British Columbia Hansard — MONDAY, MARCH 18, 1991
34p 04s 910318p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1991 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
MONDAY, MARCH 18, 1991
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
11795 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Ministerial Statement
White Paper on heritage legislation. Hon. L. Hanson –– 11795
Mr. G. Hanson
Oral Questions
Export of water. Mr. Gabelmann –– 11796
Pulp mill pollution limits. Ms. Cull –– 11797
Sale of Fletcher Challenge Sawmills. Mr. Chalmers –– 11797
Sewage treatment In Victoria. Mr. Sihota –– 11797
Ministerial Statements
"Buy B.C. First" program. Hon. Mr. De Jong 11798
Mr. Barlee
Takla Agreement. Hon. Mr. Richmond –– 11799
Mr. Miller
Compensation Fairness Act (Bill 82). Committee stage. (Hon. Mr. Veitch) –– 11800
Mr. Clark
Mr. Sihota
Ms. A. Hagen
Mr. Perry
Mr. G. Hanson
Mr. Peterson
Ms. Edwards
Ms. Smallwood
Ms. Cull
The House met at 2:05 p.m.
Prayers.
MR. PELTON :
Hon. members, I'm very privileged today to have the opportunity of
introducing to you three very nice people from Sidney: Mr. Phil Perry
and his wife Gwen, and Mr. Irv Lang. Would you please all give them a
warm welcome.
MR. HARCOURT : Mr. Speaker, I have the
honour of introducing back to this House a member for many years, the
previous Attorney-General, Alec Macdonald, QC.
HON. L. HANSON :
I would like to draw the House's attention to the gallery where members
of our heritage community have gathered for an announcement today. Will
the House please welcome: Mary Liz Bayer, chairman of Heritage
Canada; Don Mitchell, director of the Heritage Trust; Martin Segger, an
alderman for the city of Victoria; and Wilma Wood, president of the
Heritage Society of B.C.
HON. MR. JACOBSEN : Mr.
Speaker, on behalf of the first member for Dewdney and myself, I'd like
the House to welcome a good constituent, a very good friend, Mr. Gordon
Gardner.
Ministerial Statement
WHITE PAPER ON
HERITAGE LEGISLATION
HON. L. HANSON :
I have the privilege today of introducing a significant initiative on
behalf of our provincial heritage. I offer for the perusal of this
Legislature and all British Columbians a White Paper on the future
direction of heritage legislation in this province.
The
proposed legislation is the product of a long and exhaustive process of
public consultation and involvement. I'm pleased to tell you, Mr.
Speaker, that more than 75 percent of the recommendations made by the
1987 Project Pride Task Force are incorporated into this proposed
legislation. I'm also pleased to say that this White Paper is the last
step in the process, the final look before legislation is introduced.
The
legislation we're proposing makes three important changes. It contains
a community heritage tool kit for municipalities, which will help local
governments manage and conserve heritage resources through proposed
amendments to the Municipal Act. There's increased protection for the
heritage sites important to native peoples and a foundation for a
closer working relationship between the province and the native
community. And there are new provisions to protect the rights of owners
of heritage property.
Mr. Speaker, I am satisfied that the
proposed legislation strikes a fair balance between individuals,
property rights and the province's need to preserve our shared heritage.
There
are compelling reasons to introduce this White Paper today. B.C. is
experiencing change at an accelerating pace. The pressure on heritage
sites is going to mount, and it is high time we created a legislative
framework that recognizes these values and furthers the conservation
and development of the heritage resource.
British
Columbians will agree that the proposed legislation goes a long way
toward achieving that goal. I want to stress that this is a discussion
paper, and with continued consultation and input, I hope we will create
legislation that will guard our heritage resources and develop them
into the next century. In this spirit, please accept the draft heritage
legislation and the interpretative material accompanying it.
For anyone who would like to see a copy, we have numerous copies in my office.
MR. SPEAKER :
Standing orders don't provide for a particular process during the
introduction of a White Paper, so the Chair is going to view this as a
ministerial statement in conjunction with the introduction of a White
Paper. Therefore a response will be allowed.
MR. G. HANSON :
This side welcomes this initiative. We understand it's a White Paper or
a draft document that will ultimately form legislation in this House.
All members of this House are aware that there was not a written history of the heritage of British Columbia — the 10,000 —
year heritage prior to European and Asian contact. Those particular
materials, evidence and cultural assets of this province are largely
destroyed. Ten percent of the archaeological sites of the province of
British Columbia are partly or completely intact. The other 90 percent
are destroyed because of the transportation corridors and the townsites
that have been developed in areas where prior occupation existed. So
that particular part of B.C.'s history is extremely valuable, extremely
scarce and being damaged and destroyed at an alarming rate.
With respect to the non-native heritage, it is very important that those sites, the early settlements of British Columbia — Quesnel Forks in the Barkerville area — early heritage buildings and the history of this province be preserved and protected.
Many other jurisdictions have extremely strong legislation to protect their heritage —
Japan, for example. In the city of Tokyo, when buildings are going to
be replaced or reconstructed, there is a proper heritage inventory,
archaeological work is often done, and particular types of studies take
place rather than obliterating it. We've been wasting our heritage, Mr.
Speaker. Therefore we applaud any steps that will be taken that will
improve this and safeguard our heritage for future generations.
[ Page 11796 ]
Oral Questions
EXPORT OF WATER
MR. GABELMANN :
I have a question for the Minister of Environment. Last Thursday the
minister indicated that no water licences would be granted until a full
review, as outlined by the Minister of International Business the same
day, was completed by the government. Yet reports circulate in both
British Columbia and in California that correspondence has in fact been
sent by the government of British Columbia to California saying that a
favourable decision will be made concerning water exports. Can the
minister tell us whether he or the Premier has in fact communicated
with principals in California saying that a favourable decision will be
granted?
