate. It fails to come to grips
with the reality of a stagnant and, indeed, a depressed economy in the
province of British Columbia. It seeks to transfer a major part of the
responsibility to the federal government. Maybe that's well enough;
certainly they are responsible for the high interest rates. But it's
not good enough for the people of British Columbia for you to simply
wring your hands and say that there is nothing that can be done here in
the province. Something can be done and something must be done, and
there is no reason why the government should not bring initiatives
before the House. In terms of them failing to do so, the opposition is
quite prepared to make some suggestions to the government for the kind
of specific programs I am referring to. I have pointed out that it is
too late in the year to mount a major planting program in the forest
industry, but it is not too late in the year....
HON. MR. KEMPF: It's too late to plant.
MR. KING:
The member from Omineca will have his opportunity, but the fact of the
matter is that you cannot run out and drop seedlings in the ground
without some site preparation, which has not been undertaken by the
government. That's the problem.
MR. KEMPF: Not so! You can't plant....
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. The member for Omineca will have an opportunity to speak in this debate.
MR. KING:
There is much that can be done in the forest industry that is
labour-intensive, that is a major investment in our future wood supply
and that bears good dividends as a result. That is the need to thin our
forests where we have over-thick growths of young, second-growth
timber. There are thousands of jobs that can be developed very quickly
without any lead time in that area. There are over two million acres of
forest land in the province of British Columbia that have not been
adequately restocked; consequently they have been taken over by weed
species. That has to be recaptured and has to be put back into
productive forest land.
We can put thousands of people to
work doing those jobs now. We are paying these people in any event to
stay home in idleness. We pay them either through unemployment
insurance or social assistance. Does it not make more sense to give
them the dignity of having a productive, worthwhile job that creates a
major investment in the future timber supply of British Columbia? Is
that not more desirable from a social and economic viewpoint? The
additional cost of paying a fair wage would not be much higher than the
cost of requiring them to stay at home in idleness on the dole. Workers
don't want that. They would like the dignity of earning a living and of
making a contribution to strengthening B.C.'s economy.
[ Page
8151 ]
These things can be done now. That is what I object to about this
bill: the lack of any positive program, the lack of a specific
initiative by the government to deal with employment opportunities for
people. That is what is at fault here. On that basis I feel that the
bill does not go nearly far enough. Therefore I move an amendment to
the motion that is before the House, seconded by my colleague, the
member for Comox (Ms. Sanford), that all the words after "that" be
deleted and the following substituted: "This Legislature views the
current economic crisis as completely unacceptable and calls on the
government to bring to the Legislature forthwith adequate measures to
deal with this crisis."
MR. SPEAKER: It will take just a moment to consider the motion itself, hon. members.
Before
I proceed I think it would be wise for all members to take cognizance
of the fact that the motion that is before us is one that occurs very
seldom in this House. It is called a reasoned amendment. Perhaps I
should acquaint the members with a couple of provisions associated with
reasoned amendments. Firstly, a seconder is not required. Secondly,
notice is required, according to Sir Erskine May. However a reasoned
amendment has been allowed without notice in this House on previous
occasions. Therefore I would like o reserve a decision on what the
practice of the House should be with regard to leave. I think that we
should allow debate to proceed. If, upon review, it becomes very clear
that the Chair is in error in this regard, then I reserve the right to
interrupt the debate at any point in time further down the road.
The
amendment does appear to be in order. Members might be interested to
know about things that would not be in order under a reasoned
amendment. An amendment shall not deal in detail with provisions of the
bill. It must not anticipate amendment which might be moved in
committee. It is not permitted simply to have additions of words to the
question. It is not permitted simply to have additions of words to the
question. It cannot be just a direct negation of a bill; that can be
done by voting against it. Matters of general or public policy are out
of order.
The amendment reads: "that this Legislature views
the current economic crisis as completely unacceptable and calls on the
government to bring to the Legislature forthwith adequate measures to
deal with this crisis." The reasoned amendment nearly encroaches upon
the last prohibition; however, I will permit the amendment to proceed.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
Mr. Speaker, on a point of order, it appears to me that the reasoned
amendment, if indeed it is a reasoned amendment, infringes upon the
rule of anticipation, because on the order paper, and in the hands of
the hon. members, there are a number of bills introduced into first
reading and awaiting second reading which certainly deal with the
economy of the province.
MR. SPEAKER : Hon. member,
the Chair of course has no knowledge of bills which may be anticipated
to be on the order paper and can only make its ruling on the basis of
bills presently on the order paper.
HON. MR. GARDOM: I'm referring to the bills that have been introduced and are on the order paper.
MR. SPEAKER: Presently on the order paper?
HON. MR. GARDOM: Yes.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
On the same point of order, I believe, Mr. Speaker, I would draw Mr.
Speaker's attention to Bill 26, which leaves no doubt as to its
purpose: Employment Development Act. That will be called, one assumes,
for second reading at a very early date.
MR. SPEAKER: I'll accept one opinion from the other side.
MR. KING:
Mr. Speaker, with respect to the points of order raised by the
ministers, I would point out that this amendment pertains to Bill 39,
not to any other bill, and to the motion that the bill be given second
reading. As such, it bears no relevance to any other bill on the order
paper. It refers to our opinion under the motion before the House.
There is another point I would like to refer to Your Honour, in the Journals
of the House, dated Friday, May 9, 1980, on page 92, where indeed the
member for Shuswap–Revelstoke moved a reasoned amendment which I think
would be a useful guide in reviewing the orderliness of this amendment.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, hon. members. Perhaps the way we
can look after the matter, it being rather novel to this House, would
be for me to reserve not only on the matter of whether leave is
required, but on the contents of the amendment itself, without
prejudice to the members who may wish to debate the matter. I will
bring a decision, perhaps even before the end of today's sitting. I
reserve on the decision. On a point of order not related to the
decision, the member for Shuswap–Revelstoke.
MR. KING:
Mr. Speaker, on matters of privilege certainly it is possible to
reserve without prejudice. I submit to Your Honor that it is not
possible to reserve without prejudice on a matter which is now before
the House. That interrupts the flow of the business of the House and
completely frustrates the right of the opposition to introduce an
amendment which we submit is in order. I would suggest that the better
course, without throwing out of kilter the procedure of the House,
would be to recess until such time as the Speaker, in consultation with
his advisers, can bring back a decision. I would make that request to
Your Honour.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, we don't
require a debate on points of order. The Chair can, if the Chair
wishes, accept an opinion from either side. He has that opinion. I
would refer the members to Beauchesne's fourth edition at page 61,
subsection (6).
"In all matters of doubt, the
Speaker will consider attentively the opinions of members of
experience, or sometimes, instead of expressing his opinion on either
side, may ask instructions from the House or reserve his decision on
the point in discussion, or suggest that the House may, if it think
proper, dispense with the rule in a particular case. In doubtful cases
he will be largely guided by the circumstance."
