British Columbia Hansard — Monday, April 8, 2019 a.m. — Number 233 (HTML) (41st Parliament, 4th Session)
20190408am-House-Blues
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
Fourth Session, 41st Parliament
(2019) OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Monday, April 8, 2019
Morning Sitting
Issue No. 233
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Routine Business
Introductions by Members
Statements
Apartment fire in Esquimalt
M. Dean
Orders of the Day
Private Members’ Statements
B.C.’s energy export economy
E. Ross
S. Malcolmson
Sanitary products
M. Dean
D. Davies
Services for victims of sexual assault
J. Thornthwaite
R. Singh
Ground search and rescue
J. Rice
M. Morris
Private Members’ Motions
Motion 6 — Carbon tax and gas prices
P. Milobar
R. Leonard
T. Redies
B. D’Eith
D. Davies
R. Glumac
J. Thornthwaite
M. Elmore
S. Cadieux
B. Ma
T. Shypitka
MONDAY, APRIL 8, 2019
The House met at 10:03 a.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Prayers.
[10:05 a.m.]
J. Brar: I seek leave to make an introduction.
Mr. Speaker: Proceed.
Introductions by Members
J. Brar: I’m very pleased to welcome a very special guest who came all the way
from India, Darshan Singh Sandhu. He is a well-known basketball coach back
in India, and he was also my coach in that time of basketball. He’s also my
colleague because we were both lecturers at Shaheed Bhagat Singh College,
and he’s a good friend. I would ask all the House members to make him feel
welcome.
M. Dean: I seek leave to make a short statement.
Mr. Speaker: Proceed.
Statements
APARTMENT FIRE IN ESQUIMALT
M. Dean: I rise with some sad news to report from my community today. One
person is confirmed dead after an apartment fire on Craigflower Road in
Esquimalt yesterday afternoon.
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
If not for the work of the dedicated first responders, this
tragedy could have been much worse. Esquimalt fire department, CFB
Esquimalt Fire, View Royal fire department and Victoria fire department
all attended the scene. The crew from Esquimalt Ladder 10 performed
multiple rescues of trapped occupants, and several motorists and
residents from the neighbourhood also sprang into action to help those
in trouble.
I’ve been in touch with the mayor of Esquimalt this morning and
offered any assistance that our government can provide. Emergency
management B.C. has already begun working with the affected tenants and
has offered emergency support services to 45 residents. This will
provide them with food and shelter for the next 72 hours.
I hope all members of this House will join me in thanking our
brave first responders and those citizens who came to help.
Our condolences to all those impacted by this terrible
tragedy.
Orders of the Day
Private Members’ Statements
B.C.’ s ENERGY EXPORT
ECONOMY
E. Ross: My condolences to the residents of Esquimalt.
Today we’re discussing energy exports. In doing so, I can’t help
but first reflect on the past. If we were talking about Canadian exports
even 15 years ago, we would have been discussing the other jurisdictions
in Canada and our neighbour to the east in particular. Canadian energy
exports weren’t diverse. They didn’t benefit B.C., and they definitely
did not benefit First Nations.
This is the context that the 2001 government inherited and one
which they either tried to remedy or laid the foundations for a more
certain future. There are two general strategies here: extracting energy
and exporting it. It’s unfortunate that today we only seem to be talking
about exports that are politically correct. LNG, of course, is the
acceptable…. But any other energy exports are opposed, while we turn a
blind eye to our neighbours to the south exporting the same
product.
The previous government changed the conversation on energy in this
province in 2012, and we’re all better for it. We understand the
incredible benefits projects like LNG will bring to all British
Columbians and to First Nations in particular. We believe that the
status quo as it relates to First Nations must be changed, and it is
being changed as we speak, especially when they have been included at
the table for the better part of the last 15 years.
Any opponents to this motion are saying to First Nations: “You
have to live with the unemployment, and you have to live with your
poverty.” I have never stood with these people and never will, because
First Nations finally have an answer to crippling dependence. The Indian
Act suffocates First Nations when it comes to poverty reduction. It
leaves no path forward. If there is any slip-up whatsoever, Ottawa comes
in to take over the remedial management, third-party management or their
freeze lists. This is something I’ve seen happen, and it’s been a
reality for years, if not decades.
Instead, the way forward is partnerships with government and
industry enabled by constitutional case law, like the nearly 500
agreements that the past government, the last B.C. government, signed
with First Nations, inclusive of a number of resource areas, many of
which made LNG possible today.
Energy export is a solution before us. It’s the solution we’re
pursuing, and it’s the solution that’s going to work for all of us. When
we support the energy export industry in B.C., we empower First Nations
and vice versa. But let’s look at the future potential. When we support
the energy export industry in B.C., we support what is anticipated to
create up to $1 trillion in economic activity and as many as 100,000
jobs in B.C. over the next 30 years.
[10:10 a.m.]
The LNG industry will bring billions in new investment and
provincial tax revenue to B.C. With this will come thousands of jobs
within the sector and without. I’ve lived this story for the last 15
years, and it’s exactly what my riding of Skeena has been asking
for.
LNG, of course, isn’t all we export here in B.C. The previous
government worked diligently to establish out a diversified export
industry, a network of boats, trains, planes and automobiles all working
together to improve efficiency and capacity in our export
sector.
The benefits of the program are clear, both at Port Metro
Vancouver and at Port of Prince Rupert. Port of Prince Rupert has up to
a several-day reduction in shipping time to Asia markets when compared
to other ports on the Pacific coast due to its geographical
location.
The potential, clearly, is huge. It would be to our own benefit to
provide it with all the support it requires. Energy export will be
foundational to the future economy of British Columbia. It’s also the
future of British Columbians, of the First Nations in British
Columbia.
As we move forward, we must do so with the utmost care and
accountability but also with the utmost efficiency. Every step of the
way, the public needs to be informed of how their future is manifesting.
The official opposition will continue to hold the government to account
on this matter, as it did just a few days ago. The chance to become a
leader in energy export is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. To do so,
we must throw our support behind the industry that handles
it.
Finally, we cannot allow anyone to quash this future for British
Columbians — not the government today, not the federal government, not
the governments of tomorrow, not money flowing from the south of the
border and not a contingent of British Columbians who have never even
set foot on the land they purport to protect. If we stand together with
our partners in industry and with British Columbians, our province will
soon realize its full energy export potential.
S. Malcolmson: Speaking as a representative of the riding of Nanaimo and a
long-time elected representative of supporting and protecting the coast,
the energy export debate is a troublesome one. We have moved over the
last ten years or so into an export regime which is, in our
neighbourhood on the south coast, an unrefined product.
It used to be that in Burnaby there were five refineries. This was
part of the economy, part of the workforce. The energy exports that
moved out of Burrard Inlet and through the Salish Sea were low in number
and carrying a refined product.
What we found in 2011, when we had a couple of near misses of oil
spills from bulk freighters in the Salish Sea, was that, in fact, the
oil spill response regime had not moved to increase the environmental
safety net necessary to protect the jobs and economy of the coast that
are dependent on a clean coast.
When I was the chair of the Islands Trust Council — which is a
26-member regional government, akin to a regional district with a
particular mandate in legislation to preserve and protect the unique
amenities and environment of the islands in the Salish Sea, 465 islands
— we found, to our dismay, that the product now moving out of Burrard
Inlet, being exported — the energy export, Alberta product — through
British Columbia’s land and now through its waters is largely an
unrefined bitumen product.
So we dug deeper and deeper and sent letters to the federal
government, met with provincial officials when the B.C. Liberal
government was the one that was in power provincially, saying: “What can
we do to strengthen our local safety net?” Here we are today still
without the strength in oil spill response on the south coast. We are
relying on an unrefined product without the value added, without the
refinery jobs — and, therefore, a product that’s more dangerous to the
environment.
This is part of my letter to the federal Minister of Transport in
2011. “Is enough known about the fate and effects of unconventional oil
in brackish or sediment-laden waters and ocean saline waters to predict
how diluted bitumen or unconventional oils will behave in the Salish
Sea? In the event that spilled unconventional oil sinks, what plans
exist to find and remove it from the vibrant habitat on the seabed of
the Salish Sea?” and on. We asked a dozen questions in this 2011
letter.
[10:15 a.m.]
I’m very proud that our provincial government has made a strong
commitment in the 2017 election campaign and has carried it through to
pressure the federal government to use all tools to strengthen our
response system. When energy is being exported through our waters, we
want to have the strongest environmental safety net in place.
I note that the now chair of Islands Trust Council, Peter Luckham,
wrote in April of last year to our Environment Minister here, the NDP
minister, saying that those questions written to Transport Canada
federally in 2011 remain largely unanswered. So there’s common cause
here, with local government and the provincial government urging the
federal government to use all tools when we are exporting energy through
our province to have the strongest safety net in place.
I note the B.C. government’s January of this year submission to
the National Energy Board said: “The enhanced response regime falls
short of meeting world-leading standards.” And then: “The province has
found no compelling evidence on the record that suggests that it will
meet or exceed international best practices.”
This is a concern that’s shared by our Washington state partners
because if there is an oil spill in our waters, it will not respect
international boundaries. Then we will be, in effect, exporting risk and
pollution into another jurisdiction.
I’m proud that we’re pushing as hard as we can to strengthen the
environmental safety net, and I’m proud that we are working to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions to invest in the green jobs of the future. It
is our profound hope, as a government, that what we are exporting in the
future are the technology, the jobs and the know-how to meet the highest
oil spill response standards and also the renewable jobs that will
really generate a future economy for B.C. and for the coast.
E. Ross: As former chief councillor of the Haisla Nation council, I know
how important shipping is to B.C. and to, particularly, First Nations.