HON. MR. SERWA : It's apparent to me that,
with perhaps the best research staff that money can buy in the
opposition caucus, the research for the questions is being done by the
hon. members on the opposite side by themselves. If they would care to
expand their research beyond what they read in the headlines and in the
stories in the local newspapers, perhaps they could ask more
appropriate questions.
I answered that specific question the other day in the House, and my answer stands.
MR. GABELMANN :
My question, then, is to the Premier. Given that the Minister of
Environment indicates that no such correspondence or indication has
been given to Sun Belt Water, the Coleta water board or any other
principals in California, has the Premier or anyone in his government
given any indication to people in California that a favourable decision
could be expected?
[2:15]
MR. SPEAKER :
The question "Has the Premier..." is in order. The question "Has anyone
in his government..." is beyond the scope of asking one member to do
it, unless that authority is there.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
First of all, again, the question is based upon newspaper reports, and
that's unfortunate. I think the opposition should do a little more
research, as the Minister of Environment said, and get all of the
information on the question based upon what they might have received
firsthand.
However, again let me say that I do see an opportunity for this resource in
future. Obviously, some further work might need to be done, and the Minister
of Environment is very involved in this work. But it could well be that there
is an opportunity for all the people, including native people, to utilize this
resource very effectively — not just to provide a much-needed commodity for those
in dire need of it south of us, but also as a means of creating employment and
export opportunities, with revenues to government, which will help provide social
programs and the like, in which we've done extremely well in this province
and will continue to do so but for which we need the resources.
don't know exactly what the contents of that letter might have been or
the exact contents of letters that have been sent, but we do correspond
with people who make inquiries about the province and about what they
may do by way of seeking business opportunities for us and for
themselves. We're always courteous and kind; we always encourage all
opportunities and do so in a very nice, effective manner.
MR. GABELMANN :
I gather from that admission that a letter does exist. Given that there
have been press reports in Santa Barbara and in British Columbia and
comments indicating what might be in it made by individuals who have
seen the correspondence, I wonder if the Premier would agree to table
that particular correspondence.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
Obviously there is much correspondence. It comes from government to
various people who make inquiries about the province and the
opportunities that exist here. I don't think every bit of
correspondence provided someone, or every piece of information provided
to anyone, needs to become something that necessarily makes for some
public issue. I think this would make it very difficult for people to
do business with the province or to make inquiries about opportunities
as they exist here. That would be a wrong approach, and I think we as a
government — familiar with proper business practices — would
keep that in mind. Perhaps the same might not apply to the socialist
New Democratic Party. But for us, I think we give recognition to proper
business practices in our dealings with people from all over the world
who are seeking to create jobs and business opportunities in this
province.
I will, however, consider the request.
MR. GABELMANN :
Mr. Speaker, I'll ask a question of the Minister of International
Business and Minister of Finance. Given that he indicated to the House
on Thursday that no decisions would be made until a full review — I think he referred to a nine-ministry committee —
of this important issue was held, and given that the Premier has just
admitted to the House that in fact decisions and commitments have been
made, can the minister tell us what the status of that review is now?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
On a point of order, I realize this is a common practice from some
members opposite, but I do not intend to have that member put words in
my mouth that I have not spoken. Therefore I would suggest to the
member of whom he has asked the question that he ignore the question or
the contents of it, because it's fabrication.
MR. SPEAKER : Hansard will be the final test.
[ Page
11797 ]
PULP MILL POLLUTION LIMITS
MS. CULL :
Last week the Minister of Environment said that he was comfortable with
the new pulp mill regulations that allowed 11 mills to legally dump
levels of pollution that would have been illegal just one year ago. He
also said that raising the legal pollution limits for the 11 mills was
"only legalizing it so we won't fine them repetitively." Will the
minister agree that this government has simply converted an illegality
to a legality?
HON. MR. SERWA : Mr. Speaker, I assume that there was a question there.
Again, I answered the question on that very topic with respect to the interim
standards. I said that the interim standards that were reached do not represent
any change in the actual discharge levels of pulp mill emissions. The interim
standards were put in for a specific purpose: to allow the mills to upgrade — to put in secondary treatment facilities to reduce the emissions, the biochemical
oxygen demand, the total suspended solids and the organochlorines. That tremendous
capital investment by the pulp mill industry, which was over $1 billion, required
a certain amount of time to plan, to actually construct and to take place.
There are some mills — Skeena is lone, in the riding of the hon. member sitting
next to you — that have actually completed their construction program.
They are working on a test basis right now. Their compliance order expires
on June 30 of this year. So that's the type of action and activity that
has been inspired by the reasonable nature of good Social Credit government.
am very proud of that, hon. member. We are succeeding. We're tending to
the environmental concerns, and we've created jobs as well at the
present time. We've kept British Columbians working. That's different
than your solution, hon. member.
MS. CULL . Mr. Minister, your actions in raising the legal levels of
discharge make about as much sense as raising the legal blood alcohol limit
so we won't fine as many drunk drivers. Is it the minister's policy
that the right to pollute supersedes the public's right to a clean environment?
MR. SPEAKER :
The scope of the question sounds to me more like something better put
during estimates, because it will certainly take the time of question
period. I'd ask the minister to give a brief reply, because there are
other people who wish to ask questions.
HON. MR. SERWA : Again, I have difficulty reaching that hon.
member. For clarity, the recent emissions under the interim standards
do not exceed the capability of the present plants at the present time
and do not exceed what has been happening in the past. The interim
standards were required in order to leverage over $1 billion of capital
investment. That's what we have accomplished, and that is the situation.
Do you understand, hon. member, that we have not exceeded the status quo on
the pulp mill emissions? There has been no increase. We have only legalized
what has existed to the capability....
Interjections.
HON. MR. SERWA :
I hope all of British Columbia is watching and listening to the antics
and activities of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition, who would like to see
everything shut down in the province. It would be as repugnant to this
side of the House to cause all of those thousands of men and women
their jobs....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please.
I recognize the second member for Okanagan South.