Hon. members. upon reconsideration, if the House can provide the
Chair with enough authority to proceed, with the reservation on the
matter of leave and the matter of the content of the motion itself, and
allow the Chair at any point, even two days down the road should the
debate continue that long,
[ Page 8152 ]
interrupt the debate and declare the motion out of order, if it should
be out of order at that point in time, would that be sufficient? Would
the House be satisfied with that kind of delay and allow debate on the
motion itself now as though it were in order? I'm talking about the
amendment. Is it clear? So ordered.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY:
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, please give me some help. I
understand that you are now going to allow debate on the amendment to
the bill.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. member, what is happening
is that the decision of the Chair is being reserved on the two matters
that are doubtful. One is whether leave is required and the other is
whether the motion is in order. However, precedent has been established
in this House. At one point in time, debate proceeded for two days
until it was determined to be out of order, and at that point in time
the debate ceased. What the Chair is suggesting now is that we proceed
on that precedent with the full understanding and knowledge of the
House that at the point in time at which the amendment can be declared
out of order, debate must cease.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY:
Further to your decision, Mr. Speaker, the bill that is before us — the
original bill that we are debating — addresses the very thing that the
amendment is asking for a broader discussion on. It appears to me that
the amendment will delay a debate on the very important considerations
addressing the very economy about which the member for
Shuswap–Revelstoke (Mr. King) has placed an amendment before us. So, to
me, it's conflicting. In other words, we are in the midst of debating a
bill which addresses the adequate measures taken and the current
economic situation. This amendment simply delays the very important
passage of and debate on the very bill which will address those.
MR. SPEAKER:
Hon. members, the debate on the amendment itself is as broad as the
debate on the bill. I would suggest that all hon. members perhaps take
a few moments to review the purpose of a reasoned amendment. I will
take the opinions expressed by both sides into consideration when
bringing to the House a decision on the two matters that I have
reserved. With that, we dispense with the matter before us. On a point
of order, the member for Omineca.
MR. KEMPF: On a point of clarification, Mr. Speaker.
Interjections.
MR. KEMPF:
As all hon. members in this House will know, I am certainly no expert
on the rules of this House, but as I understand it, Mr. Speaker, you
are now asking that we debate an amendment that possibly somewhere down
the road is going to be out of order. I fail to see how that's possible.
MR. SPEAKER: As the Chair has already noted, it has happened before and it will happen now. Please proceed.
On the amendment.
MS. SANFORD:
Mr. Speaker, in speaking to this amendment, I would like to bring to
the attention of the government the fact that people throughout this
province are looking to them in the vain hope that something is going
to be done to improve the economy, the problems of unemployment and the
despair and desolation they feel at this time as citizens of the
province of British Columbia. The approach that the government has
taken to this economic crisis and these high levels of unemployment is
deplorable, because they have virtually ignored the problems. Even this
morning they did not wish to proceed with a debate that dealt with the
economic issues that are causing so many problems and so much friction
in this province today.
Do the government members not
realize the despair that people are feeling? Do they not realize what's
happening to families out there as a result of the lack of action with
respect to the economy and unemployment? Does the government not
realize that when people are unemployed month after month after month
they become depressed, mental health problems develop, there is a
family breakdown, and wife-battering occurs? There is an increase in
alcoholism, in juvenile delinquency, in drug addiction; there is even
an increase in the suicide rate when unemployment levels are as high as
they are today. This government is so obsessed with balancing the
budget that they are unwilling to come forward with any proposals that
will deal with the problems immediately. That's what people are looking
for: for the government to bring something forward today that will
assist them. They don't want some debate months down the road; they
want solutions today for the short term. They also would like the
government of the day to do some long-term planning so that this kind
of situation does not develop again — families losing their homes,
bankruptcies at a rate that is unprecedented in this province. A common
sight in our communities today is the boarded-up windows on shops.
The front page of this morning's Times-Colonist
carries an
article that refers to another layoff by MacMillan Bloedel,
4,000 people, and what is this government doing? It's bringing in
legislation that is completely inadequate in terms of dealing with the
critical problems that are out there. People want to work, they are
desperate to find jobs, and yet the government is determined it's going
to balance the budget. It doesn't matter how many more people are laid
off, or what the cutbacks are doing to the services to people. No
matter how many bankruptcies there are or how many people lose their
homes, they are determined to proceed on the course that they have set.
The
inadequate programs that they are introducing to this Legislature give
no hope to the people of British Columbia, who are suffering so much
these days. In B.C., the last available figures show unemployment at
148,000 officially, and when you include the hidden unemployed, which
is the real total, you have 220,000 people looking for work. That's
before the 4,000 who are being laid off at MacMillan Bloedel. The
highest unemployment rate and the greatest increase over the last three
years is in the Prince George region, where they now have a rate of
19.2 percent. And that's after a lot of people have left Prince George.
Some 14,000 people who were employed last year are not employed in
Prince George this year. Many of those have moved away to try to find
work somewhere else.
It's the young who are becoming very
depressed and dismayed by what's happening. They are the ones with the
highest rate of unemployment — close to 20 percent — and they are the
ones who feel that our economic system has absolutely no place for
them, that we don't care about them. They are turning to juvenile
delinquency in some cases, drug
[ Page 8153 ]
addiction
or alcoholism in other cases. Just this last week I had a phone call
from a mother here in Victoria asking if she could come and see me
because she was so concerned about her young son. He sits at home all
day, having given up after searching for work month after month after
month, and he is reaching a very serious stage of depression. She was
so concerned about him that she asked if she could come and visit with
me in the hope that he might somehow get a job or into a pre-
apprenticeship program or an apprenticeship — something. She was
pleading with me because of the despair that this young man felt.
Doesn't
the government understand what its lack of action is doing to people?
Doesn't it understand what it feels like to be a family about to lose a
home? I know several; I've met with them The strain and stress, and the
trips that the mother has had to make to the doctor's office because of
the tension she's under because of the loss of their home — how do you
measure that? The costs on the health-care system to treat the people
who are suffering because of the lack of action of the government in
the economic field means that it only creates more pressures on the
finances of the province. But they're so obsessed with this balanced
budget and continuing on the course they've set that the plight of
people doesn't seem to register with the group that's in government
right now.
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
In fact,
any of the actions the government has taken have increased the problem
significantly. The huge increases that people have faced in user
charges, licences of various kinds, medicare premiums, hospitalization,
Hydro, ICBC and ferry rates simply add to the problems and hardships of
the unemployed and those who are losing their homes. When we make
cutbacks in hospital programs, health service and education, we're
going to have yet more people in the position of looking for work and
not being able to find it.
It's the women of this province
who are suffering particularly, because whenever there is a tight job
situation, it's the women who find that they're not able to find work
and that all the avenues normally open to them are not even open to
them any more. This government has determined that women who are on
social assistance shall be reclassified as employable if they have a
child over six months. It doesn't matter that there is no work for
them. They're to be put under the extra pressure of having to apply
every month for their assistance in order to try to survive and feed
their children. If they can find work, they can't find day care. It's
the women who are hit particularly hard. They can't find work; the work
they are able to find is low-paid; they can't find day care; and of
course those who have been on Human Resources assistance are
reclassified to ensure that their life is made a little more miserable
every month by having to go and plead again for some assistance in
order to survive. The unemployment totals for women in May of this year
— I think they're the last available figures — were 11. 2 percent,
whereas men were at 10.7 percent. Again, it's the women who always get
the short end of the stick when it comes to difficult economic times.
What
has the government done? First of all, they cancelled a youth
employment program which was established last year at 10 million. Back
in 1975 when the budget was much smaller than it is today, the youth
employment program was set at $30 million. Last year it was $10
million. This year they decide to cancel it, only to reintroduce it a
week later in the hope that all the announcements surrounding that
youth employment program would give the impression that they're doing
something new and different about the problems the young people are
facing in getting work. There's nothing new or different. It's the same
amount as last year. As a matter of fact, the people who are going to
be on the youth employment program, in large part, are going to be
receiving far less than last year in income for the same amount of time
that they work.