But you can’t isolate energy exports when we’re talking about the safety
of B.C.’s coasts, when we’re talking about all types of vessels that
carry different types of fuels that actually could put our coast at
danger.
I’m talking about gillnetters. I’m talking about seine boats. I’m
talking about tugboats. I’m talking about ferries that all go down and
could put the ecosystem in danger. I’m also talking about B.C. Ferries.
It’s not right that we talk about energy exports and just isolate them
in their own little world, when the shipping industry is actually well
aware of all the issues related to the B.C. coast.
In fact, for the last 15 years, that’s all First Nations have been
doing is participating in environmental assessments at the federal
level, dealing with consultations, dealing with the process that the
federal government comes out with. The consensus along the coast was
that spill protection was a need. It had to be enhanced, not just for
energy exports. It had to be done for all of the people that use the
west coast. There are many of them, many of which haven’t even been
looked at in the light that it’s now being looked under — specifically,
U.S. vessels carrying oil and diesel right through our Inside Passage to
and from Alaska. So it’s a good thing that safety is now a
priority.
It’s always been a priority for First Nations in the world of
environmental assessments and permitting. This is why I say, and I’ll
keep saying it, that when you support the energy export industry, you
support B.C. First Nations, because First Nations have done so much to
higher the level of protection when we’re talking about B.C.’s coasts,
whether you’re talking about exports or not.
The link is strengthening, and that must continue in the years to
come. The approach to export has to be multifaceted, because the
competition is growing fiercer by the day. Many jurisdictions are
reducing their taxes and creating welcoming environments. Our neighbours
to the south even want our clean LNG at a discount so they can export it
to Asia. They don’t experience the fully-funded push back from activists
that actually are born and raised in their own backyard. Instead, U.S.
activists come to Canada and B.C. because they have an incredibly slick
campaign that is designed to get Canadians to shut down Canadian
exports, and it’s working.
[10:20 a.m.]
This tremendous export opportunity with a head start in LNG, in
particular, is fleeting, and we will need to fight for it if we want it
to take hold. The energy export economy of B.C.’s future will be as
robust as it will be sustainable, and it will bring prosperity to all
British Columbians and B.C. First Nations alike. But we’ve got to want
it, and we’ve got to fight for it.
SANITARY PRODUCTS
M. Dean: Well, it’s a fact of life and a natural occurrence, not optional
or controllable: having periods, a universal monthly or so inconvenience
to be managed. Yet for some people, it’s a time of stress and major
concern.
Many people don’t have access to menstrual products. People living
in poverty, for example, have to choose between products and utility
bills or food. Nobody should have to choose between feeding their family
and affording basic hygiene products, but that is a choice that many
British Columbians have to make every month. Almost a quarter of
Canadian women say they have struggled to afford menstrual products for
themselves or their children. Almost 60 percent of local community
organizations say that they’re asked for free menstrual products, but
most can’t provide them.
The stigma and taboo around menstruation can also result in people
not asking for products or not purchasing them, especially trans women.
People suffer shaming and bullying that can impact their regular routine
and put them at a further disadvantage. I heard this only yesterday, and
it has been going on for generations: students have had to hide away
their products in tiny little pockets in their bags and their satchels
because boys still go into girls’ bags and pull out their sanitary
items, and they ridicule them just for having them.
Not having access to appropriate products can cause significant
disadvantage like missing school, sports, extracurricular activities or
work shifts contributing to community and the economy. We know that one
in seven students have missed school due to having their periods. I met
with Cassidy yesterday; she’s a student from Belmont high school. She
told me that she and all of her friends have left school early at some
point due to issues related to a lack of available period products. She
herself even had to call her uncle one day.
A friend of mine who’s a young woman electrician grew up in a
single-parent home where money was tight. She told me: “Even at a young
age, I knew money was tight. When I got my period, mom made a big deal
about me becoming a woman. It was really sweet. But I knew it was just
another expense. Even a couple of years out of high school, when I was
apprenticing at the yard and we finally got tampon machines, I remember
using my screwdriver to jimmy the lock to grab a few to get me to
payday. Free products would have meant less worry, stress, shame. It’s
just another unnecessary barrier put in our way.”
Clearly, we need a safer and more inclusive system, and we need to
make sure that everyone has access to the health products they need.
Those who have periods have rights to access health products. In taking
action, we can reduce stigma and get rid of the taboo so that we can all
talk about reproductive health. I’m very proud that our government has
announced that we will ensure that all students in public schools and
people living in poverty can access menstrual products for
free.
The Minister of Education has signed a ministerial order that
requires all school districts to make sure that students can access free
menstrual products in school washrooms. The order takes effect
immediately, and boards have until the end of the calendar year to
comply. As the minister said: “Students should never have to miss
school, extracurricular, sports or social activities because they can’t
afford or don’t have access to menstrual products. This is a
commonsense step forward that is long overdue. We look forward to
working with school districts and communities to make sure students get
the access they need, with no stigma and no barriers.”
Now, we know that most school districts already provide no-cost
access to menstrual products. However, they’re usually in administrative
or counselling offices. Indeed, it’s often individual teachers
purchasing the items personally and making them available to students.
This not only results in an unfair and ad hoc system; it also means that
students have to get to another part of the school and that they have to
ask an adult for the products. Can you imagine the barriers that that
puts in place for our students?
[10:25 a.m.]
I heard this again yesterday from Cassidy, that students don’t
have the time. They’re going to have to lose time in the classroom to be
able to navigate their way through the school precinct to actually get
to where they know there’s a sympathetic teacher who’s going to be able
to provide them with a product. It’s stressful for them when they know
that they need to go and access some products somewhere on the school
premises, when they actually are really committed to and want to be in
class and actively engaged in their learning.
As school districts engage with their students on what their
individual needs and preferences are, there will be reduced barriers and
enhanced access. We know that districts already provide toilet paper.
You don’t expect each of us to take our own into the washroom with us,
do you? Now these necessary products will be provided in washrooms for
everyone who needs them, when they need them.
Our government has also engaged with FNESC about this new policy,
and we’re going to look at what it means for First Nations schools.
Cassidy told me that every day she and her friends are sending and
receiving texts asking if anyone has spare menstrual products with them
at school. Nowadays many students keep boxes of spares in their lockers.
They know they should be concentrating on their classes, not on the
logistics of getting products to students who need them. She wanted me
to know that she is delighted with our government’s initiative and that
it’ll help so many of her friends and the other students in
school.
D. Davies: I’m honoured here today to rise on behalf of the official
opposition, as well as the Education critic, to the statement by the
Parliamentary Secretary for Gender Equity. As a former schoolteacher and
a proud father of a teenaged girl, I appreciate the recent steps that
the government has taken to provide students with free menstrual
products at school. Everybody in this House knows that the cost of
menstrual products presents a significant barrier to many young women.
These barriers can be cost-related or as a result of stigma attached to
menstruation.
As a former teacher in Fort St. John, I have seen firsthand girls
that have missed out on extracurricular activities, social activities
and even classes, all because they did not have a pad or a tampon. So I
definitely believe in the idea put forth by the parliamentary secretary.
It is a good one, and we all support it on this side.
Our province has made significant progress in making menstrual
products more affordable. For example, in 2013, the previous government
eliminated the PST on them. I appreciate that this government is going
to be working closely with partners in communities and schools to ensure
that this approach is tailored to the individual school districts. Again
as a former teacher, there’s always more that we want to do for our
students, who we spend, as teachers, most of our days with.
However, as the Leader of the Third Party mentioned when he was
questioning the Minister of Education just last month, school boards are
indeed strapped for cash. This is a great policy, and we want to make
sure that it carries on beyond the $300,000 that the government has
given as initial start-up funding. Some of the language in the press
release about asking school boards to comply raises some red flags for
us on this front. We want to ensure that any school board that isn’t
financially able to continue with the program once the initial funding
runs out is able to do so after. It is the responsibility of the
government to ensure that.
There are a few questions that need to be answered about whether
or not this is part of a broader plan. The $95,000 grant to United Way
seems to be at least partially geared toward this, with the money going
toward menstrual products to non-profits as well as funding research,
but the details are still vague.
Providing these products in schools is great for teens, but is
there a possibility for this initiative to be extended even beyond high
school? Is there also going to be a similar effort put in place for,
maybe, universities or colleges? What would these potential strategies
look like? What about making the products tax-deductible? This strategy
would benefit anybody who requires these products, whether they’re
students still living at home or adults in the workforce.
Again, I do not want to try and downplay the parliamentary
secretary’s statement, but it is important that we do not leave anyone
out of this great initiative. After all, this is fundamentally an issue
of equality, equality between genders, as well as equal access for these
products for all who need them. A well-planned and fiscally prudent
strategy would be more than worth the cost.
[10:30 a.m.]
M. Dean: Thank you to the member for Peace River North.
Since we made this announcement, there has been a great response
applauding this move, and they’ve also been opening up as to how this is
going to make a difference in their lives straightaway. The attention on
about menstruation and the need for sanitary products, which all
contributes to removing barriers and supporting everyone who needs them
having access to these products.
With universal, non-stigmatized access to menstrual products,
ultimately women and young women and people who have periods are
healthy. They have their needs met. They have a healthy attitude to the
natural process of menstruation. This builds positive self-image, and
they have a healthy attitude to their bodies. Women, young women, people
who have periods will continue to engage in their daily activities and
are productive and fulfilled. This can be work, hobbies, family life,
school — all of this, regardless of their menstrual cycle.
“The cost and availability of menstrual products is a real concern
for those who are poor and often face the choice of purchasing those
products or buying other essentials, like food,” said the Minister of
Social Development and Poverty Reduction.