SALE OF FLETCHER CHALLENGE SAWMILLS
MR. CHALMERS :
My question is to the Minister of Forests. Fletcher Challenge has just
put six sawmills on the market, employing over 2,000 workers in places
like Kelowna, Armstrong, Boston Bar, Williams Lake, Fraser Mills and
others. What action has the minister decided to take to ensure
continued employment for these workers?
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
Fletcher Challenge finds itself in a position of being short of cash to
complete some of the programs it has entered into, one being in the
neighbourhood of $400 million to clean up the pollution standards in
its pulp mills. They have already invested in the neighbourhood of $400
million. They find they're having to divest themselves of some
properties, one in Quebec. They are seeking an equity partner in their
Crofton mill and they have decided to put some of the solid wood side
of their business on the market.
Mr. Speaker, this is an
opportunity for many people in British Columbia to get into the solid
wood side of the business. In fact, it goes against some of the fears
people have of corporate concentration.
I don't see this as
a bad-news announcement in any way. There is no intention to close any
sawmills down. Should that situation arise, then we will deal with it
as per government policy, which is to tie the resource to the
communities involved. I see it as a great opportunity for investors in
British Columbia to get into the solid wood side of the forest industry.
SEWAGE TREATMENT IN VICTORIA
MR. SIHOTA :
I have a question to the Minister of Environment dealing with sewage
treatment in the Western Communities. On September 4, your predecessor
announced there would be an innovative funding formula for sewage
treatment here in the greater Victoria area by the end of October. On
November 28, he gave details saying that the program would cost
homeowners between $200 and $250 a year per household. On December 17,
he indicated
[ Page 11798 ]
had gained cabinet approval. Could the minister advise the House
whether or not a funding formula, which would cost homeowners between
$200 and $250 a year, has been put in place by the minister, or was the
former minister just mistaken?
HON. MR. SERWA : No, I
cannot advise the member whether this has in fact taken place. I can
advise the member that the Ministry of Environment, in conjunction with
the Ministry of Municipal Affairs, is certainly looking at the type of
funding that is necessary to implement the objective of this government
with respect to the secondary treatment of sewage throughout the
province. The objective of this government, which cares about the
environment as well as the economy, is to strive to have secondary
treatment established throughout all areas of the province by the year
MR. SIHOTA: May I suggest, Mr. Speaker, that either the minister doesn't
know what is going on in his own ministry or the previous Minister of Environment
was mistaken — or, shall I say, fibbing.
The
question to the minister is this: on December 19, 1990, government
officials indicated that they were basically "dotting the i's and
crossing the t's for a program" under your ministry that would allow
for funding for sewage treatment in the Western Communities. On January
30, 1991, you indicated that you did not know of any such program.
Could you advise the House now whether you know what's going on in your
ministry? Is there or is there not a program in place? Was your
predecessor fibbing, or are your officials wrong?
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER : I have to ask the member to withdraw the offensive word.
MR. SIHOTA : Instead of "fibbing," I'll say "mistaken," Mr. Minister.
MR. SPEAKER : That's acceptable.
Interjections,
MR. SPEAKER : Hon. members, before we proceed to the next order of business,
it would seem to me that question period has degenerated somewhat into statements
with a little question, and a small answer with a ministerial statement — in some
cases no answer, but a ministerial statement. It's only fifteen minutes.
I don't think we're going to be here too much longer, so perhaps we
could review the process. I see some doubt being expressed by members
on the government benches. The Chair is happy to sit here as long as members
wish to, but question period will be more strictly enforced.
Ministerial Statements
"BUY B.C. FIRST" PROGRAM
HON. MR. DE JONG :
Mr. Speaker, it is my distinct honour today to address the House on
behalf of this province's agriculture, fisheries and food industries.
This morning in Vancouver I launched "Buy B.C. First," an initiative
designed to create a new level of awareness of the tremendous
importance of British Columbia's agrifood industry.
Agriculture
in British Columbia has been showing steady and even remarkable growth,
despite dramatic declines in most other provinces. Fisheries have
always been a mainstay of the British Columbia economy, and I'm happy
to report that the wholesale value of the 1990 catch exceeded $1
billion.
It is time that all British Columbians recognize
the true value of the agrifood industry. British Columbians need to
know that when they support British Columbia agriculture, they are
supporting the economic well-being of the entire province.
Seventy-five
percent of the population of British Columbia lives within 50 miles of
the U.S. border, and I worry when I hear that the border crossings are
considering express lanes to move traffic through more quickly. That
means that British Columbia's earned dollars are supporting the U.S.
economy at an alarming rate. The numbers are already damaging
enough — a 400 percent increase in across-the-border shopping
trips. Perhaps as many as 1,200 jobs a year are lost to British
Columbians due to across-the-border purchases of agricultural products,
tobacco and liquor. That is what "Buy B.C. First" is all about — British Columbians making a conscious decision to purchase food products grown and processed in this province.
[2:30]
I want the best for my family as well. British Columbia food
products are the best. No other Canadian province can match British
Columbia's diversity in agriculture. British Columbia produces 130
basic commodities. They are used in over 4,000 items found in grocery
stores throughout the province, and British Columbia's standards for
quality and freshness are world-class.
Consumers tell us of
their concerns for the environment. Food producers share their concerns
and have shown that they are prepared to do something about them.
British Columbia's agriculture leads the world in its efforts to reduce
and possibly eliminate the use of pesticides.
I would like
to remind the House that British Columbia's agriculture, hospitality
and food-processing sectors do more than feed us and earn millions of
export dollars; they also feed the economy. There are 210,000 British
Columbians employed in the agriculture, fisheries and food industries.
That's a lot of jobs and a lot of paycheques, and those jobs aren't
confined to rural British Columbia; they are in urban processing
plants, transportation networks, equipment— manufacturing centres and retail outlets.
[ Page
11799 ]
Annual sales in the food sector of British Columbia's economy total over
$10 billion, including a $4 billion processing sector. An additional $1.3 billion
in food products are exported to over 100 countries.