What did the government do? It introduced
seven press releases announcing the program that they had cancelled the
week before. Seven times they had to tell us, in a different way
through a different minister, that the youth employment program was
going ahead, in the hopes that it would appear as though there were
seven new programs when, in fact, it was the program that was in place
last year at the same level of funding, except that those people who
are working in the program this year will be earning less money, in
spite of the fact that the cost of living has gone up and in spite of
the fact that increases in fees and for accommodation — increases
everywhere — are going to be faced by those young people.
The
forestry program was referred to by my colleague, the former Minister
of Labour and member for Shuswap–Revelstoke (Mr. King). He pointed out
that there is still not one person who has been hired under that
program that was announced with great fanfare some time ago. The
government is so inefficient, so incapable of drawing up any kind of
program that all this time has gone by since the program was announced
and still there is not one job that has been created under that
program. They don't care enough. Even if they did care, they are so
inefficient that they are incapable of drawing up a program and putting
it into effect.
As one of the foresters said: "The snow will
fly before they ever get the program in place if they are going to
continue at this rate." Even if the program does go ahead and there are
jobs created, I don't know how many will be created, because I don't
think the program is going to be as successful as the government would
have us believe. In Ontario they have had a very difficult time with
that program. The same program that has been subscribed to here in
British Columbia, by the government signing a federal-provincial
agreement, has not been that successful in Ontario. Ontario got in on
this program months before B.C. did. Yet the Institute of Forestry says
that in Ontario the program hasn't been successful. Here in British
Columbia the institute is concerned about the success of the program.
There is so much red tape. There have been very few takers for that
program in Ontario, according to the information that's available
through the Globe and Mail .
It is tragic. People are
despairing. They are becoming very depressed. They want to work. They
cannot feed their families. They are losing their homes. Shops are
being boarded up all over this province. They look to their government
for assistance, guidance and programs — at least, immediate short-term
programs that will do something about the problem. What do they see? A
group of wine-swilling, Broadway.... Maybe I shouldn't even get into
that. It makes me too angry. That is what they see out of this
government. The people are desperate in this province. They need
employment. They are looking to this government, and this government is
refusing to act, refusing to do anything about the serious problems
that are facing British Columbians today. Mr. Speaker, I support this
reasoned amendment.
[ Page 8154 ]
HON. MR. CURTIS:
Speaking to the amendment, I want to comment briefly on a couple of
matters which have been raised by the mover of the amendment and the
member for Comox, who has just taken her seat. At a time such as this,
government members and opposition members in a province such as British
Columbia clearly would want to express concern. I feel it is
unfortunate that, in the remarks that have been made so far on the
amendment, we have a tendency to view the circumstance in British
Columbia in isolation. Other government members and members of the
treasury bench, I'm sure, will want to comment in due course on the
amendment which is before the Chair and which will be commented on
later. But let no member of this House suggest that the circumstances
in British Columbia are that bad when compared with other provinces.
AN HON. MEMBER: You didn't make that speech in 1973.
HON. MR. CURTIS: I've listened quietly, Mr. Speaker.
Let
no one, in a debate of this nature, ignore the desperate problems which
are being postponed by deficit budgeting in other provinces. In
Atlantic Canada, Quebec, Ontario — particularly speaking of those
provinces, the major population centres — we see the layoffs and
business closures we have spoken of, and we have seen governments
simply throwing money they don't have at a problem, hoping somehow that
they can inflate their way out. So if we're going to have a debate such
as this on this topic, then let us have it in the context of Canada,
the United States, the free world economy and the recession in which
all of us find ourselves to a lesser or greater extent.
This
province would be in much worse condition if we as a government had not
earlier identified the problems which were coming. We did not know the
depth of the recession as it eventually developed. But if we had turned
a blind eye and tried to throw money at the problem, as members
opposite have advocated on more than one occasion, then we would have
the reason for a very serious and protracted debate in this House.
Mr.
Speaker, I want to participate further in this debate. I move
adjournment of this debate until the next sitting of the House.
Motion approved on the following division:
YEAS — 28
Wolfe
McCarthy
Williams
Gardom
Bennett
Curtis
Phillips
McGeer
Fraser
Kempf
Davis
Strachan
Segarty
Waterland
Hyndman
Chabot
McClelland
Rogers
Smith
Heinrich
Hewitt
Jordan
Vander Zalm
Ritchie
Richmond
Ree
Mussallem
Brummet
NAYS — 16
Macdonald
Barrett
King
Lea
Stupich
Dailly
Hall
Leggatt
Levi
Sanford
Skelly
Barber
Wallace
Hanson
Mitchell
Passarell
Division ordered to be recorded in the Journals of the House.
MR. MUSSALLEM: Mr. Speaker, I again draw your attention to
the problem with the bells. I understand through the grapevine that the
wrong button was pressed. I want to assure you of the entire
unreliability of the system, and this Whip cannot be responsible for
assuming that all offices have received the signal. I want you to know
that I may rise at any time and request that a division be held until
such time as these matters can be assured.
HON. MR. McGEER: Mr. Speaker, would it be in order to congratulate the New Democratic Party on the relatively fine turn-out for a Friday?
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. That is not a point of order, hon. member.
Interjections.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Mr. Speaker, somebody said the wrong button was pushed and there are fire engines outside.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members. Please proceed.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Second reading of Bill 46, Mr. Speaker.
HOME PURCHASE ASSISTANCE
AMENDMENT ACT, 1982
HON. MR. CHABOT: Mr. Speaker,
this amendment is small but significant. What it essentially does is
give flexibility to the Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing to adjust
its portfolio of second mortgages that are administered under this act.
At the moment we're tied to the National Housing Act on the mortgage
rate that we can apply to our portfolio, and this amendment allows us
to lower our interest rates on old as well as new mortgages issued
under this act.
Mr. Speaker, I move second reading.
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
MR., BARBER:
I rise as the designated speaker on this bill. We support the bill but
recognize its limitations. We support the bill but recognize that it
goes nowhere near far enough to deal with the housing crisis that
afflicts the people of British Columbia. We support the bill but
recognize that it does not deal with the questions of economic collapse
in the housing industry. Some small benefit is better than none, and on
that basis we support this measure.
However, there are other measures that should be taken, and I wish to offer them now in the hope that the government
[ Page 8155 ]
may
offer amendments to its own statute that would assist us and the people
of British Columbia in dealing with the staggering rate of home
mortgage foreclosures and the staggering rate of related personal and
business bankruptcies. This bill is good as far as it goes, but it only
goes a foot when it should go a mile. Let me illustrate, Mr. Speaker.
The
rate of bankruptcies and mortgage foreclosures registered at the
supreme court in Vancouver now sees an average of three persons a day
losing their homes and their businesses; often, Mr. Speaker, the same
person loses both. The reason they can no longer finance their home is
because their business has failed; the reason they have to file for
business bankruptcy and, for all practical purposes, have no defence
against a foreclosure by a bank or a lending institution on their home
mortgage, is because of the general economic collapse in the housing
market of British Columbia. We support the bill because it goes a small
distance; what we would rather do is support an amended bill that goes
the whole distance.
Let me give a bit of background, Mr.