Today I pitch this challenge to all businesses, workplaces, public
spaces. What can you do to reduce the stigma and barriers to people who
need menstrual products? Can you provide free and accessible items in
your place of work or business? To you, hon. Speaker, to members here in
chambers: who can you work with? Who can you influence to take the step
to offer free menstrual products where and when they are
needed?
SERVICES FOR VICTIMS
OF SEXUAL
ASSAULT
J. Thornthwaite: Between 10 and 38 percent of high school students have been
victims of dating violence. Among students who are currently dating, as
many as 59 percent have experienced physical violence, and 96 percent
have experienced psychological or emotional abuse — 96
percent.
Adults who use violence with their dating partners often began
doing so during adolescence, with the first episode typically occurring
by the age of 15. Young women between the ages of 14 and 17 represent 38
percent of those victimized by date rape, and rapes by acquaintances
account for 60 percent of all rapes reported to the rape crisis
centres.
The most recent McCreary Centre study said that compared to five
years previously, males were less likely to have been verbally sexually
harassed in the last year, but females were more likely to have had this
experience, and physical sexual harassment increased from 2013 to
Sexual assault resistance programs like Flip the Script have been
shown to substantially reduce completed and attempted rapes. This is the
only program available that has been evaluated in a clinical trial and
shown to significantly reduce the incidence of rape and other forms of
sexual assault for at least one year.
It is one critical piece of a comprehensive strategy to address
the high incidence of rape and other forms of sexual violence on
campuses. It targets 16- to 24-year-olds. It emphasizes that it is never
the victim’s fault if they are sexually assaulted, and the only person
who is ever responsible is the person who chooses to commit a sexual
assault. It teaches girls to support and believe friends who are
survivors. And it is based on the assumption that college women are most
likely to be sexually assaulted by a person that they know and
trust.
The skills imparted by Flip the Script allow women to fully
participate in a college social experience, complete with friendships
and dating, while simultaneously maximizing their safety. But we know
that university is too late. Many boys have already learned what they
can get away with by high school.
Forty to 50 percent of rape victims are under the age of 19.
Dating violence is on the rise in B.C. schools, and police reported that
sexual assaults rose 32 percent among high school–age victims in the
months after Me Too. This suggests that there’s a serious and a
pre-existing problem.
[10:35 a.m.]
Safe Dates is the leading evidence-based program proven to reduce
incidence of teen dating violence. This engaging, interactive curriculum
uses stories and role plays that reflect current topics and has shown a
56 to 92 percent decrease in physical and sexual dating violence. It can
be used with both men or boys and females, middle and high school
students. Safe Dates would fit well within a health education, family
life skills or general skills curriculum. It has been shown, in studies,
to be very effective through rigorous experimental design.
Why do I mention that? Because there’s a caution. We should not be
using untested, non-evidence-based programs. Why? Sexual violence is a
deeply rooted cultural and social problem. Programs that attempt to
change people’s values often have a backlash effect, making men more
likely to perpetrate. Administrations might be under pressure to just
check the box and do something that is easier or costs less, and that
may result in ineffective solutions.
Some of those risks for boys are that they could actually increase
their likelihood of perpetration, or they could have a backlash effect,
which increases the likelihood of toxic masculinity behaviours. For
girls, it could restrict the quality of life without increasing their
safety — restrict their willingness to socialize, make friendships and
possibly business connections with men. By empowering girls without
teaching them effective, proven skills, we risk making them feel even
more self-blame when attacked.
Why reinvent the wheel? Ontario has a great program. It’s on line,
extremely well done, and parents and students love it. Check out
#savesexed. The 2015 version is completely on line, and the 2019 version
will be on line in September.
There are also the bystander programs. We have a very successful
one here in British Columbia called Be More Than a Bystander. It focuses
on violence against women and girls with a partnership between the
Ending Violence Association of B.C. and the B.C. Lions Football Club. It
is crucial that key messages about the unacceptability of violence
against women and girls be communicated by men to predominantly male
audiences. This program has found more positive traction on the message
of violence prevention than any other program to be initiated anywhere
in Canada.
Better education for those who come in contact with sexual assault
victims, including police, lawyers and judges, is in order. Police
missteps, in fact, can actually derail sex assault cases when basic
investigative steps — such as identifying and interviewing witnesses,
phone records — are routinely skipped. “I see it…over and over again,
just incomplete and indifferent investigations that do not try to turn
up the evidence that might actually be of assistance,” said Janine
Benedet, a professor at the University of British Columbia.
We’re told by judges that the most difficult problems they face
are these so-called he said, she said cases. Well, often it’s only her
word against his word because the police have failed to collect the
necessary corroborating evidence that would tip the balance in her
favour. We know that Rona Ambrose, the MP, had put forward a bill, which
is now stalled in the Senate, requiring judges to receive sexual assault
law training. Victims are routinely re-victimized, and that’s why
advocates call it the second rape.
There are other problems with regard to the implication of sexual
assault, and that’s that survivors of sexual assault average more
surgeries, physician visits, hospital stays and mental health care.
Sexual violence also impacts a woman’s educational attainment and
productivity, so there are hidden costs of sexual assault that no one is
talking about — and how an unreported rape can be buried but not
forgotten and rise up to affect one’s life later, perhaps because of
more trauma.
I urge government to seriously consider the 16 recommendations
from the Ending Violence Association of B.C.
R. Singh: I would really like to thank the member for North
Vancouver–Seymour for bringing up this important issue.
[10:40 a.m.]
We all know that sexual violence is known to affect one-third of
all women and girls at some point in life, with the largest demographic
being young women between the ages of 14 and 24. Also, the research
continues to show that sexual violence is usually under-reported,
under-investigated and under-prosecuted.
Having worked in the field myself, I have dealt with and I have
experienced and talked to the victims of sexual assault personally. It
was really sad. It is such an important…. These victims sometimes are
not taken seriously. I remember how in 2003 the funding was cut for so
many sexual assault centres. Having worked at one of the crisis lines
for sexual assault victims, I remember taking the calls and not having
enough services that I could refer these people to. Those were really
sad times, not just for the women who were victims but also for the
service providers as well.
I really appreciate that we need to address the immediate needs
generated by systemic underfunding. In 2017, the province invested $5
million to help reduce wait-lists and better meet the demands and wider
services — like counselling, outreach and crisis support — with an
additional $18 million over three years for continued services. These
are very, very important services that these people, these victims,
these survivors of sexual assault really needed. This was the
much-needed funding that was provided by the province.
Also, victim services and violence-against programs
throughout British Columbia shared $4 million in one-time grants
to better address high demands for programs that help women and children
affected by domestic abuse and sexualized violence. The province also
invests more than $70 million annually in services to support victims of
crime, including $16.5 million for violence-against-women programs and
$32 million for transition housing services.
I really want to, here, emphasize the importance of the transition
housing, because sexual violence, we all know, most often occurs in the
most intimate sanctuaries, such as our homes or the homes of those we
know. This means that for many survivors of sexualized violence, their
homes are no longer places of safety. Survivors deserve and need a safe
place where they can feel free to make their own choices about their
healing journey. A sense of safety at home is absolutely integral to
supporting survivors of sexual violence.
Also, as was mentioned by the member, most of the victims are
young women. The demographic, we all know, is between the ages of 14 and
24. That’s why it is very important to provide funding or to make more
campaigns targeted at prevention.
I’m really glad that the Ministry of Advanced Education, Skills
and Training launched an information campaign to raise awareness and to
help prevent sexualized violence and misconduct. The campaign coincided
with the beginning of the academic year, a time when the incidences of
sexual assaults on campus are highest. It has been reported that
two-thirds of the campus sexual assaults occur during the first eight
weeks of school. This campaign meets students where they are, by
message focuses on consent and respect.
We also know how much work the community groups and front-line
workers do to assist the victims of sexual assault. I’m really glad that
the province has provided $1.7 million in community grants to address
violence against women, including domestic violence, sexual violence,
human trafficking and sexual exploitation.
In the end, I cannot just finish this without talking about the
amazing work that the staffs and the teams at the sexual assault centres
do to provide assistance to the victims of sexual assault. One example
that we have is here in Victoria, the Victoria Sexual Assault Centre.
They have been providing core services for the last 37 years. They are a
one-of-a-kind clinic that provides sexual assault integrated
services.
It is very important; we all know how important these services
are. I really want the continued support for these services.
[10:45 a.m.]
J. Thornthwaite: Over the last few weeks in this House, I’ve outlined the strong
evidence we have to prompt governments, both provincial and federal, to
act now to educate and prevent, and treat victims of, sexual assault. We
need to spend a lot more resources on evidence-based preventative
strategies that clearly show both boys and girls what consent actually
is and give girls the tools that they need to watch for the signs of a
perpetrator — who, more often than not, is someone they know, someone
they trust and who’s close to them.
These tools must be taught early on, because university is too
late. Let’s get these programs into elementary schools now. We not only
have to teach women their rights in relationships but also boys what is
respect in a relationship.
I’ve also indicated that there are serious problems with our
current police and legal systems when it comes to treating victims of
sexual assault. When basic investigative steps are skipped and police
are not trained on trauma-informed interviewing skills, and when lawyers
and judges have no appreciation of what sexual assault actually is, then
not only is the victim not served and can suffer lifelong consequences —
which has a huge effect on their families, their life, their potential
and also on society — but the core perpetrator is rewarded for his
behaviour and now knows he can do it again with no consequences. Yes,
often perpetrators do it again and again.
It is time that our educational and judicial systems put a greater
emphasis on services and prevention of sexual assault. I look forward to
working with my colleagues on both sides of the House — in Education,
Attorney General, Solicitor General — to demand action for all victims
of sexual assault. We know it’s a problem, and we know we need to get it
better, particularly when these children, earlier in life, are getting
perpetrated against by these people.