This generates a full $300 million in tax revenue toward the support of
schools, hospitals, road systems and generally the quality of life we've
all come to enjoy.
believe that this government has provided the industry with the
business environment for growth, and we continue to develop frameworks
to support and enhance that growth. "Buy B.C. First" is one of those
supports.
Over the next two weeks, 1.27 million British
Columbia households will be receiving the "Buy B.C. First" information
piece. It communicates the scope and impact of our agriculture,
fisheries and food industries. Commercials on provincewide radio will
reinforce the "Buy B.C. First" message, and billboards at 15 U.S.
border crossings will encourage and remind Canadians to shop at home.
To assist shoppers in identifying a locally grown or processed product,
we have developed a "Buy B.C. First" symbol. It will be available for
use by companies whose products meet the criterion as B.C. products.
Mr.
Speaker, agriculture and fisheries play an important role in the
development of this fine province. The industry is part of our cultural
and economic heritage, and it's up to each one of us to ensure that it
is part of our future; "Buy B.C. First."
MR. BARLEE :
I think that the minister is concerned and sincere about this
legislation, but I think it's a little too late. I think we're all
concerned about it.
We applaud the principle of a "Buy
B.C." campaign. I think, however, that it may be a bit of a knee-jerk
response. This has been going on for some time now. In my own
particular riding, the border crossings have increased up to 800
percent. In Osoyoos, two-thirds of a million people cross the border.
The American traffic is one-quarter of that. We're all aware that $800
million is spent by British Columbians in Washington State. These are
one-way dollars. There are several reasons for that. Most of those
reasons lie on the side of the government.
First, the government applauded the free trade deal. This is part of the free
trade deal, and it has been very hard on our small businessmen who, in some
instances, were members of your party. They are having second thoughts about
this. Second, the very high taxes in British Columbia have also led to this.
And third, the initial attraction to Washington State was the price of gasoline.
The price of gasoline is disastrous in British Columbia; 25 percent of the price
of gasoline is taxes placed by the government of British Columbia — the second-highest
taxation in Canada and only exceeded by Quebec. We're even higher than
Newfoundland.
You individuals have done quite a good job....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please. We're listening to a response to a ministerial statement about agriculture.
I'm
not sure how we got into gasoline prices. Perhaps the Chair could....
Order, please. If the member for Surrey–White Rock–Cloverdale could
restrain himself.... It would help the Chair if during these
ministerial statements, there was a little less of this cross-court
banter. Maybe they could be viewed a little more seriously.
MR. BARLEE : I hardly think that the billboards at the border are going
to dissuade people already there. I very much doubt that they are going to turn
around and drive back to Vancouver or Penticton. They've already made up
their minds, so the flow will continue.
You
can thank your government for much of that. The flow has increased
dramatically since the free trade deal. I'm sure all the small
businessmen in British Columbia are going to thank you. Certainly the
farmers will thank you during the next election.
TAKLA AGREEMENT
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
I'm pleased to advise the House that yesterday a historic event
occurred at Takla Landing, located approximately 150 miles north of
Fort St. James in the province's central interior. My colleague the
Minister of Native Affairs and I were at Takla Landing, where Chief Roy
French, other band councillors, the Minister of Native Affairs and I
signed a historic agreement.
This agreement is between the
British Columbia Forest Service, the Takla band and the Takla
Development Corp., which is owned by the band. This agreement will
increase the band's participation in the forest sector, it will provide
economic and employment opportunities for band members; and it will
also foster cooperation and help to increase native involvement in
forest management.
The agreement is the result of
discussions over the past six months with representatives of the band,
forest licensees operating in the Prince George timber supply area, the
Takla Development Corp. and the Forest Service. A key goal was to
identify opportunities within existing forest programs and the Forest
Service's legislative mandate while not prejudicing the land claims of
the Takla Indian band or the Carrier-Sekani Tribal Council, nor the
provincial government's position on the land claims.
Under
the agreement the band will have an opportunity to acquire through
competition a forest licence to harvest timber. Native employment will
be a key factor in the Forest Service's evaluation of any proposals.
The forest licence will have clauses requiring that there be no
blockades of industrial activity during its term, and B.C. Rail will be
used to transport forest products from the licence area. The band will
get for its members jobs and experience in forest management and
contracting by bidding for and successfully completing silviculture,
forest protection and other contracts advertised by the Forest Service
and forest licensees. An improved inventory of the band's hunting,
trapping and herb-gathering
[ Page 11800 ]
interests will be considered in integrated resource-use planning at all levels.
am confident that this agreement will establish an atmosphere of
cooperation and mutual trust in the development of more native
involvement in our number one industry.
MR. MILLER :
Of course we welcome the announcement by the minister that there will
be more involvement. I know from my own experience that this native
band and the tribal council have had a fair amount of experience in
forestry matters. I am confident that their involvement in this
particular process will prove to be successful.
I would
just take a moment to elaborate on what I think needs to be done to
expand this opportunity to far more native bands and tribal councils in
the province. Last year I discussed with the Minister of Native Affairs
the need to have an ongoing program such as was contained in the
initial forest resource development agreement. There was a native land
component attached to that agreement which provided a modest amount of
money, but that money was used fairly effectively in providing an
extensive training program for native Indians who wanted to learn more
about forestry, who were in a position in British Columbia where they
could avail themselves of economic opportunities in the forest
industry. As we all know, there is a need for training and development
to take place so that those ventures succeed. Once we put people in
those kinds of positions, we want those ventures to succeed.
Unfortunately no new program has come about to replace that existing
program under FRDA I.
I am aware of the task force that
currently is looking at this issue, and of the members appointed within
British Columbia. It's my hope that they would bring back
recommendations that not only allow increased participation by native
Indians in the forest industry of this province, but also identify and
establish some money so we can do the kind of training and work that
will ensure that those ventures are successful and that native Indians
break down the barrier of economic alienation and take a more
meaningful role in the economic lifeblood of this province. So we
welcome the announcement, and we hope there will be many more to come.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Mr. Speaker, committee on Bill 82.