Speaker. The New Democratic Party was the first government to introduce
a Ministry of Housing in the province of British Columbia. We did so
because we are committed to the principle of home ownership. We did so
because we believe in the home-ownership principle as it may benefit
individuals and families across British Columbia. We set up the first
ever Ministry of Housing as an attempt in the early- and mid-70s to
deal with a housing crisis that was created by the problems of success.
From 1972 through 1975 the economy was booming in British Columbia.
Employment was up, bankruptcy was down, housing was being built, and
the Ministry of Housing was helping to do it.
Regrettably,
when the coalition came back to power, one of their first and most
foolish acts was to wipe out the Housing Corporation of British
Columbia. By 1977 they had accomplished this altogether. Shortly
thereafter they managed to wipe out an independent and full-time
Ministry of Housing, and we are now dealing with the problems of a
part-time ministry and a part-time minister. The reason this bill does
not go far enough is because the minister has clearly been preoccupied
with other matters.
HON. MR. CHABOT: On a point of
order, Mr. Speaker, the member for Victoria is straying quite
substantially from the principle of this amendment. He's going into the
question of HCBC. He's going into the question of whether the ministry
should be the Ministry of Housing or the Ministry of Lands, Parks and
Housing, which I suggest to you is not relevant to this debate. This
bill addresses the question of mortgages and the question of the
ability of this government to lower mortgage rates in the portfolio.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: The point of order is well taken. The minister
is now clearly entering debate, which cannot be permitted.
HON. MR. CHABOT:
It's either a point of order or it's not. It's either relevant or it's
not. Is his debate relevant? I'm asking you that question. Can he
wander into the whole gamut of housing? If you want a full-fledged
debate, you'll get it, but I'm suggesting he's out of order in
discussing HCBC and the Ministry of Housing.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Order, please. You'll have to allow the Chair to make the decision on a
point of order. The point of order from the Minister of Lands, Parks
and Housing was well taken by the Chair. After a certain time of
hearing the point of order, the Chair decided that the minister was
entering into debate, which the minister will be clearly allowed to do
when he closes debate. That is my ruling.
With respect to
the point of order, and to the first member for Victoria, the Speaker
must advise the House that debate in second reading is allowed some
scope, but it must be relevant to the principle of the bill. The
principle of this bill is to reduce interest rates on mortgages. There
is much scope there, but I would advise all members of the House to
maintain relevancy to the principle of this bill, which is to reduce
interest rates.
The hon. first member for Victoria continues on Bill 46.
MR. BARBER: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I appreciate your ruling and support it.
am attempting to establish the history of public policy and its recent
failure in such a manner as to bring us to the debate here today. I've
already advised that the official opposition will support this bill: we
do so because it's better than nothing. Nonetheless it's very thin
soup. The collapse of the housing industry in British Columbia is a
matter of public record. The reasons for that collapse are contained in
some measure within this bill.
Let me tell you how, Mr.
Speaker. This government has waited seven years — seven lean years for
the people of British Columbia; seven fat years for members of cabinet
— to make any effort at all to act on the principle which our party
enunciated in 1975 when we passed, with the support of Social Credit,
the B.C. Savings and Trust Act. That bill is law not yet proclaimed,
although it was voted for by the Social Credit Party as well as by its
authors, the New Democratic Party. It would have provided seven years
ago a powerful engine to help the housing industry of British Columbia
maintain its speed, purpose and success. This powerful engine — voted
for in 1975 by New Democrats and Socreds — was never proclaimed into
reality by Social Credit. Instead, seven years later we see this bill,
which in the explanatory note permits the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council to reduce the interest rate on mortgages
to secure loans, granted under
section 7. In a moment I'll read
section
7, so that there should be no concern about what it constitutes. The
regrettable fact is that even though this bill, which we will support,
takes some small step to reduce interest rates for a few people in the
province of British Columbia, it will do virtually nothing for the
great majority of homeowners who are faced with the triple tragedy of
unemployment, high interest rates and bankruptcy. The triple tragedy of
unemployment, high interest rates and bankruptcy has led the industry
that built housing in this province to a period of collapse. The
response of the coalition has been this small bill, as the minister
himself indicated when he introduced it, and nothing else except a
series of negatives. They shut down the Housing Corporation of British
Columbia. They abandoned the concept of a full-time Ministry of Housing
with a full-time minister and incorporated it within the fields of
lands and parks as well. This is not appropriate; it's not useful and
it's not timely. We need, in fact, a full-time Ministry of Housing, and
we need a full-time examination of the problem of interest rates
contained here in this bill. We need it because the people of British
Columbia need it.
[ Page 8156 ]
The
federal government has clearly betrayed the national interest. The
interest rate policies of the national government are a horrendous
mistake, are a human mistake and are a body of mistaken ideas that are
defeating the economic interests of our own people. We need a made in
British Columbia interest policy. This act is a very small step toward
it, but it's a small step in a period when heroic steps are required.
In that, it is disappointing. In that much, it is hardly anything at
all. Of course we'll support it, because it's better than nothing,
which is what we've seen for the last seven lean years. Nonetheless, it
does not, for instance, have the same kind of imagination or courage
that was shown by the government of the day when the B.C. Savings and
Trust Act was established. It does not have the same courage shown by
the government of Saskatchewan just six months ago, when they decided,
in order to protect home ownership in that province, to establish a
moratorium on foreclosures of home mortgages.
New Democrats
believe profoundly in the social benefit of home ownership. We believe
it strengthens families and neighbourhoods, and we believe it adds to
the cultural integrity of our society. New Democrats believe profoundly
in the human and social value of home ownership. How do we afford homes
these days, Mr. Chairman? Well, very few do. Most people cannot
assemble the equity necessary. If they are to do so, they have to save
for years and years in a period when a market is inflating rapidly.
Even if they are lucky enough to be able to put together the equity
necessary to finance a mortgage, they are then stuck with today's
interest rates.
What does this bill do for the people who
wish to buy a home today? Precisely nothing. What does it do for people
who bought a home yesterday and have to refinance at today's interest
rates? Precisely nothing. What does it do for young families and young
couples just getting started or for singles interested in entering the
market of housing? Precisely nothing. On those counts, this bill is a
failure.
However, it will deal with the lucky few who are
identified under
section 7 of the Home Purchase Assistance Act. Let me,
if I may, read for a moment
section 7.
"Subject
to this Act and the regulations, a loan may be made to a person who is
the owner in fee simple, or of another interest authorized by
regulation, in a strata lot under the Condominium Act, or in a parcel
of land, shown separately on a land tax roll, and having on it not less
than one self-contained dwelling unit, the cost and size of which in
either case is within the limits prescribed for the class of residence
it is and for the region of the province where it is situate."
That
benefits people who already have an interest in a strata title or have
an interest in a bare lot title that has been used for single family or
other purposes — duplex or triplex — in the past. It does not benefit
persons who do not live in a geographic region of the province where
the finance formula currently attached to it excludes them.
For
instance, Mr. Speaker, in Victoria there are a great many people who do
not come under the regulations established under the Home Purchase
Assistance Act. Why? Because the home that they may wish to buy or may
be required to buy is far too expensive in today's market and the limit
set is far too low. I know the limit has been changed twice in the last
eighteen months, and that's good. We've called for that, the government
has responded, and we congratulate them for doing so. However, it needs
to be changed again and, regrettably, it has to be changed upward. Why?
Because the market is pushing the price of homes upward. This program
is of no value if the ceiling it sets is below the current average
market value of average homes in greater Victoria or any other place.