Thank you for your time. I’d really appreciate going further on
this issue in the House on future days.
GROUND SEARCH AND RESCUE
J. Rice: There are some incredibly selfless people in this province who
dedicate themselves to helping others when they need it most. These
British Columbians give their time and expertise without hesitation,
often on a moment’s notice, risking themselves in some of the most
dangerous situations in a rugged environment, making sure that someone
in trouble stays alive.
B.C.’s ground search and rescue volunteers battle the worst
weather conditions and navigate the most dangerous terrain to find and
rescue the lost and injured. B.C. has 80 search and rescue, or SAR,
groups and approximately 2,500 volunteers. These teams take
part in over
1,700 ground search and rescue missions yearly, out of the roughly 2,000
in all of Canada. That’s 85 percent of Canada’s search and rescue
missions undertaken by British Columbian volunteers.
Our government, its citizens and visitors to our province owe a
debt of gratitude to these remarkable people. They are vital to public
safety in this province. That is why this government was pleased to
announce last month an immediate funding injection of $18.6 million to
GSAR. This funding will be directed towards operations, training,
additional equipment and activities, and developing a sustainable
long-term funding model over the next three years.
In our ongoing support, in cooperation with the B.C. Search and
Rescue Association, or BCSARA, it is apparent that there are a number of
functional areas that will benefit from this funding support. Examples
include getting, maintaining and upgrading rescue equipment, potentially
including vehicles; communications equipment upgrades; training and
certification for technical specialties, such as swift water and rope
rescue courses; exploring new search and rescue technologies; and
providing extra supports to first responders, such as critical incident
stress management.
[10:50 a.m.]
This nearly $19 million represents the single largest provincial
ground search and rescue investment in B.C.’s history, a 24 percent
increase from the $5 million per year announced in 2016. These
funds will immediately go to the B.C. Search and Rescue Association to
be disbursed over the next three years to the 80 GSAR groups, as well as
provincial programs such as AdventureSmart and critical incident stress
management.
It fills an immediate need so that these search and rescue
organizations can continue to do their essential work. Critically, this
historic investment provides dedicated funding so that the province and
the B.C. Search and Rescue Association can continue to work toward a
sustainable and secure long-term funding model. Emergency management
B.C. also has two additional staff positions to work in partnership with
BCSARA to leverage all the work done so far to accomplish this
goal.
I know a long-term funding model for search and rescue in this
province has been a long time coming. It has taken some time, but we
want to make sure we get it right. We want to build on the significant
work done by BCSARA, consultants and emergency management B.C. staff to
create a solid foundation for the right model.
Long-term funding was an issue when we formed government in 2017,
and though we have needed some time to get up to speed so we have a
clear picture of the issues and needs, this government is committed to
finding a sustainable funding model that works best for everyone. This
dedicated funding is clear evidence of that. We will continue to work
with BCSARA to instate a sustainable funding model that allows
volunteers to focus on what they were trained to do: search for and
rescue people.
One of my local organizations, Prince Rupert Ground Search and
Rescue, was recently on a call when the weather was, characteristically,
pouring sideways rain and with gale force winds, when their central
command tent gave way. These conditions are typical for the north coast,
and a more fixed and robust shelter for volunteers is sincerely
needed.
These dedicated volunteers are not only volunteering their time
saving lives but are also out fundraising for the equipment to do their
job. A tremendous amount of work has gone into organizing and carrying
out a local fundraiser so people can work with the equipment they truly
need.
I want to take this moment to thank B.C.’s Search and Rescue
volunteers for their dedication. Sustainable funding will allow these
volunteers to focus, as I said, on what they were trained to do and less
on fundraising and having bake sales, etc. Search and rescue volunteers
in British Columbia are amongst the best in the world, and the province
is committed to supporting their invaluable work.
Irrespective of this $19 million in funding, it’s important to
note that the province continues to provide search and rescue groups in
B.C. with the operational supports they need to respond to emergencies.
Search and rescue members are and will continue to be reimbursed for
operational and out-of-pocket expenses incurred during deployment. We
are continuing this valuable program, and no change is being
contemplated to this support.
The province recognizes GSAR groups as a critical resource in
B.C., and SAR is supported with direct operating costs. Last year
government provided close to $9 million in operational funding,
including $5.64 million in support of operational tasks, equipment
repair or replacement, helicopter costs, mileage and meals; $2.7 million
from gaming funds for equipment and training; $250,000 for GSAR training
with the Justice Institute; $35,000 to support administrative functions
with BCSARA; $25,000 to support travel for the annual BCSARA board
meeting; and $254,000 in liability insurance for volunteer and SAR
directors and officers.
EMBC supports the BCSARA position that charging for a search and
rescue response could directly affect whether or not a lost or injured
person will request help.
M. Morris: It was great to see the province take a second look at this issue
and decide to invest in our ground search and rescue forces right across
this province here. It is an invaluable service that all British
Columbians benefit from at some point in time.
[10:55 a.m.]
I go back in my service as a constable in the RCMP,
oftentimes serving in the role of search master in many searches
in the remote parts of British Columbia. Particularly as a young
constable, I would go out there with the academic part of performing a
search, with the grid patterns and everything that I’m supposed to do,
but panicking in the meantime because I was supposed to be leading this
ground search for an individual or for individuals that were lost out
there.
It was always heartwarming and very gratifying to see some of
these seasoned veterans show up, these volunteers that we have in all
our communities that partake in the ground search and rescue forces that
we have here — seasoned veterans, trappers, outdoors people that have
spent their entire life in that particular area and know it like the
back of their hand.
As soon as those individuals would show up, the weight would be
lifted off my shoulders, and we would proceed to do the search. We’d
follow the grid patterns, but we would be relying on the expertise of
the individuals in tracking. They can look at the ground and determine
where folks have been and what may have occurred. That kind of service
is replicated right across this great province — right across Canada but
right across this great province of ours.
We have many volunteers. I just look at the groups that we have in
my riding, in the district of Mackenzie. We’ve got a very robust search
and rescue operation there. In fact, Lawrence Napier, a longtime trapper
I have known for many, many years, just got his 40-year pin with
Mackenzie Search and Rescue for volunteering for all of those years in
trying to assist people there.
Prince George has a very robust search and rescue team as well.
They’ve been out there practising — very dedicated individuals that
practise their map and compass skills, swift water rescue and steep
slope rescue. There are a number of things they practise on routinely as
a result of the funding they get from government — again, this $18.6
million over the next three years that this government has finally
committed to that program. Without that ongoing training, we would be in
a serious situation, a serious deficit in some of these areas, in trying
to gather those resources together.
I look at some of the files that I’ve been involved in, where we
will organize a search party to go out and look for somebody that’s
missing and overdue. We spend a lot of time in various weather
conditions looking for those individuals. Most of them, or a lot of
them, end up with happy endings. We find the individual. It’s a very
euphoric kind of an experience after you spend days and days and days
looking for these people in these adverse conditions and you find them
in good health.
There are the other ones, too, that really weigh heavily not only
on my shoulders as a police officer attending but on the shoulders of
the search and rescue personnel when we find a victim who has been the
subject of a carnivore attack. There have been a few of them where the
grizzly bears and other animals have taken them down and consumed them.
That’s often a very graphic thing for our search and rescue personnel to
see and to deal with at the end of the day.
Then there’s the body recovery of individuals who have lost their
lives in an avalanche or in some other tragic incident. They’ve fallen
down or perhaps they’ve succumbed to other medical conditions when
they’re out in the forest. These personnel are very well equipped to
bring them out and to bring closure to their families so that they’re
not indefinitely missing out there.
There are a lot of skills that are taken into account every day.
My heart goes out to every single one of the search and rescue folks
that we have right across this province that drop everything they’re
doing at a moment’s notice to get out there and help — to help families,
to reconcile families if somebody has been missing. Sometimes,
hopefully, it’s only for a few hours, but it could be days, sometimes,
before these individuals are recovered at the end of the
search.
There’s a lot of time, effort and training that goes into this, a
lot of equipment, updating of equipment so that they stay current and
none of the equipment is deficient in any way. Again, these folks show
up day in, day out, on a voluntary basis. They don’t get paid for it.
They put in a lot of their own personal time in order to make sure they
provide the service that British Columbians, tourists to B.C. and
anybody that travels in the hinterlands of British Columbia
experiences.
[11:00 a.m.]
J. Rice: B.C. is a popular destination for accessing the outdoors, getting
into the back country and exploring wild places. More frequently, we
hear reports of people being unprepared for the conditions. We hear
about elaborate and complex search and rescues due to people
overestimating their abilities and underestimating the potential
risks.
[J. Isaacs in the chair.]
I wanted to just convey that we, at emergency management B.C.,
support the B.C. Search and Rescue Association’s position that charging
for a search and rescue response could directly affect whether or not a
lost or injured person will request help, as well as the timelines of
that call.
I often hear of people being very critical of people who need a
rescue and talking about charging them as a solution to preventing
people from making these types of choices. But again, I don’t ever want
to see someone not call for help out of fear of the cost that would be
incurred. Anyone who is requesting SAR support is urged to contact the
authorities without delay.
As recreational activity picks up in backcountry areas, EMBC, the
B.C. Search and Rescue Association and AdventureSmart issue public
information about risks and the safety precautions that should be
followed. We’re committed to working with BCSARA to provide sustainable
and effective ground search and rescue services across the
province.
BCSARA has proposed an alternate support model for ground and
inland search and rescue, recommending that changes are required to
sustain the current program and capacity. We’ve had a number of positive
discussions with the association, and we are currently reviewing the
proposal for further consideration by the provincial government. In the
meantime, we have provided additional resources to support our search
and rescue organization’s capacity to work together with us. We have
also provided EMBC with additional funding for staff resources to assist
in this important work.