COMPENSATION FAIRNESS ACT
The House in committee on Bill 82; Mr. Pelton in the chair.
HON. MR. SMITH : Mr. Chairman, I wonder if I might have leave to make a brief introduction.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. SMITH : With us today in the members' gallery are two young
people from North Vancouver, one has previously lived in Victoria and the other
is visiting for the first time. Will the House please join, me in welcoming
Steve Mair and Jan Simpson.
section 1.
MR. CLARK : I'd like to begin this debate by asking a few questions about
section 1 —
the definition section. At the very beginning it defines ability to
pay, and I understand that this is the first time an attempt has been
made to define ability to pay in legislation.
Maybe the minister could first indicate to the House whether all the guidelines that have been distributed — including those that deal with pay equity, productivity or skill shortages —
are subject to the ability to pay. In other words, the guidelines say
that there are certain exemptions for certain things. If there is a
certain productivity and improvements can be measured, then a larger
pay increase may be afforded that group of employees — and so on
down the line. Pay equity appears to be in the guidelines. If there are
pay equity plans, there may be a different view of agreements by the
commissioner. Could he confirm for the House that those exemptions in
the guidelines are all subject to the ability to pay as defined in
section 1?
[2:45]
HON. MR. VEITCH : All compensation is subject to ability to pay. However,
the hon. member will note that enough flexibility has been built into the plan
to provide for certain exemptions, such as pay equity and the like.
MR. CLARK : It seems to me difficult for the minister to say that there
is flexibility in the plan if it's still subject to the same parameters.
In other words, if someone were to negotiate a pay increase of 10 percent, and
if that were to be submitted to the commissioner, certainly the ability to pay
would be defined by the commissioner, and it may or may not be rolled back.
The bill contemplates that there be bonuses — sort of —
so that if there are productivity improvements, slightly more could be
paid. If there is a pay equity plan, slightly more could be paid. If
it's all governed by the same ability-to-pay section, then presumably
any of those improvements have to come out of the same pool of money.
In other words, it's as American economist Lester Thurow points out: a
zero-sum game. Any improvements in pay equity in legislation have to
come out of other areas that might have been improved. In other words,
it all comes out of the same pot. Therefore all of the flexibility
built into the legislation isn't really flexibility in the sense that
they can pay more; it's all governed by exactly the same ability-to-pay
definition. Is that correct?
HON. MR. VEITCH : Yes, the act has to deal with ability to pay. It also has to deal with the ability of
[ Page
11801 ]
the taxpayer to pay. That's where our funding comes from, as the hon. member
is very well aware. However, if productivity gains can be established, it means
you have completed more work within a particular unit and done more things. A
couple of examples of this might be class size in certain areas or hours of
work in certain areas. If this effects an efficiency, then individuals within
that unit have the ability to receive a bonus, as you so correctly pointed out.
MR. CLARK :
The minister has made an argument. Clearly there are savings somewhere;
therefore more money can be included in the pay package. That's what
the minister is saying. I understand that.
But I don't see how you could make the same argument with respect to
skill shortages or pay equity. In other words, if the ability to pay is X, and
if it's an objective fact that a school board or a library board has a certain
ability to pay, if you can demonstrate that there's a skill shortage
and therefore the public sector employer wants to pay more because it's
trying to attract that skill, which is in short supply — which is quite commonly
the case — how can you do that if the ability to pay is defined in advance of
those decisions?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
The whole act is tied to ability to pay. First, the taxpayer's ability
to provide funding to the particular government entity that pays it....
Within this particular act, you may very well have a specialization
that is in short supply. You still have to have an ability to pay for
that. You may have to find, within the total scope — the total money available to you — a way of paying more to that particular specialist discipline that is in short supply.
MR. CLARK : If there is a skill shortage in a certain area, and the public
sector employer wishes to pay what would be perceived, generally, as beyond
the prevailing rate of the day, is it correct to say then that that extra money
to pay to that group of employees has to come out of the pay of other employees
in the same bargaining unit?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Again, we have to go back to the ability to pay within the amount of
money given to the particular government entity by the taxpayer,
through a budgetary process or whatever. The commissioner does have
enough flexibility within this act to allow extra payment or a bonus or
whatever to a particular discipline that is required or is in short
supply. So flexibility does exist within that act.
general, the ability to pay is defined in the act as the taxpayer's
ability to pay the amount of money given to any particular unit from
all sources — whether it's a school board, Crown corporation or
whatever. They cannot exceed that ability to pay. If they do, the
contract will be returned by the commissioner.
MR. CLARK : Maybe the minister could just answer the question that I
tried to pose fairly clearly: if a public sector employer decides to pay more
to a group of employees who legitimately should get more because of skill shortage,
in order to attract them, does that extra money have to come out of the same
envelope? In other words, does it have to come out of the pay of the other employees?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
No, Mr. Chairman. There is an ability to pay more money. The government
can pay more money. The municipality, the corporation or whoever it is
can pay more money. It doesn't come out of the pockets of the remaining
employees.
MR. CLARK : Does that mean that the ability to pay is a floating definition?
Let me give you a concrete example. Say a school board received from the provincial
government 5 percent, and the school board decides to pay 10 percent. The school
board has no taxing authority. They give their employees 10 percent, and then
make an argument with the government that we have to pay that because there's
a serious skill shortage and they need to pay more to attract people. Say it
was Fort Nelson or Fort St. John, and they were having difficulty attracting
teachers because of the climate and the like. Even though the government has
given 5 percent, they decide that they're giving 10 percent. They make an
argument. And the commissioner, just to keep the logic, says"Yes, that's
a reasonable thing to do." Does the government then give more money to
that school district? Is that what's contemplated by this legislation?
HON. MR. VEITCH : What we're contemplating here are exceptional cases.