Obviously, it is key and important to look at those two questions:
first of all, the interest rates and, secondly, the value set on the
average cost of the home in a given geographic area of the province, as
is provided for under the regulations.
If the government of
British Columbia had the courage, they would introduce a statute far
more powerful than this one. If they had the will to listen to the
opposition, they would do so by way of amendments to this act, and we
would give leave to have those amendments introduced. We would vote for
them if what they did was favour the principle of home ownership and,
simultaneously, reduce the cost of interest — the cost of borrowing the
money in order to obtain the benefit of home ownership.
Again,
Mr. Speaker, it's a matter of public record that in 1975 the Barrett
administration introduced the B.C. Savings and Trust Act. It's a matter
of record that that act was voted for by the minister who introduced
this bill. It was voted against by the Liberals of the day;
nonetheless, it was voted for by the Socreds and the New Democrats.
What that act said is what this legislation almost says. What that act
said was that in British Columbia we believe so deeply and urgently in
home ownership that we are prepared to make low-interest mortgages
available in order that you, Mr. and Mrs. Citizen of British Columbia,
may obtain your own home. What that act said and what the government of
Mr. Barrett said was that we will defy the interest policies of Ottawa
and of the United States. We will create our own here in British
Columbia, in the name of home ownership and in the name of our
citizens. We believed then and believe now that interest rates must be
forced down in British Columbia. Preferably, they should be forced down
to 8 or 10 percent today. This legislation, regrettably, does not
specify a percentage. All it does is allow the government —
specifically, the minister — to indicate what that percentage must be.
When the minister winds up debate, I hope he indicates what percentage
figure he is looking at. I hope he would be prepared to consider the
endorsement of the opposition in lowering that to 8 or 10 percent.
couple of years ago 12 or 13 percent seemed appropriate. That was the
argument being advanced at that time by our side in regard to an
interest rate policy. Regrettably, since that time the situation has
only worsened in a predictable way. A couple of years ago an interest
rate policy forcing mortgage costs for the people of British Columbia
down to 12 or 13 percent was useful. Today we have to force it down
further.
I note, for instance, that the chairman and chief
executive officer of Macmillan Bloedel, Mr. Knudsen, was saying two
days ago that 8 or 10 percent is what is necessary now in order to
revive the Canadian economy. We have reached such a point of collapse
and failure that without the powerful injection of 8 to 10 percent
interest rates — he specified for commercial and residential purposes —
our economy may not recover at all. If it does, it will take many
years. Eight or 10 percent — according to the arguments advanced by the
chief executive officer of Macmillan Bloedel — may be the interest rate
figure that we have to apply now. We might have been able to afford 10,
12 or 13 percent a couple of years ago. Clearly, 8 or 10 percent is a
more desirable target today.
When the minister winds up
debate, I wonder if he will tell us, first of all, what his interest
rate policy will be under this act amending
section 7. Secondly, will
he tell us what the
[ Page
8157 ]
cost to the taxpayers will be. It is certainly the case that when we move to
force down interest rates below the commercial value of them, someone has to eat
the difference. When we move, as a matter of public policy, in the name of home
ownership, reduce interest rates below the commercial value of them — to, say,
8 or 10 percent — someone has to make up the difference between this policy
rate and the commercial rate. Obviously that subsidy will be made by the people
of British Columbia. On this side of the House we believe that is a useful investment
and a worthwhile public subsidy. It is in the public interest to use the general
resources of the Crown to aid the specific problems of hardship and foreclosure
that the people of British Columbia face nowadays. We don't mind paying
for that, asking the people to pay for that and asking everyone to have a hand
in forcing down interest rates in British Columbia. I think most people would
support and agree with that policy.
Regrettably,
this policy will not be one of general application. Regrettably, the
law we are amending today will not apply generally to all the people of
British Columbia. Rather, it will only apply to those few who, under
section 7 of the Home Purchase Assistance Act, meet a number of fairly
strict qualifications through regulation. It is better than nothing and
of course we support it, but I wish the government would consider a
policy along the lines that we wish to offer, a policy that would take
the principle enunciated in this bill many steps further.
The
first policy that we ask them to consider is immediate proclamation of
the Savings and Trust Corporation of British Columbia Act. The creation
of a new financial institution, operated through the credit union
movement of British Columbia, with no additional overhead, would be a
practical means of advancing the principle of this bill.
Interjection.
MR. BARBER: Mr. Speaker, it is totally in order. Mr. Gardom did not vote for it, because he was a Liberal.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Order, please. The Chair will decide on points of order, and the hon.
member will not use another hon. member's name. We are referred to in
this House as....
MR. BARBER: I'm sorry. The member for Point Grey. I call him Garde, actually. We get along quite well.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. The Chair must intervene when personal
names are mentioned. To the principle of the bill, please.
MR. BARBER:
Isn't it strange, Mr. Speaker, that in the House we work in we can't
call one another names because that is nasty. But we can't use one
another's names because it's friendly. It is really hard to know
sometimes how to carry on in this place.
The member for Vancouver–Point Grey voted against the B.C. Savings and Trust
Act. The member for Columbia River (Hon. Mr. Chabot) voted for it. I wish the
member for Kootenay would summon up his courage to persuade his colleagues to
immediately proclaim that act. After all, he did vote for it. If it were proclaimed,
we would have a means of executing this bill far more competently, rapidly and
helpfully than would otherwise be allowed.
Let
me illustrate how we could advance the principle of this bill by
proclaiming the B.C. Savings and Trust Act. What we asked in 1975, and
what the Socreds voted for but never proclaimed, was that we use the
resources of the credit union movement to assist in making home
ownership more available to more people in British Columbia. What this
bill does is allow the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council to reduce
interest rates. The way in which that will be executed is, of course,
through the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing.
The way B.C. Savings and Trust would have worked was by creating no new
bureaucracy, but rather using the existing services, facilities and
functions of the entire credit union movement, and, through their
offices, which already exist and don't have to be paid for twice,
making those reduced interest rate mortgages available. Regrettably,
what will happen here is that we will continue to rely on an expensive
bureaucracy in Victoria. What we should be doing here is using the
authority, connectedness and history of the credit union movement to
help us put this into law.
Section 1 of this bill, for
instance, could be amended — I wish the government would consider it
and offer it as a proposal now; as they always ask to be notified of
these things in advance, I'm doing so now — to include the proclamation
of the B.C. Savings and Trust Act and to use the facilities envisioned
under that legislation to make reduced interest rate mortgages
available to the people of British Columbia.
Secondly, we
also propose that the government, when it announces what the reduced
interest rates are, determine them to be in the area of 8 percent to 10
percent. I think Mr. Knudsen has a good point. When even Mac-Blo has to
shut down facilities and lay off people — the mightiest forest company
in this province is in a period of real cutback and in danger of
partial collapse — and says that interest rates should be reduced to
between 8 percent and 10 percent, obviously something is desperately
wrong and powerful measures have to be taken.
We did not
hear in the opening remarks of the minister what interest rates he
proposes to set under this section. Again, I, for our side, ask the
minister to take seriously the recommendations of leading business and
trade union leaders, and to reduce these rates to between 8 percent and
10 percent. Again, it will of course require a subsidy. The minister
knows that and so do we. That subsidy will be met by an appropriation
in his estimates when we get to them. That's another debate. But we
certainly don't try to deceive anyone, any more than he does, in regard
to where the money comes from to pay for this. Of course it requires a
public subsidy and appropriation and expenditure by this Legislature.