We hope that the necessary work on governance and management can
proceed more quickly with additional resources and that we have an
acceptable and sustainable new funding model in place for the near
future. The province remains committed to working collaboratively and
supporting these volunteers who do this critical service.
Again, I just want to say thank you to the selfless volunteers in
British Columbia that respond to 85 percent of Canada’s search and
rescue calls. I think I can speak on behalf of both sides of the House
when we express our gratitude and our thanks.
Hon. M. Mungall: I would ask that the House consider proceeding with Motion 6,
standing in the name of the member for Kamloops–North
Thompson.
Deputy Speaker: Hon. Members, unanimous consent of the House is required to
proceed with Motion 6 without disturbing the priorities of the motions
preceding it on the order paper.
Leave granted.
Private Members’ Motions
MOTION 6 — CARBON TAX AND GAS PRICES
P. Milobar: It gives me pleasure to rise to speak today to the
motion.
[Be it resolved that this House agrees that increased non
revenue-neutral carbon tax and higher gasoline prices make life more
expensive for British Columbians.]
I think it’s very easy to see that that statement is, in fact,
accurate. It’s impossible to not see us paying the highest gas prices
ever in British Columbia now and not see that it directly impacts
people’s daily lives and ability to get around and conduct their daily
lives, be it driving the kids around for sports and activities after
school, trying to have a family holiday or trying to get to work. Not
everywhere in this province has frequent and high-speed transit options.
Even in areas where we do have that, we see long waits and hard access
points to try to get onto transit. Transit alone is not going to solve
the ability for people to get around.
When we see taxes going up, when we see that we’re paying the
highest taxes on gasoline anywhere in North America, it definitely does
impact people’s affordability.
Now, I know the members opposite will go on and on and on today
about the $400 low-income credit that people would qualify for. I think
everyone would agree that low-income families definitely need help when
it comes to increased carbon taxes. But by virtue of the government
acknowledging that people need that help, it would indicate that the
government also acknowledges that they are making life less affordable
for British Columbians.
[11:05 a.m.]
Just on that program, it makes it sound as if every family is
qualifying for $400 a year. That is not actually the case. Let’s look at
that really briefly. At a $30 carbon tax, it was $300 you qualified for.
At $35 last year, it went up to $350. This year it goes to $400. But
it’s only for people that currently qualify. It’s for those very
low-income families. To see that full subsidy come through would mean
that you are a family of four with a household income of $42,000 or
less. It is not for the broader public. It is not for the general public
at large.
Why that’s important is, again…. It’s the government recognizing
that there is an added cost for people trying to just conduct their
daily lives. Yet it’s trying to be marketed as if it’s not actually
going to be an impact on people. The government seems to be trying to
have it both ways.
Let’s contrast that to what happened when we had a $30 carbon tax
and a revenue-neutral component, more importantly, to the carbon tax. In
the Interior and areas outside of the 604 region, the government of the
day, our government, recognized that people need to travel longer
distances on average. They have less transportation options, in terms of
transit, on average, so they need to drive more. They put more mileage
on vehicles. We recognized that, and we figured out a way to try to pass
savings on to homeowners.
We also recognized that most of the homes require some sort of gas
to heat themselves in the wintertime affordably, and they would consume
more to just have the audacity to try to have comfort in their home. As
a result, the government started out with a $100 extra homeowner grant.
It moved onto a $200 homeowner grant to people that live outside of the
Lower Mainland. Now, I recognize that doesn’t cover off everyone at all,
but it was a way to try to recognize and start to try to move some funds
back in.
What we have seen with this government, though, with this move to
a $40 carbon tax now, is that there are no more measures for the average
person out there. There are certainly the low-income measures. We
applaud that the low-income people will still be able to qualify for
that, but it’s only for people that are currently qualifying for that
GST and carbon tax refund cheque. Very few would actually qualify for
the full $50 that the government is trying to tout as if it’s $400 for
all.
We have to be very clear about this — that the offsets just aren’t
there. In fact, what we see is that in a four-year period, the
government, instead of collecting $5 billion in carbon taxation is going
to collect $7.35 billion in taxation but really only spend about $900
million questionably, whether or not it’s even driving down GHG
emissions with that spending.
The bottom line is this: taxes are going up. It’s getting more and
more expensive for people to drive around in this province. The
government is not seeming to want to take any action on that, and that’s
very unfortunate. They do control carbon taxation. They do control 35
cents a litre of gasoline tax. It’s about time, I think, that everyone
gets on board and realizes that there is something governments can do to
try to lessen those burdens to everyday, hard-working British Columbians
that are trying to get by, to make sure that they have something like a
warm house for them and their kids and their spouse, and to try to make
sure that they can get around town on a regular basis.
R. Leonard: The member for Kamloops–North Thompson has put forward a motion
which is deceptively simplistic. He appears to mistakenly mash together
revenue neutrality, carbon tax and gas prices as a cause and effect for
making life more expensive. There is no question that drivers today are
feeling the pain at the pump, as the price of gas shot up so
dramatically.
People are at the mercy of an industry that lacks transparency in
its pricing. We don’t know why or when or where the prices are going to
be jacked up. It’s a game of chance, trying to anticipate how to best
catch the best price. But what are the real drivers for these volatile
price hikes?
Our government has been clear that Canada needs more refining
capacity. B.C. has two refineries that produce only 25 percent of the
gas consumed here. More refining capacity would help smooth out impacts
from rises in crude oil prices in the global marketplace.
There’s another area that has been pinpointed by experts in the
field. Robyn Allan, from The Economist , wrote: “It’s not the
cost of crude oil or supply that causes spikes. It’s abnormally high
refinery and marketing margins, and we’re being taken advantage of.”
Those margins are the difference between the price of crude and refined
gas and between the price of refined gas and the price you and I pay at
the pump — unbridled profit for profit’s sake.
[11:10 a.m.]
Navius Research identified the rising profit margins and higher
fuel prices at the pump as the consequence of low competition for market
share, with very few firms supplying B.C. As for other causes, according
to Kenneth Medlock at the Center for Energy Studies at Rice University
in Texas, it appears that singular arguments — like a pipeline not being
built or the carbon tax — simply don’t hold water. That last comment is
relevant to today’s motion. Today’s increase in the carbon tax
translates into 1.1 cents at the pump. This one-cent tax pales in
comparison to the price hikes we are experiencing.
More importantly, the carbon tax, whether at the pump or
elsewhere, does not of necessity make life more expensive for British
Columbians. A carbon tax is intended to drive behaviour change, to
reduce the carbon footprint of people, business, government and
industry. The gradual increase to a carbon tax is not only intended to
change behaviours; it also provides everyone time to adjust and find
ways to reduce that carbon footprint without going under. This is the
formula: shrinking our carbon footprint equals reducing our carbon
tax.
Can we organize our trips to be more efficient and use less
gasoline? Can we find other ways to tip the balance so that we’re
actually paying less? Absolutely, we can, and we must. All together, the
tax and incentives to reduce our carbon footprint drive innovation so
that we can be more effective in fighting the devastating and expensive
impacts of climate change — the whole point of the carbon
tax.
It doesn’t end there. There’s also the question of equity and
fairness. A low-income person doesn’t have the same opportunities to
reduce their carbon footprint. For instance, a renter in a home with
poor insulation and leaking hot water is stuck paying a higher energy
bill and more tax. To adjust for that, there is the climate action tax
credit, which our government raised this year to up to $400 per year. We
will continue to raise it each year as the tax increases. Under the old
government, this credit was not raised between 2011 and 2017.
Now, about the old government’s myth that their idea of a
revenue-neutral carbon tax made life less expensive for people. Revenue
neutrality had no meaning, because the carbon tax they collected was not
driven back to taxpayers with carbon-reducing programs. How can tax
credits like digital arts and film credits, though worthy of support, be
defined as carbon-reducing? Targets to reduce greenhouse gases were not
met. It was simply a shell game.
Our government is taking significant steps to make a difference to
affect climate change across all sectors while making life more
affordable for the people of B.C. It’s the cheapest way forward for
everyone.
T. Redies: Well, what’s deceptively simple, using the terminology of the
learned member from Comox, is that this government continues to increase
carbon taxes. In fact, they will increase carbon taxes under their watch
by 67 percent, and they have removed the revenue neutrality. That is
very simple.
I’m pleased to rise today to speak about a topic that is important
to me and important to my constituents. That is the affordability
question that’s on the table. Under the watch of the NDP, we’re seeing
the cost of living and working in British Columbia rise. Gas prices are
skyrocketing, reaching almost 164 cents per litre in the Lower Mainland.
That’s a record high, and they’re expected to keep climbing. We’ve been
warned they could reach as high as $1.70 a litre.
It shouldn’t come as a surprise to the members of this House that
high fuel prices have far-reaching consequences for families, but they
go even further, putting strain on our provincial economy. Certainly in
my community, people are taking advantage of the proximity to the U.S.
to fill up south of the border. Many British Columbians have determined
that it’s worth their time and the gas involved to drive to the border
crossing, wait in line, find the nearest gas station, fill up their tank
and then repeat the same process on the way back.
[11:15 a.m.]
Rather than just stopping at the corner gas station on their way
home from work, those who are still filling up on this side of the
border are shopping around, trying to find even a small break in these
record-high prices.
It’s a disturbing trend when British Columbians can’t afford daily
necessities in their own communities. This situation isn’t unique to my
constituents in South Surrey and White Rock. British Columbians all over
the province travel and commute on a daily basis, whether they’re
driving for school or work, whether they’re running errands for an
elderly family member or taking their kids from point A to point B. I
know when my kids were younger, I was constantly driving to and from
schools, sports and various other extracurricular activities.