It may be in nursing, a special discipline in a hospital, a Crown corporation,
post-secondary education or elsewhere. But we're not contemplating groups
or classes of people receiving more than the next class of people down the line.
course, there is one way that a school board can increase its ability
to pay, and that is to have the taxpayers in a particular area accept a
referendum. That legislation is in place now and is available to any
school board in the province that wishes to exercise it.
MR. SIHOTA : Further to what my colleague from Vancouver East has put
forward, let me put it to the minister this way. Let's say a hospital gets
a budget of $100. It then gets an increase of 5 percent, so it has $105. It
then goes and negotiates with the nurses and realizes that there is a nursing
shortage. It wants to pay its nurses more to attract more nurses, and the cost
comes out to be, say, $117. For the difference between $117, which is what they
negotiate to be their cost, and $105, which is their budget, (
a) does it fall
within the definition of ability to pay, and (
b) is that additional $12 to be
made up by the government giving it to the hospital, or does the hospital have
to make it up within the pool of money that it's got — in other words, $105?
[ Page 11802 ]
HON. MR. VEITCH :
In any area, if there is a request to go beyond the ability to pay, it
would require special consideration of the reason, of course, for the
request for the additional compensation. It would have to be carefully
examined by the commissioner and the government, and if the
commissioner felt it was correct, additional funding would have to be
found. If there was a skill shortage in a particular area, no matter
what it was, there is flexibility within the act whereby the
commissioner can recommend that the guidelines be exceeded.
MR. SIHOTA :
So in the example I just cited to the minister, the commissioner would
say: "There is a skill shortage here. You are entitled to $117 instead
of $105." Would the government provide that additional money outside
the envelope of money the hospital would have gotten in the first
place? Would you provide extra money — an additional $12? I see
the minister is being talked to by his advisers. I want a clear answer
from him. We'll see if he can now answer the question.
HON. MR. VEITCH : If the employer did not have the ability to pay and required some special assistance for a specific area — it would be the exception, certainly, and not the rule — then
that employer would have to find that ability to pay, whether it was
from the government or, in the case of a school board, through a
referendum. But in the event that the only revenue to the particular
entity you're speaking of — or to a municipal government, a hospital board or whatever — comes
from the provincial government, then they would have to make a special
case that they don't have the ability to pay. They would say: "We do
not have the ability to pay more, yet we still need this particular
specialist. We need more money for that." They would make a special
case to the commissioner to find that ability to pay.
MR. SIHOTA : But the question the minister is not answering is: would that money come from its existing envelope — in other words, the $105 — or would it come directly from the provincial government? That additional $12 would take you to $117.
Hospital
boards, for example, don't have the ability to go to referenda, so put
that example aside. Just tell us, Mr. Minister, where the money would
come from. Would it have to come from within the existing budget of the
hospital or, once Mr. Lien has made the approval and said that the
skill shortage is legitimate and you have to come up with additional
money, would that additional money come from outside the envelope,
directly from your ministry?
[3:00]
HON. MR. VEITCH : We have school boards in place, and we have hospital
boards in place. They're there to manage the operations and to give policy
guidance to the operations of the particular entity, whatever it may be. Now
it may be that a hospital board has to find some efficiencies in one area in
order to pay more in another. I don't think there's anything wrong with
exercising good management, whether it be within the educational system, the
hospital system or indeed in a Crown corporation. Those are the avenues that
would have to be explored first before any other consideration would be given.
Many
times, with a little reordering of priorities, a little tightening up
in a certain area, they can find the ability to pay if they need a
certain specialist or if they need to pay someone.... So it may come
from within the amount of money that has been allotted to that
particular entity. Indeed, in the case of school boards, it may come
from without, through referenda. Again, in certain very exceptional
cases, they may make a special case.
MR. SIHOTA : I
heard the Premier say to the Minister of Finance: "Take a hard line."
It's obvious that the Minister of Finance is trying to do that. But if
you follow the logic of what he is saying, Mr. Chairman, it's this. It
is recognized by the commissioner that there is a skill shortage. For
example, in the case of nurses — let's stick with the hospital example — it
is recognized by the commissioner that to attend to that skill
shortage, the hospital is entitled to pay its nurses more to lure them
into employment. What the Minister of Finance is saying is that in
order to make up for that money you're going to be paying nurses to get
them to work, you're going to have to close hospital beds to make up
the money from within your own budget. That's the logic if you
accept....
HON. MR. VEITCH : That may be your logic.
MR. SIHOTA :
If I am wrong, Mr. Minister, then tell me that the system is not fixed,
that the envelope is not fixed, that the government will give money to
hospitals outside their defined budgets in light of a finding of skill
shortages.
HON. MR. VEITCH : Mr. Chairman, that's the
difference between socialism and free enterprise. We on this side of
the House realize that there is only one taxpayer, and from that
taxpayer comes the money that goes to Ottawa, to Victoria and to the
municipalities. There's only one taxpayer; there's no magic pot of
money. Right now a lot of those taxpayers, hon. member, whether you
know it or not.... Don't sit there smirking. Whether you know it or
not, these taxpayers are hurting. Small business doesn't have the
ability to pay; a lot of people in the forest industry are being laid
off.
Everybody has to take a little bit of this burden to
ensure that we don't get into the same sort of straitjacket they're
getting into in Ontario, where they're predicting somewhere between a
$10 billion and $15 billion deficit next year. We don't intend to go
down that road in this province. We're heading this thing off at the
pass. With better management most institutions, most entities, can find
the money they need to do special projects — or indeed to pay a specialist. You're talking about hospital beds and everything else. That's the same sort of garbage
[ Page
11803 ]
rhetoric that we've seen time after time in election after election. It hasn't worked, and it won't work now.
Our
payments to medical care this year have been the highest they've ever
been. We've done more for education, more for health care and more for
social services. We've spent a full 80 percent of our budget in that
area. It's going to take a little more management during tough times,
during these times when the taxpayer has no money to send to Victoria
so that they can send it to the school boards, to hospital boards or to
Crown corporations. Everybody's going to have to tighten that belt just
a little more and do a little better job.