We think it's worthwhile.
Interjection.
MR. BARBER: By who? I didn't hear what you said.
Interjection.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: I ask the member for Kamloops (Mr. Richmond) to come to order.
MR. BARBER:
The second proposal we make, apart from the immediate proclamation of
the B.C. Savings and Trust legislation, which would have allowed us to
do seven years ago what this bill proposes to do in part today, is to
[ Page 8158 ]
announce an interest rate policy reducing it to between 8 percent and 10 percent.
Thirdly,
we ask the minister to go to Ottawa — if only by long-distance phone
call, to save travel cost — and urge his federal counterparts to
initiate a policy of the forcible reduction of home interest rates in
British Columbia. Why, for instance, could this province not advocate a
policy which sees a two-tier system for interest rates? If the
government believes that as a matter of social priority it is more
useful to advance the interest of home ownership than it is, say, the
interest of industrial development, and they wish to establish a
two-tier policy, that's okay with us. That again is the half-loaf
that's better than none.
British Columbia cannot go it
alone, although we can take certain steps by ourselves, obviously. We
can proclaim B.C. Savings and Trust. We can force down the interest
rates to between 8 percent and 10 percent. But we can also try to
persuade the national government and all the other provinces to join us
in doing so simultaneously. I don't like the idea of being held hostage
to Ronald Reagan's interest policies. I don't like the idea that the
people of British Columbia are held in a kind of serfdom to the
interest policies of the United States. That hostage position is
unacceptable, I'm sure, to every member of the Legislature. At the
moment, though, because we've taken no steps to the contrary, we
continue to fall victim to the national interest rate policies of the
Trudeau government, which, of course, powerfully set the interest rates
that people in British Columbia have to face when they have to deal
with the question of home ownership.
So the third positive
proposal that we make to this provincial government is that they go to
the other nine in Canada, and to the national government as well, and
ask those other administrations to declare that we will no longer be
the captives of American interest rate policies. We ask them to declare
that we will free ourselves from that bondage and tyranny, and we will
go it alone. If this bill, for instance, does not do that and no other
bill does as well, what's the consequence? The tragic consequence in
human terms is that the people continue to lose their homes.
together with my colleague the second member for Victoria (Mr. Hanson),
run a community office. For the first time in the seven years that I've
been running that office we have been forced to deal with people who
are faced with foreclosures on their mortgages. These are people who
have often had both partners working, and one or both of them in a
couple of instances have lost their jobs. In the collapsing economy of
British Columbia, when a person who is paying the mortgage loses their
job, it's self-evident what that consequence will be. Unless they have
a bank that's willing to abandon interest, or a credit union that's
willing to do the same, they lose their homes. The fact is that for the
first time in my political experience — going on now into seven years
in Victoria — we are now seeing citizens coming forward and asking us
to help them with their problems of foreclosure.
community office handles about 300-plus cases a month. I would guess
that between 5 percent to 10 percent of those nowadays have to deal
with questions of foreclosure, personal bankruptcy and the related
issues of economic crisis. I've never seen that before; I never
expected I would have to. It hurts to sit in the office on Blanshard
Street and deal with people who are 40 and 50 years old — 20 and 30
years older than I am — who stand there, sometimes crying, and indicate
that they don't know how to tell their wife or their kids that they're
going to lose their home, because they have to refinance and it is
impossible to pay today's interest rate. It is humiliating for them. It
is embarrassing for me. It is a tragedy for all of us. Why should
people who have worked for 10 to 20 years to build up equity in their
home be forced to lose that value because they cannot refinance their
mortgage at today's interest rates? What have these people done wrong?
Does anyone say they haven't worked hard enough on the greenchain at
B.C. Forest Products on Gorge Road? I wouldn't think so. Does anyone
say that they haven't saved enough to finance their home? I wouldn't
think so. Canadians save a higher portion of their earned income than
do the citizens of all but one other nation in the western block.
HON. MR. GARDOM: I thought it was Norway.
MR. BARBER: Apparently Norway is higher. We're very near the top.
Canadians
in fact save a very high share of their income in various ways —
through pensions, RRSPs, savings accounts and other matters. They use
that for home ownership. Surely no one would say that Canadians don't
save enough in order to benefit for home ownership. Mr. Speaker, if you
cannot argue that the guy on the greenchain is lazy, and if you cannot
argue that the family that has saved has not saved enough, then what
can you say to these people when they come and ask you to help them
deal with the problem of foreclosure? The fact is that they have worked
damned hard for many years. The fact is that they have saved a great
deal — proportionately more than almost any other group of citizens in
the western block. So when they've worked hard enough and they've saved
enough, why is it that they are losing their homes?
The
evidence is that they're losing their homes for three reasons. Firstly,
because interest rates are far too high because we are being held
hostage to American interest rate policies. The second reason is that
some of those families have the person who helped pay for the mortgage
in a position of losing their job through layoff or permanent
unemployment.
There are many couples today who decided two
or three years ago that they could only afford a home at today's prices
and today's interest rates if both partners worked. So for all
practical purposes the husband is paying the mortgage and the wife is
paying for the costs of running the home. That is how many young
couples have to do it. Good for them that they were able to do that.
Hurray for them that they were able to do that two or three years ago.
So the two- or three-year mortgage is coming up for renewal this month,
Mr. Speaker, and what's happening? The wife is being laid off at the
retail business which is suffering a collapse in its level of activity.
The wife is being laid off in the business on Fort Street that hired
her because things were good three years ago and things are bad today.
The husband is laid off because he works in one of British Columbia's
resource-based industries that is also a victim of the economic
collapse that victimizes all of us. Let's say, for instance, that he
works at Victoria Plywood, which is shut down, or he worked at Sooke
Forest Products, which is largely shut down, or he worked at B.C.
Forest Products, which is shutting down. Let's say that he worked at
MacMillan and Bloedel, which is shutting down. What are these people
supposed to do? The wife is laid off, and she was paying for the cost
of running the household. The husband is laid off, and he was paying
for the incredible cost of the mortgage that they took a risk on three
years ago. What are
[ Page 8159 ]
they
supposed to do? What they do do is come to my office, Mr. Speaker — and
to yours — sometimes literally with tears in their eyes. They ask us to
help, they ask us to do so immediately, and they ask us to do so
because they do not wish to lose the equity they built up in their
homes, because they do not wish to move away, because they do not wish
to admit to their children and their own parents that they have failed
to provide for themselves. They are too proud to do that. Well, I would
hope, Mr. Speaker, that the people of British Columbia are too proud to
let it happen. I would hope that we are too proud to stand by and allow
these people — hard-working and hard-saving citizens — to lose their
homes and their investments.
We support this bill because it
goes a tiny way toward protecting a few people under
section 7 of the
Home Purchase Assistance act, and that's okay. We're happy for those
individuals. Good for them! But the practical consequence is that
continuing the vast majority of our homeowning citizens — now and
potential — are disfranchised.
What ate the human
consequences of that disfranchisement, Mr. Speaker? When kids grow up
in a home that's too small because the parents lost the larger and more
appropriate home, when they grow up in a neighbourhood that's too
crowded and when they grow up in an economic circumstance that's too
poor, sometimes human values suffer, sometimes family relations suffer,
sometimes families break up. We then end with a situation wherein you
and I pay the costs of dealing with family collapse, as we are now
surely paying the costs of economic collapse. Those costs include, of
course, the human relations services, the counselling services and
sometimes, when they get into trouble, the probation and penitentiary
services.