Today families are facing tough choices and wondering whether they
can afford to continue giving their kids the same opportunities. The
Easter weekend is coming up, and many folks will be on the road to spend
quality time with family in different parts of the province. But they’re
bound to get hit with a high fuel bill even after a short
trip.
Summer is just around the corner, a time when British Columbians,
Canadians from other provinces and international visitors alike have
traditionally enjoyed our province’s spectacular beauty by taking road
trips or camping or hiking. These travellers have been a significant
source of revenue and driver of employment for communities all across
B.C., and they’ve significantly bolstered our provincial economy. But if
gas prices stay the way they are, undoubtedly, many of those visitors
will either be staying home or choosing a more affordable
destination.
In fact, with ICBC rates continuing to climb without end in sight,
I know many British Columbians are wondering whether they will be able
to afford a car at all. And British Columbians aren’t just paying more
to drive their cars. Higher gas prices and a non-revenue-neutral carbon
tax mean they’re also paying more to heat their homes and purchase goods
like groceries that are transported by truck.
I’d like to get back to that non-revenue-neutral carbon tax. When
our former government led the country in introducing carbon tax, we made
it revenue neutral. That meant that British Columbians were getting
money back though income tax reductions. They weren’t getting gouged
like they are today.
Today the government’s latest — April 1 — carbon tax increase was
just that, a straight tax increase. Under this government, carbon taxes
will rise, as I said, 67 percent to $50 a tonne. We’re midway through
that rise right now, and we know for sure that gas taxes are not going
down under this government. They will continue to rise.
According to the government’s own budget, taxes per capita are
going up $1,100 for every man, woman and child in this province. Under
the B.C. NDP, British Columbians are not getting ahead. With this and
the other 18 new or increased taxes this government has implemented,
they aren’t even breaking even. That’s certainly not what was expected
from a government that promised to make life more affordable for British
Columbians.
B. D’Eith: I’m perplexed by the motion by the member for Kamloops–North
Thompson. The B.C. Liberals introduced the carbon tax in 2008, and it’s
working.
Interjections.
B. D’Eith: Thank you for that. It was never revenue neutral. But I’ll get to
that in a moment. It was never revenue neutral. In fact, in 2015, the
Energy Policy journal said that greenhouse gas emissions
are actually going down. So it’s working by 9 percent. Not, of course,
the targets that the B.C. Liberals set and didn’t meet themselves, but
at least it’s some movement in the right direction.
I really believe that the B.C. Liberals should be promoting the
benefits of the carbon tax. Instead, what they’re choosing to do is
mislead B.C. citizens that the carbon tax is actually having a
significant impact on gas prices, even though they’re responsible for 75
percent of those carbon taxes. Again, perplexing. I mean, if you really
believe this, then I would say if you live in glass houses, don’t throw
stones.
This isn’t the actual case. The B.C. Liberals claim that rising
gas prices are linked to carbon tax and other tax policies as well as
other government positions, such as the Trans Mountain expansion. It’s
just not true.
Let’s look at Ken Medlock. He’s an energy economist, senior
director of the Center for Energy Studies at Rice University. “This is
not a pipeline not being built. This is not the Trump administration.
This is not the carbon tax. It’s not large enough to matter. It’s
convenient to say a lot of that stuff, to have a single thing to point
at and blame. But those arguments don’t hold water.”
Who is the real culprit for the rising fuel taxes? The main reason
for this is that B.C. has significantly higher refining and marketing
margins than any other region of Canada, which indicates a higher profit
margin for oil companies. Price increases are common each spring as
refineries shift to summer blends and summer driving seasons. Two
refineries in B.C., in Prince George, provide 25 percent of the
province’s gas consumption. The rest is imported from Alberta and
Washington state. Of course, they go through maintenance.
[11:20 a.m.]
While we don’t control the markets, we are committed to work every
day on making life more affordable. That’s why we’re increasing the
climate action credits for families by $223 million over three years.
This will leave families up to $400, which is all we’ve ever said. By
2021, climate action credits will be almost 70 percent higher than when
we formed government.
Now, if we’re going to talk about affordability, let’s look at the
real efforts this government has taken about affordability. What did the
B.C. Liberals do? They doubled MSP premiums. They increased hydro rates
by 70 percent, and they hiked up ICBC rates.
Well, what have we done? We’ve eliminated bridge tolls, saving
people $1,500 a year. We’ve introduced a billion-dollar child care
program that will save families up to $1,250 per month. We’re tackling
ICBC. We’re working to get B.C. Hydro back on track. And let’s not
forget the biggest tax cut in a generation for the middle class with the
elimination of MSP premiums, saving families up to $1,800 a year. That’s
real savings. That’s taking real steps to make life affordable. One cent
per litre on gas tax is insignificant next to the huge savings to
families that this government is bringing in.
What about the B.C. Liberal claim that the carbon tax was revenue
neutral under their watch? Well, the tax was never revenue neutral. This
is just another shell game that the former government played with the
B.C. public. They claimed it was neutral by comparing it to unrelated
tax credits for things like the digital arts and film tax credits.
Perhaps they should have spent more time trying to meet their own
climate targets and less time misleading the B.C. public about their
carbon tax.
While the B.C. Liberals failed to meet their own climate targets,
we’re investing billions in CleanBC and clean transit. That’s $900
million in CleanBC, $2.5 billion in public transit, $1.1 billion in
making social housing more energy efficient, $90 million to help people
switch to clean transportation options, $42 million for people to
purchase zero-emission vehicles and on and on. This is real action to
tackle climate change.
Now look, we understand that people are frustrated when gas prices
fluctuate. The one-cent carbon tax increase is not the cause. It’s the
gouging by oil companies. It’s constrained refining capacity that’s
causing this change. And of course, the Leader of the Opposition said:
“Our party is very much dedicated to the idea that you respect the
marketplace when you set these prices.” The B.C. Liberals can’t really
attack the real cause of the gas prices, so what do they do? They try to
pin it on the tax.
D. Davies: I appreciate the chance to speak to this motion today.
When we were debating the budget bill, I noted how the title of
Budget 2019 is “Making life better.” It reads kind of like a
cruel joke when we see the 19 new tax increases and paltry projections
for our resource revenue, especially how this is going to impact us in
the north. It seems the NDP sense of humour, though, has moved from dark
to just surreal. Maybe it’s an in-house joke, but the government has
scrapped its transparency report. They can all laugh about the impacts
behind closed doors while the rest of us are literally kept in the
cold.
I’ll tell you what. Even though the NDP won’t tell us what the
projections for their tax hike are, that isn’t stopping the people of
this province from feeling the effects. Most folks in Fort St. John and
in much of the north rely on natural gas, like myself, to heat their
homes for seven months of our winter. When I say winter, I mean, on
average, minus 30 degrees. After April 1, which just passed us, the
carbon tax will now be more than the commodity price on my natural gas
bill. While I’m lucky to have a stable job, the decrease in resource
revenues means that there are going to be a lot of people with the same
bills who aren’t near as lucky as me.
Let’s talk about jobs for a second. When you work in natural gas,
forestry and a lot of other resource jobs, you’ll be out in the
blistering cold for a better part of the entire day. Companies in these
industries also see a significant increase in carbon tax, made now even
higher by this government’s gouging. For example, if someone works
outside in the resource industry, they have to keep their truck running.
They have to keep their truck running so it won’t freeze up, and they
have to keep their truck running so the workers can have a little break
and prevent themselves from freezing to death.
[11:25 a.m.]
This increased cost, plus lower resource revenue, also means,
potentially, more layoffs and more poverty in British Columbia. A lot of
folks are already struggling in this province, and climate change may
not be the first thing on their minds.
The B.C. Liberals’ original revenue-neutral carbon tax garnered
praise as a cutting-edge approach to fighting climate change from
well-respected, international publications such as The
Economist and the New York Times . Why? Well, the
revenue-neutral tax means that any extra money paid on emissions would
be made up through an income tax cut, a low-income tax credit or reduced
corporate taxes for both small and larger businesses.
We understood that with a sudden increase in their fuel cost, it
was only fair that we provide some relief along with that. Surely, the
government must have a very good reason why they’re going to continue to
raise the carbon tax at a time when they are also saying resource
revenues are going to be low. Well, not that I can see. Not that any of
us are aware of.
The other side killed the transparency report, so we actually
don’t even know the reason — if, in fact, there is one. We do know that
85 percent of the revenues, though, that have been collected from this
increase are going into general revenues, revenues that could be used to
help workers whose jobs are in jeopardy in the face of lower resource
revenues. We have no indication of whether or not that is the plan, but
I suspect not.
I think that British Columbians are sick and tired of the NDP’s
sense of humour on this tax. They aren’t getting this cruel joke, and
they aren’t getting anything from this tax increase.
R. Glumac: Many people are upset at the price of gasoline right now. Why has
the price gone up so dramatically over the last few weeks? Just over a
month ago, the prices of gas were under $1.30 a litre. Now the prices
have gone up over 30 cents in the last month.
One of the reasons is because crude oil prices have gone up. We
know the gas prices are tied to crude oil prices, but they only account
for some of that gain. It isn’t the whole answer. Crude oil prices were
60 percent higher in 2014, but we’re hitting all-time highs today. We’re
hitting all-time highs when we’re nowhere near the all-time highs of
crude oil prices. Something is not adding up. That extra money is going
somewhere.
Here’s what we do know. There was a research report in 2018 that
looked into gas prices, and this is what it said: “Since 2015, gasoline
and diesel prices in the Vancouver area market appear to have decoupled
from supply costs, resulting in high prices that cannot be attributed to
the competitive market forces or scarcity of supply.”