We ask a little
more of management to manage more effectively. There's nothing wrong
with that. There is no government tap that you can just turn on
somewhere and get money from — unless you borrow it on the
international marketplace. And then you put not only yourself in
jeopardy, but your children and your children's children. If that's the
socialist way, that's fine. It is not the Social Credit way.
MR. SIHOTA : I don't think the minister understands what I'm
saying. In the example of skill shortages, if you are working within a fixed
budget, then the choice is either you increase the stipend paid to nurses to
attract more nurses and then make up the money within that envelope and close
hospital beds.... Now is the financial pressure going to be on the hospital,
or is it going to be on you? If, for example, the decision means that it's
going to cost the government $30 million more, are they going to have to make
a choice between cutting their TV advertising program and funding those hospitals?
So it's a question of priorities. And it's a question of where the financial
pressure is going to be.
Is the financial pressure going to be placed on you, the Minister of Finance, to cut those kinds of programs — $50 million in TV ads, $25 million to doctors, $7 million for the jet for the Premier —
or is it going to be on hospitals within their budget to cut and close
the hospital floors? What's it going to be? Close hospital floors or
cut the double standard of this administration? That's the choice. It
seems to me, from this side of the House, that you ought to put an end
to your double standards. You're not prepared to take the financial
heat to get rid of the advertising program, but you're quite prepared
to say to hospitals that they have to close their floors. That's what
wrong, Mr. Minister. Your spending priorities are out of touch with the
priorities of British Columbians.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Well, it's interesting that the member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew, of
all people, should talk about double standards. I wonder sometimes
whether you even have a single standard.
MR. SIHOTA : Answer the question.
HON. MR. VEITCH : I'll answer the question, hon. member. There are
spreads in administration — at top administration levels — where some hospital
administrators in this province are receiving $150,000 a year plus benefits.
There are other areas where hospital administrators are receiving $250,000
a year. Over time, the legislation provided here will bring equity across the
board for those people.
You
sit there and wag your head. I don't know how.... You're do quite well
being smug, but don't lecture me about double standards — you of all people.
MS. A. HAGEN :
Mr. Chairman, I want to pursue this whole question of fairness and
equity, and go back to some comments that the minister made a moment
ago in respect to school districts. He noted that school districts have
an option to go to referendum to provide essential services for
children in the province.
I want to put this in the context
of skill shortages and of two British Columbias: lower mainland British
Columbia; and the north and the interior, where there exist, and where
we know there will be more, teacher shortages. What I hear the minister
saying about ability to pay is that those districts will have to find
an ability to pay through referenda rather than through those school
boards being treated fairly by this government and this minister. In
defining ability to pay — in relation to those boards and their needs —
the minister clearly stated that if the boards do not receive in their
envelope an amount of money that enables them to attract teachers into
their district, those small towns of British Columbia, which are being
hit at this stage of the game by layoffs and cutbacks, will be asked to
dig deeper.
We're not talking about a water-bed, where
there may be more to the north and less to the south; we're talking in
fact about those boards having to take specific initiatives, which will
mean that there isn't equity and fairness for the children and the
families of the north. The minister clearly said that they have a
choice of referenda, rather than this government treating them
fairly — another example of a double standard, which is the hallmark of this legislation.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Thank you very much, member for New Westminster. We in fact do pay more
now to teachers in, say, Bella Bella and the northern communities in
British Columbia. Higher rates have been negotiated because a lot of
people do not want to live in Bella Bella. They might rather live and
teach in downtown New Westminster, so they are paid more than other
teachers. What we're talking about here is wages. We're not talking
about general skill shortages for teachers, because there is just
simply not a general skill shortage for teachers in British Columbia.
a board knowingly has made the decision not to go to a referendum, is
not going to raise money that way and knows that the aggregate amount
of money they have on hand from municipal taxation and from the
provincial government is exceeded by the amount that they have settled
for, I don't think that board is being fiscally responsible. They're
not being responsi-
[ Page 11804 ]
ble in managing the affairs of that particular school district — if they understand that.
There
is higher compensation and there are bonuses paid for people who teach
in the north. They receive higher wages at the present time. That scale
will continue, hon. member. This is all about fairness: in
compensation; in the amount of money they receive in their paycheques;
in comparison to a teacher's duties and responsibilities at certain
levels; and, of course, fairness in comparison to what teachers at that
particular level may receive in other parts of the country. All of
these things are taken into consideration.
MS. A. HAGEN :
The minister has just confirmed what I stated, that districts have only
one option in dealing with the needs of their community: to go to
referendum if the "ability to pay" argument is defined by government.
In many communities of the province, where we do already have teacher
skill shortages and difficulty in terms of them meeting the needs of
those communities, it's going to mean that those communities are
unfairly treated by this particular legislation. There are other
aspects of this legislation that we will come to as we go through the
bill which will clearly put those boards at a disadvantage. The idea
that referendum is a means by which we will rectify that, I think,
simply points out the basic unfairness of the bill.
We are
dealing with a whole variety of ways in which the minister says this
government will make decisions: we'll have special cases, we have
referendums and we may have this approach or that approach. Instead of
letting the boards— hospital boards, community boards — manage, this
government is attempting to tinker with something that it is refusing
to define. It's refusing to define "ability to pay," except as some
kind of package which you, sir, in your infinite wisdom, have defined.
don't have a budget in this House. We don't have any indication
whatsoever of the basis for the argument that you are making about
ability to pay. That is the reason that this legislation is, in fact,
double-standard legislation that will be perceived by people all over
the province as unfair, inequitable, and as producing unfairness and
inequities as it is implemented.