We all know these things have happened in other
periods of economic downturn. However, since the thirties there has not
been a period of economic collapse equivalent to what we now face in
this province. It just didn't exist; it wasn't found in 1975, in 1954
or in 1946, the other great periods of economic downturn.
AN HON. MEMBER: That's across the country.
MR. BARBER:
Of course it is across the country too, which is why the third positive
proposal that we made to the minister who introduced this bill is that
he deal with the principle of interest rates across the country as well
as here in British Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, I don't think we
have a right to tell the people who some to your office and mine — in
Prince George and Victoria — that we can't help them. I don't think it
is good enough simply to blame Ottawa either. We are all responsible We
all have opportunities to exercise power and imagination.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
reiterate, the most powerful engine for economic revival in housing
that has ever been designed is the B.C. Savings and Trust legislation.
I think the value of restoring and recovering the housing industry is
self-evident. When you lower interest rates you can build housing. When
you build housing you use the forest resource of British Columbia and
you put those people back to work. When you build housing you put the
construction industry back to work: plumbers, carpenters, bricklayers,
stonemasons, glaziers and roofers. All the people who work for local
government get put back to work when you build housing: the people who
lay the services, sewers and transmission lines. When you get housing
moving you get the economy moving and you help human beings who should
enjoy the benefits of home ownership. Housing is one of the most
strategic second levels of engine for economic recovery in British
Columbia.
When the Leader of the Opposition laid forth a
series of 26 positive proposals for economic recovery three and a half
months ago, one of the major elements of them was in the housing field.
We recognize that when you build housing you employ people in forestry
and in construction. We realize that when you re-establish the housing
market in British Columbia you do a lot of other things on several
fronts at once. It is strategically useful to get housing going again
because of the many interests it serves. Obviously that is not the case
in other areas. Obviously that is not equally the case when you attempt
to stimulate other areas of the economy. The happy benefit of
stimulating housing is that you simultaneously work on several fronts,
those which I identified earlier.
The fourth positive
proposal that I would like to make to this government is that they
accept the principles we enunciated in our proposals for housing three
and a half months ago. I would be happy to outline them again in this
debate, and my colleagues will later on, I know. The New Democratic
Party made a number of positive proposals for economic recovery in
housing. Those proposals remain valid, timely, useful, affordable and,
I think, urgently worth public consideration.
Let me ask the
questions again, Mr. Speaker, so that when the minister replies, he can
reply to these as well. When your constituent comes to you in Columbia
River, having worked for 20 years, and says: "How can you help me deal
with the problems of refinancing my mortgage?" what will you say, Mr.
Minister?
MR. SPEAKER: Address the Chair, please.
MR. BARBER:
Through you, Mr. Speaker, observing the formality. That constituent in
Columbia River says to the minister: "I've worked hard and so has my
wife. We've both saved a lot. We've tried hard to guarantee a home for
our kids, and now we cannot afford the made-in-Washington interest rate
policies that here in British Columbia we have to follow. What will you
do for me?" that constituent asks the member for Columbia River, and I
ask him as well.
HON. MR. CHABOT: I'll answer that.
MR. BARBER: I know you will when you wind up debate, but debate won't be over for a while yet. This is an urgent question for us.
The
government may have felt that this was a bill of minor importance which
would pass through the House in relatively short order. The opposition
doesn't feel that way at all. We propose to debate this bill for some
time. Why? Because this is our first opportunity during this current
session to debate housing initiatives in British Columbia. It's the
first chance we've had, and we don't propose to avoid or ignore it.
It's the first chance we've had to debate it because the minister's
estimates haven't come up, nor has any major housing initiative.
There
have been other bills of lesser order. This at least, for the first
time, deals with the question of interest rates. We haven't had that
chance before; we take it now, and we will
[ Page 8160 ]
use
it to the full. We will debate an interest rate policy here in British
Columbia as long as is necessary in order to make the government aware,
I think with absolute accuracy, that we speak for all the people when
we say: force interest rates down. We speak for all the people when we
tell you: bring down interest rates for home ownership. I don't think
there is a rational person in the province who would take any position
other than that which the New Democratic Party takes. We ask the
government to take such steps and initiatives as this bill to a small
extent recognizes and as many other bills or amendments to this bill
should also recognize, which would force down interest rate policies.
What
choice do we have? Currently, if I recall it correctly, in excess of 40
percent of all people in the forest industry of British Columbia are
out of work. This is June, a time when ordinarily 100 percent are at
work; sometimes 105 or 110 percent because they hire people over and
above the complement that they would otherwise consider their ordinary
workforce. Forty percent are out of work in the forest industry of a
province like British Columbia. That is a terrible indictment of
economic policy here and abroad. It is a terrible indictment about the
way we manage that resource.
How do we put those forest
workers back on the job? Clearly one of the initiatives we can take is
in housing. Obviously, if we still had the Housing Corporation of
British Columbia, if we still had a full-time Minister of Housing and
if we had had the B.C. Savings and Trust for the last seven years, we
would have ways to do it. But we don't. Social Credit didn't proclaim
the one, and it shut down the others. Because we don't have them we
have to look for new avenues, although we do urge the government to
take a famous Socred second look and immediately proclaim the B.C.
Savings and Trust legislation. How do we put the forest industry back
on its feet? We do so by helping to recover the industry in British
Columbia. This will not totally, but it will to some extent — at our
own initiative — help restore the fortunes of that industry. Obviously
it is better than nothing and more than has been done.
Let
me talk about the related problems of economic collapse when interest
rates are too high. In April 1981 there were 282 foreclosure writs. In
April 1982 there were 979. In May 1981, 359 foreclosure writs were
served by the sheriff's office in Vancouver. In May 1982 there were
1,301. As of June 8, 1981, there were 377. As of June 8, 1982, there
were 1,433. I should also point out that that includes business as well
as home mortgage foreclosures. Bankruptcy in business is surely no
better than bankruptcy at home. No one will defend these figures on
either basis. The collapse of a business is as tragic as the collapse
of a home mortgage. There were 979 in April, 1301 in May and 1,433 as
of June 8, this month. What will the rest of the month bring?
the next 22 days, how many hundreds more foreclosures will be served by
the sheriff in Vancouver? How many hundreds more bankruptcies in
business and bankruptcies at home will be faced by the people of this
province? Is there a greater social tragedy than the tragedy faced by a
family which loses its home? If the family loses its home because they
cannot pay the mortgage rates, you and I are also to blame, Mr.
Speaker. We have the power to reduce those rates; we have that power in
our hands, and we have the power to exercise it now. We can do so as a
statement of public policy, public interest and public benefit.
This
province can bring down interest rates. It would be better if we could
do it with the other provinces. It would be better if we could do it
with the national government. But even if all nine other provinces
refuse, we should do it ourselves. Even if the national government
refuses, we should do it ourselves. Our job is to protect the interests
of the people of British Columbia first. How can those interests be
protected when people are losing their homes? How can those interests
be protected when we stand by and allow the costs of a mortgage to kick
people out of the homes that they had earned, that they were entitled
to enjoy?
Let me read from the Times-Colonist for May
8 of this year a brief
article that illustrates another case why we
should be, through this bill, bringing interest rates down, as I've
suggested, to between 8 and 10 percent — a suggestion, again, made by
the well-known New Democrat, Calvert Knudsen, who mentioned the same
figures.