The prices are not set by the market anymore. The data actually
show that since 2014, refinery margins, the revenue from refining, have
dramatically risen in B.C. and are now nearly double the Canadian
average. The revenue from refining in B.C. is nearly double the rest of
Canada, and the data shows that this is not a supply issue. In fact, the
Port of Vancouver has been a net exporter of gasoline and
diesel.
Some people are saying: “Let’s build the Kinder Morgan pipeline.
That’ll solve our problems.” Well, it’s just not true. The data in the
report shows that this is not a supply problem. A pipeline is not the
answer.
Some people are saying: “Lower the carbon tax; that will solve our
problems.” The carbon tax went up one cent on April 1 — one cent.
Eliminating the carbon tax is not the answer to reducing gas
prices.
So what is the answer? Right now 80 to 90 percent of the fuel
supplied to our market is supplied by four firms. There is a fundamental
lack of competition. That’s what it says in the report. Adding more
supply will not reduce gas prices because of this lack of
competition.
[11:30 a.m.]
The only solution is to reduce demand, and we can do this. We can
do this. We can reduce demand by creating a market for alternative fuels
to create more competition. We can reduce demand by expanding public
transit. We can reduce demand by mandating minimum sales of electric
vehicles. We can reduce demand by providing credits to purchase those
vehicles. These are the things our government is doing with
CleanBC.
We’re investing over $900 million to address climate change and to
move toward a low-carbon economy, because it’s not something we can
continue to ignore. We know that Canada is warming twice as fast as the
global average. Our children are facing a frightening future.
We won’t get off gasoline overnight. No one says we will. So we
need to understand why these gas prices are so high here in B.C. and do
what we can to reduce demand. The solutions that some people are
presenting will not solve the problem when there is a lack of
competition in the market. That’s simple economics — something the B.C.
Liberals don’t, apparently, understand. The answer is to reduce demand.
One of the ways we are doing this is by moving toward a lower-carbon
economy.
J. Thornthwaite: I rise in the House today to speak to the motion brought forward
by my colleague from Kamloops–North Thompson: “Be it resolved that this
House agrees that increased non revenue-neutral carbon tax and higher
gasoline prices make life more expensive for British
Columbians.”
Non-revenue-neutral carbon tax and higher gasoline prices do
indeed make life more expensive for British Columbians. The
non-revenue-neutral carbon tax is a pure cash grab, with no clear
benefit to British Columbians.
Revenue-neutral taxation means using the money generated from
increased tax dollars to reduce taxation elsewhere to actually make life
more affordable. Unfortunately, the NDP are determined to continue
making life more expensive and more difficult with the increase or
introduction of 19 new taxes, many of which directly target residents on
the North Shore. These taxes include the employer health tax, which
places an unfair burden on small businesses; the school tax, which has
nothing do with schools; and the so-called speculation tax, which
unfairly targets British Columbians who happen to own a second home —
plus, it has nothing to do with speculation.
The NDP have followed through on the B.C. Liberal plan to lower
small business tax by 0.5 percent, but then they went on to place an
extra burden on small businesses with the employer health tax. In 2019,
this year, they’re getting double-dipped, having to pay the MSP plus the
employer health tax.
British Columbians are paying more at the pump, as the cost of gas
can be attributed to provincial taxation, at 35 cents a litre. Plus,
with the federal tax, it’s up to 52 cents a litre.
The NDP government prides itself on being champions of green
initiatives, but only 15 percent of the $6 billion the carbon tax is
collecting is actually going towards the CleanBC plan. That’s just $900
million out of $6 billion. Who knows what the government is doing with
the rest of the 85 percent? They won’t tell us, so we suspect it’s going
into general revenue.
In fact, the 15 percent that is going into CleanBC is actually
just repackaged from the former B.C. Liberal government’s plan, like an
80 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, electrifying upstream
oil and gas activities, reducing upstream methane leakage. These are
just more initiatives that were adopted from the B.C. Liberals. The
difference is that under the B.C. Liberal government, these initiatives
were implemented when the carbon tax remained revenue
neutral.
Let’s be clear. The B.C. Liberals support the carbon tax. We
started it. We ran on it in 2009, and it was their side that ran against
it with the so-called Axe the Tax campaign. In 2016, B.C. was recognized
as an international climate leader for its revenue-neutral carbon tax,
receiving the Momentum for Change Award at a low-emissions conference in
Morocco.
[11:35 a.m.]
In 2017, the B.C. Liberal government included the following major
tax cuts to keep life affordable, such as a cut in income tax, as well
as a credit for low-income adults and children. But for businesses, the
business tax cut is totally negated now with this NDP employer health
tax.
The cost of fuel will only get higher as a condition of the NDP’s
power-sharing agreement with the Greens. We have the highest gas prices
in North America at over $1.60 a litre. The Premier mentioned a couple
of weeks ago that he’d consider giving British Columbians relief at the
pumps, but then, the next day, he went back on it, saying it was up to
the gas companies.
We know that the province controls 35 cents a litre, so there is
room for the Premier to do something, but he refuses. Plus the TransLink
tax is set to go up later this year, so gas will likely go up and up and
up. We once again ask the NDP to return the carbon tax to revenue
neutrality and give British Columbians a break. Otherwise, it’s just a
cash grab by this government, and it’s not doing anything for green
initiatives.
M. Elmore: I’m very pleased to rise and speak to the motion and address the
issue of carbon tax and the increase in gas prices we’re seeing at the
pump. I think it’s an opportunity that’s very important.
We should make the case and make it clear to British Columbians
that the increasing prices at the pump are not a result of the carbon
tax. We know that the increase in carbon tax as of April 1 was 1 cent a
litre, so that doesn’t account for these increases that we’re seeing. I
think it’s important to really push back against that and explain to
British Columbians and really expose this fearmongering and how the
Liberals are misleading the public on this issue. It’s an
opportunity.
The issue of climate action…. There’s an urgent need for climate
action, to really take steps to ensure, not only in British Columbia,
but in Canada and the world, that we meet our goal to stabilize our
global climate. We know the impact of that in terms of fires in British
Columbia and certainly a number of issues that we’re seeing around the
world. So the issue of carbon tax addresses that. It puts a price on
carbon pollution, and it is shown to be effective in terms of reducing
carbon pollution.
We’ve seen an increase in gas prices at the pump. Previous
speakers have laid out why we’re seeing that, disproportionate to the
rest of Canada. We have a lower capacity in terms of British Columbia,
and lower competition. It’s gouging from the gas companies that are
padding their profit margins at the expense of consumers. That is at the
root cause.
When we look at, as well, in terms of here are some claims
around…. Certainly it’s hitting people at the pump, and it’s an issue of
affordability. But it’s really something to hear my colleagues in the
Liberal Party claim that they’re now champions of affordability. We know
there is an affordability crisis in our province — affordability of
housing that built up over 16 years of the previous government,
affordability around child care, affordability around MSP rates
doubling.
Our government has made a clear commitment in a number of areas
and addressed this crisis of affordability, implementing a comprehensive
housing plan, bringing in child care for British Columbians, reducing
interest on student loans, eliminating the MSP to ensure…. Just on that
alone, the largest tax cut in British Columbia history for middle-class
families — $1,800, very significant. That’s our record on
affordability.
Certainly we also look at why it is that we hear from the other
side that gas prices are always in the purview of the carbon tax. That’s
not accurate. We heard…. I’m very pleased that the previous speaker, my
colleague the MLA for North Vancouver–Seymour, also agrees with us — her
quote that gas prices could jump another 15 cents by summer, and it’s
not because of the carbon tax. I’m happy to hear that there is agreement
on that side.
[11:40 a.m.]
The carbon tax introduced by the previous government to address
climate pollution — certainly that’s one aspect. But our government is
taking action in terms of a number of components to ensure that we
reduce carbon pollution but also transition to a carbon-free economy.
I’m very proud of the commitments that we’ve made and the areas that
we’re moving forward on.
We are making significant investments, bringing in CleanBC, record
investments in transit — billions of dollars being invested into various
aspects of our economy. We know that there is over $900 million to make
B.C. a leader in the country, to deal with climate action, climate
pollution and to make sure our air, land and water are protected and
clean. We’re investing record amounts: $2.5 billion in the Mayors plan.
The previous government held a phoney referendum so that they didn’t
have to invest needed money in public transportation.
Investment in social housing. This is to address energy efficiency
and also help people save money on their heating bills. We are also
encouraging folks to switch to cleaner transportation options and taking
steps to take action on climate change.
S. Cadieux: I’m pleased to take my place today to speak to this
motion.
Affordability is a big topic in B.C. right now. Everybody is
talking about it. It’s coffee shop talk. It’s kitchen table talk.
Everybody is concerned about affordability. Today this House is talking
about the fact that a non-revenue-neutral carbon tax and higher gasoline
prices make life more expensive, and they do. That’s just simple
math.
The NDP members are spending their time today talking about all
the other things they’re doing to help people with affordability. Some
of those things are good things. Some of those things will affect some
people’s lives. There is a small number of people that will benefit from
an increase in the carbon rebate. There are some people that are
benefiting from the reduction in tolls. There are some people who are
seeing a decrease because of MSP.
But not every family in British Columbia is benefiting from these
changes. Every family is paying an additional one cent in carbon tax on
a litre of gas, and every family is paying 18 other new taxes that the
government has implemented in one way or another.
The reality is that the government is now in the position that
they have the ability to make changes and choices to affect
affordability for British Columbians. In this case, they have chosen to
add to unaffordability. They could, as they control 35 cents on a litre
of gas, choose to reduce those, but they are not. Instead, they are
blaming the other realities of potential price-taking on gas from the
corporate sector, and saying, well, they can’t do anything about it and
one cent doesn’t do anything. Well, one cent does do something. It is
another increase, and it is one that is entirely in the control of the
government.