HON. MR. CHABOT: On a point of order, this
debate is really straying far and wide from the principle of this bill.
The principle of this bill, essentially, is to reduce interest rates
for those people who qualify under the Home Purchase Assistance Act for
mortgages or for grants — and we're talking about mortgages in this
particular instance. All it does, essentially, is give the flexibility
to the minister to reduce interest rates. I don't think it allows you
to go into the question of foreclosures, B.C. Savings and Trust, HCBC
and things of that nature. Those kinds of debates, Mr. Speaker, are
more appropriate in the estimates of the Minister of Lands, Parks and
Housing.
This bill is very restrictive in nature, and this
debate has wandered all over the ballpark. If you're to allow — and I
don't think you should — this kind of debate, which is irrelevant and
beyond the scope of the bill, to press on, then I suggest to you, Mr.
Speaker, that it's in error, and that you're going to bring on a
full-fledged debate on the part of this government and the minister
about B.C. Savings and Trust and all those kinds of things, because I
can speak till adjournment hour about why we should never have had HCBC
in this province.
Interjections.
HON. MR. CHABOT: My point of order is that his debate is not tedious and repetitious, but it's irrelevant to this particular bill.
MR. SPEAKER:
Hon. members, I think that we're all aware of the rules of relevancy in
debate. This is the first objection that has been made, and I would
suggest to hon. members that while full debate on certain matters would
not be in order, an occasional reference to those matters may be
allowed. I think that every member should accept for himself the
responsibility to be sure that he is in order according to the
relevancy rule.
MR. BARBER: Mr. Speaker, I agree with
your comments entirely. I know that if I tried to raise the question of
interest rates during the minister's estimates he would say it was out
of order because he had no interest rate policy and, therefore, we
couldn't debate it then. So I'm debating it now, when we can debate
interest rates. However, I'll do that on the next occasion. Because the
Government House Leader indicates that there is other business, I move
adjournment of this debate until the next sitting of the House.
[ Page 8161 ]
Motion approved.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Mr. Speaker, with leave I would like to proceed to a motion moved by myself and seconded by the hon. member for Vancouver East.
Leave granted.
NUCLEAR ARMS REDUCTION
HON. MR. GARDOM:
Mr. Speaker, the motion is that this assembly, recognizing the horrors
of nuclear war and holocaust, urges all world governments to increase
their efforts to end the nuclear arms race and to reduce and finally
eliminate all nuclear weaponry.
A resolution such as this is
always timely, but particularly. As the United Nations schedules its
most critical session ever on nuclear disarmament, all mankind will
recall that 37 years ago, in Hiroshima, the world witnessed the
beginnings of a new and terrifying era, one which perhaps could be the
beginning of the end of civilization. On August 6, 1945, a nuclear
device was employed, its purpose being to win and terminate a world
war. It wasn't until many years after that ghastly explosion that it
began to register with people what really had been done, what really
had been set in motion, and just how, when, and indeed if, its
frightening and frightful consequences could ever be checked.
general terms, people of the world have divided essentially into three
camps, or some combination thereof: those who are convinced that
everyone eventually will be destroyed through the use of nuclear
weapons; then those who believe that no one would ever be insane enough
to initiate a thermonuclear conflict; finally, those who believe that
every effort has to be expended to end the nuclear arms race and reduce
and eventually eliminate all nuclear weaponry.
Many events over the past few years have illustrated that the danger nuclear
conflict is much more real than anyone ever imagined. One has to question whether
these technicians and laboratories of death are under proper control. Witness
the advances in so-called conventional weaponry alone that are now all a reality
and, regrettably, in active use; as recently as a decade ago they would have
appeared probably only in science fiction.
Nuclear
statistics must be heeded. Forty-four nations now have, as one writer
says, "the mad technology." Fifty thousand nuclear weapons are
estimated to be fused and ready in the countries of the world. That
amounts to three tonnes of NT for every man, woman and child — enough
to eliminate just about everyone and everything. Civilization could be
destroyed. It's madness. It's contrary to every philosophy, every
dictate, every religion and every basic concept of the dignity of man,
animal or of natural justice. There can be no winners, only losers.
Mr.
Speaker, there has to be an end to the proliferation of nuclear arms
and an end to nuclear arms. Until all the nuclear devices of war are
dismantled, there has to be a most carefully developed and meticulously
monitored balance of nuclear power. Everyone must heed the cries of the
men, women and children of peace, all of whom demand that entitlement
for all of society. That level of dedication and good will has to be
attained, for only that will ever save the day.
Man has long
practised sabre-rattling, but for the first time in the history of
mankind the sabre has become a potentially uncontrollable monstrosity.
All this has happened in just less than half a century. That sabre has
to be sheathed as soon as possible and finally eliminated forever. That
is the call to, from and by all people of good will and rightness of
purpose in every country across the globe. I move the resolution.
MR. MACDONALD:
I am pleased to second a motion where the subject matter is of such
grave import as to transcend political partisanship. We don't know it
in ourselves, really, but the fact is that about one-sixth of the human
family are now at war, not just in the Middle East and in the Falkland
Islands, but in the Horn of Africa, Cambodia and South Africa, leaving
a trail of starvation and impoverishment. People talk of peace,
governments pay lip service to disarmament and yet every year the arms
budgets grow. The merchants of death, who are now not private arms
munitioneers but governments, are selling arms in increasing quantities
to all the countries of the world, including poor Third World countries
which, in this mad arms race, elect to spend their resources on guns
instead of butter.
Somebody wrote to the paper the other
day, and I thought it was very dramatic. He said that the two
superpowers are like two men standing in a game of confrontation in a
basement with gasoline up to their knees and matches ready to strike.
One has seven matches and one has five matches. The discrepancy is of
no account, because either can destroy themselves and the whole planet
earth as we have known it.
There have been very wise men and
women giving attention to how to check this race. They include people
like Cyrus Vance, the former Secretary of State of the United Nations.
They have a program called "Freeze." It's not pulling back, as we would
like to see, but it is a start. There is protection in it for all
concerned because there is the ability to check violations and to begin
to turn this thing back by saying: "No further growth in this arms
race." That is the kind of practical program that appeals to me as a
first step. It is very logical and well thought out. I hope it wins
support throughout both East and West. We in this Legislature — I hope
unanimously — will send a signal to those who are walking for peace
tomorrow and who have walked for peace in all the countries where that
is permissible that we are unanimously supporting what they not only
feel in their hearts but think in their minds.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
I thank the hon. member for his moving comments. In closing debate I
respectfully suggest, and if leave is required ask leave, that we all
stand — or sit, as we may prefer — and observe one minute of silence
for reflection, prayer and guidance, each in our own way, on this most
difficult and frightening of all issues of all time.
MR. SPEAKER: Is it the wish of the House to observe this?
Leave granted.
MR. SPEAKER: Shall we stand?
[The House observed a moment of silence.]
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, hon. members.
The
question is that this assembly, recognizing the horrors of nuclear war
and holocaust, urges all world governments to increase their efforts to
end the nuclear arms race and to reduce and finally eliminate all
nuclear weaponry.
Motion approved.
Hon. Mr. Gardom moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 12:57.
[ Page 8162 ]
Appendix
AMENDMENTS TO BILLS
30 The Hon. H. A. Curtis to move, in Committee of the Whole on Bill (No. 30)
intituled Social Service Tax Amendment Act, 1982 to amend as follows:
SECTION 4 , by deleting paragraph (
b) of
section 4.
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