Let’s talk about the other things that are going on. I reinsured
my car this week. My car is a year older. Thankfully, no accidents or
citations, yet I’m paying an additional $200 a year for my car
insurance. I am facing all of those other 18 new taxes that the NDP has
introduced.
[11:45 a.m.]
These things are not just for me. There are other British
Columbians that will see these things go up. It’s making a real impact
in the lives of British Columbians. The latest hit is the jump in gas
prices. As I said, government can act, but they don’t want to. They say
one cent doesn’t matter, but it does, unless, of course — as I quote a
former member of this House, Kevin Falcon — you’re doing NDP
math.
When I got home last week, I filled my tank and paid $1.629. It’s
gone up again since. So it shouldn’t come as a surprise how much people
want to talk about this and how angry people are about this. It’s not
just a matter of saving money by finding other alternate transportation
or taking transit. For some people, that isn’t a choice. It isn’t a
choice for me because there isn’t any for me in the places I need to go
in my workday. For many others who need to use a car for work, it is not
an option.
I had some people who engaged over Twitter and other means this
weekend, talking about: “Well, you should just get an electric vehicle.”
Well, you know what? I would love to, and I will do that, and I’m sure
others will as they are able as well. But at this moment in time, for
people like me who require an accessible vehicle, that’s not an option.
There are just too many reasons that affordability is going up. The
government has the opportunity to act, and they’re choosing not
to.
B. Ma: This is a very interesting motion being put forward by the B.C.
Liberal caucus, and I think it really demonstrates very much how the
members opposite are absolutely grasping desperately to try to use it to
build a case against us that also doesn’t simultaneously implicate
themselves.
First, they blame the gas price increases on the carbon tax
increase. Well, I know that math is hard for some members opposite, but
I’m pretty sure a one-cent-per-litre carbon tax increase doesn’t explain
a 16-cent-per-litre jump. But then they never seem to point to the fact
that 7.6 cents per litre in carbon taxes were actually put there by the
B.C. Liberals before the NDP ever came into power or the fact that the
federal Liberal government is one that is mandating that all provinces
apply a $50-per-tonne tax by 2022 and that B.C. is simply ramping up
gradually in order to meet that federal obligation.
Then when they’re called out by people who care about global
climate change and the need to reduce emissions, the members opposite
try to greenwash themselves by pointing out that it was the B.C.
Liberals who brought in the carbon tax in the first place. But
simultaneously, they never bring up that point while they’re complaining
about how the carbon tax affects gas prices.
Taking action on climate change is exactly why we’re taking a
portion of the carbon tax revenues and putting it towards CleanBC to
fund green initiatives while maintaining the tax credits that the
members opposite are so fond of and, in fact, restructuring them to
provide even more help to families of lower and middle
incomes.
Then the members opposite complain that the carbon tax is no
longer revenue neutral because 100 percent of it is not given away in a
mishmash of unrelated tax credits the way that theirs was. Well, yes,
I’ve already explained that. We’ve taken a portion of the increase to
put towards CleanBC. But then the B.C. Liberal members complain that the
CleanBC investments only make up 15 percent of the total carbon tax
revenue. Well, yes, I’ve already explained it. That’s because the rest
of it is being used to maintain the tax credits that they are so fond
of.
You can’t have it both ways, Members. You can’t complain that 100
percent of the revenue isn’t being put towards random tax credits
because we’re spending some of it on CleanBC and then simultaneously
complain that we’re not spending enough of the revenue on
CleanBC.
The members opposite are trying to suck and blow at the same time
on this issue. I cannot even believe my ears when I hear members
opposite complaining about increases to ICBC rates that were created and
caused by their government to begin with.
If I’m being honest, it does give me some amount of pleasure
watching the B.C. Liberals take a break from their daily prayers to the
all-knowing, all-seeing, always right, mythical free market that they
believe will balance the world automatically in order to advocate that
government control the market price of gasoline, which, of course, is
exactly what they’re arguing for.
[11:50 a.m.]
They know that even if we took all of the taxes off of gasoline
prices, there is absolutely nothing stopping oil companies from raising
prices even further and pocketing the profits. So the only way we could
control that was by controlling the price completely. That’s an
interesting idea, actually, but one I never thought the B.C. Liberals
would be pitching. I’m almost certain that if the idea came from us,
they’d all be calling us a bunch of dirty communists right
now.
I get that the job of an opposition is to oppose. I get that. But
they’re supposed to at least oppose on behalf of the people, not
themselves. Let me read a quote from the leader of the B.C. Liberals
from last year: “We currently have a government where we’re in
opposition, and our job is to convince the public that we should form
government once again.” I find this quote completely demonstrative of
the power motive that drives that party.
The role of an opposition party is to challenge government to
implement the best possible policies and legislation for the public by
ensuring that differing views are expressed and defended, not to plot
their way back into power. This motion and the fractured narrative that
they’re trying to build is just another pitiful example of how they’re
more concerned about playing politics than they are of actually helping
people, more concerned about confusing the public than they are in
supporting them.
I don’t know, and I don’t think they know anymore, who they
represent. They are flailing, because without big money in politics,
without their big corporate donors telling them what to do, they’re
learning the ugly truth of it all. They don’t know how to work for
people.
T. Shypitka: It gives me pleasure to rise and speak to my colleague from north
Kamloops…. “Be it resolved that this House agrees that increased non
revenue-neutral carbon tax and higher gasoline prices make life more
expensive for British Columbians.” I think that’s a pretty obvious
statement.
I listened to some of the members on the other side. One says it’s
because we don’t have enough refineries. One says it’s not because we
don’t have pipelines. I’m not sure how you get oil to refineries without
pipelines. But then again another member says it’s because we want to
reduce demand. Well, guess what. Mission accomplished. You’re reducing
demand in the province because the underlying reason, one of the big
reasons that government can address, is fiscal policy, and that’s
taxation. That’s something we do have control over.
We don’t have control over refineries. I would like to see a
refinery get put in British Columbia. I really would. But we don’t have
that control. What we do have control over is our fiscal policy. That’s
this government’s responsibility. They’re walking away from that
responsibility here with this motion.
I live in the Kootenays. It’s a great area. We have lots of
recreation 365 days of the year. Our outdoor living and our access to
recreation is amazing. What’s amazing, actually, even more, is why more
people don’t live there. One of the reasons, I think, is probably
because of some of the offsets. We have remote locations. We have great
distances to go to some of the amenities that a lot of people in the
Lower Mainland have access to readily. Health care is one of those
issues. Education. Sometimes it’s a full-day drive to get to a hospital
where I live. So that affects our livability as gas prices…. I’ll get to
that in a second.
Revenue neutrality is what we’re talking about here. It was
essentially a new concept. It was brought in, in 2008 by the B.C.
Liberal government. This was an approach to climate change, and it was
celebrated as a fair and honest way to implement the
strategy.
As a matter of fact, the New York Times , The
Economist , the L.A. Times all gave it high praise. As
a matter of fact, the United Nations, in 2016, gave it high accolades of
being very cutting edge and a good way to deal with carbon tax. The
former World Bank president praised this way of doing business as “one
of the most powerful examples of carbon pricing.” So this was not just
something the B.C. Liberals celebrated. This was something that was
celebrated across the world as being very cutting edge.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Revenue neutrality, as we know, takes every dollar collected by
carbon output and gives it back to every taxpayer in the province by
reducing corporate and personal income tax. This affects the whole
province in addressing affordability. Under this model, B.C. had the
lowest personal income tax in the country for those that earned under
$125,000 a year. We’re starting to see that slide now.
[11:55 a.m.]
For this self-serving reason, we’re seeing this tax now being….
Revenue neutrality is gone. We’re seeing it going into general revenue.
For this self-serving reason, this tax is now not being distributed to
everyone in the province. Now this tax is going to government to spend
how it sees fit. If we’ve seen it once, we’ve seen it a thousand times
with this government. The NDP know how to spend your cash better than
you do. This is just another glaring example of that.
This tax goes into general revenue to be spent on pet projects
that will give the most political gain. If it wasn’t enough that this
government, with the help of the Greens, put in a tax that forced
British Columbians to pay for political campaigns, now they steal a
revenue-neutral tax and refocus it back into places where they can get
more votes — purely sinister.
We are not talking about chump change here. This tax will bring in
about $7.35 billion in the next four years. Most of this money would
have been better served going to the people of B.C., rather than to line
the pockets of special unions and special interest groups. Perhaps the
biggest hypocrisy of them all is that only about 15 percent of this tax
will be going to the CleanBC program, which has a mandate to reduce
carbon emissions, which is kind of ironic because I thought that was the
whole idea of the carbon tax in the first place.
Unfortunately, this meagre 15 percent going back to CleanBC to
reduce carbon emissions…. We don’t know where the other 85 percent is
going. Unless, of course, the NDP bring back transparency to the carbon
tax, British Columbians have no reason to trust that this government is
spending their money wisely. The NDP have killed the carbon tax
transparency report telling us what they’re spending the carbon tax on.
Isn’t this the whole idea of the carbon tax in the first
place?
The next piece of all of this is: why is this tax going up in the
first place? The first
part is they’re taking away revenue neutrality.
Now, we’re wondering why we have to go up. It’s going up another 40
tonnes here in the next couple of years.
I guess I’m running out of time here, hon. Speaker. Chevy Chase
would not have been able to take his family to Walley World if this
removal of revenue neutrality was in place during the
vacation.
Mr. Speaker: Member for Kootenay East, may I call on you to adjourn
debate?
T. Shypitka moved adjournment of debate.
Motion approved.
Hon. M. Mungall moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 1:30 this afternoon.
The House adjourned at 11:57 a.m.
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