[3:15]
HON. MR. VEITCH : Would it not be a double standard if we expected that
the public service would receive 3, 4, 5 or 6 percentage points higher than
the private sector, which, after all, is paying all of these bills in the first
place? If we're settling at 4 percent in the wood sector, for instance,
and that's all they can pay — and they are the people, in the final analysis,
who are paying your wages, my wages and the wages of everyone else in government
— would it not be a double standard to expect to pay teachers 7 percent or 8
percent? Why in the world would someone in the public sector, during austere
times, expect to get more than their peers who are earning the money and paying
their wages in the first place, and they don't have the ability to pay it?
What
do we do? Do we do it as Ontario does and go out to the marketplace all
over the world and borrow and borrow to pay for our daily needs, until
we get ourselves into the same kind of situation that the NDP is
rapidly getting itself into in Ontario and which Ottawa has already
arrived at? That is what's wrong with this country: we've exceeded our
ability to pay for years and years in government.
I see no
reason.... I believe you are right: there would be a double standard.
If the public sector expects to receive more compensation than the
private sector that pays them the money in the first place, there is
something wrong with that kind of expectation.
MS. A. HAGEN :
I believe what the public sector expects is fairness. I would just note
to the minister that, as he well knows, the relationship between public
and private sector increments is very close at this stage of the game.
It is something that, over a cycle, has tracked very remarkably.
are talking about interference with that very effective means by which
compensation has been determined. I think it's quite clear to all of us
that we should not be introducing legislation that would attempt to
undermine the success of collective bargaining and those compensation
factors that all of us can see in the charts as being fair to both
public and private sector workers in the province.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
I know the hon. member understands that it's the nature of the public
sector. Indeed, this bill is designed to provide permanence of
employment within the public sector. It's always been the nature of the
public sector not to feel the same pressures when the economy turns
down, but they are always there with the wage increases when the
economy rises on the other side of the cycle.
What about
the unemployed sawmill worker? What about fairness for that particular
individual? Would fairness for that individual not mean simply having a
job? Shouldn't you share some of your ability with that individual?
There's a person who for years has been paying the public sector's
wages, and finally finds himself or herself out of a job, and yet the
public sector must go on. Surely that person would ask government that
we not borrow against his future or against the future of his children
and cause that greatest tax of all upon that person — that's
inflation, that's borrowing and that's paying interest rates. We're not
going to let ourselves get into the position that your NDP government
is getting itself into in the province of Ontario. They are going down
an economic rathole. That is not the kind of policy this government
espouses.
This bill is designed for fairness, hon. member.
It is designed to provide fairness for the public sector. It is
designed, wherever possible, to provide job protection for the public
sector. But it also takes into consideration the ability of the private
sector to pay those wages. It is the generator of wealth in this
[ Page
11805 ]
province the same as it is the generator of wealth in Canada or in Ontario —
although the governments in Ottawa and Queen's Park don't seem to
realize that. One day the chickens will come home to roost; that will
be a few years down the road. And I can tell you, they will be thrown
out just as quickly as they came in.
MR. PERRY :
Sometimes I begin to wonder if I'm actually in Toronto, you hear so
much discussion about Ontario. The last I checked, the Premier of
Ontario still warrants a 65 percent approval rating in the public
opinion polls. When I came over here from Vancouver this morning, I
thought I was coming to Victoria. I thought we were still in the
province of British Columbia.
Mr. Chairman, I've been
listening very carefully to the Minister of Finance. I admit to being
slightly troubled by his sanctimony, as if he were the only British
Columbian who was concerned about the pockets of the taxpayer. I'm a
taxpayer myself; my wife is a taxpayer; my parents, my brother, the
vast majority of my constituents are taxpayers. I know my colleague the
first member for Vancouver–Point Grey and I feel that we work very hard
and attempt to give the taxpayers good value for what they put into our
salaries. And I think most of them recognize that; I certainly hope so.
But we take their concerns every bit as seriously as the members
opposite — perhaps more so.
I find myself reflecting a
little bit on the sanctimony of the Minister of Finance. I see him
smiling now. I find myself reflecting once in a while when I think of
the abuse of the government jet service and how the members opposite
ran up $1.2 million extra last year on the provincial ambulance bill
just so they could gadfly around the province attending various
functions, some of them flying one person to the jet.
As a
taxpayer, I find it offensive to sit here in this Legislature and think
that somehow the members opposite are concerned about the taxpayers'
pocket and we aren't. We are at least as concerned. If we occupy those
benches opposite, I hope we will present a more favourable record with
regard to the taxpayer.
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
listened very carefully to the discerning line of questioning pursued
by my colleague the second member for Vancouver East and my colleague
the member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew. They were onto a very important
issue. As I listened, I thought back to the Sallis case. I know that
the minister can not be expected to comment publicly, but nothing
precludes me from speaking in this Legislature about the Sallis case.
Just
under a year ago, a woman named Mary Sallis from Langley died a
preventable death in Vancouver General Hospital. She was denied timely
heart surgery for a very rapidly deteriorating heart condition. She
required the replacement of a heart valve....
MR. CHAIRMAN :
Order, please. Hon. member, the Chair has been very lenient with your
straying from the principles of
section 1. Possibly you could get back
to the principles.
MR. PERRY : I think I'll make clear momentarily the connection to
section 1(b).
HON. MR. VEITCH : You're circling the field now; you're going to land any moment.
MR. PERRY : The minister says I'm circling the field and about to land; I think the vultures are circling over his head.
Mr.
Chairman, Mrs. Sallis was denied timely surgery in the Vancouver
General Hospital. The surgeon who requested that she be booked for
surgery told me personally over the telephone last year that the
immediate reason she could not receive her surgery in time to save her
life was that there weren't enough nurses staffing a stepdown ward in
the Vancouver General Hospital.
As it turned out, she
eventually got surgery, but only when she was already moribund, and the
hospital presided over her death rather than attempting to save her
life.
This was a disgrace to the province. That case has
gone to the court, and the provincial government is now facing a
lawsuit from the aggrieved husband of Mrs. Sallis, as I think we all
know.
Interjection.
MR. PERRY : That case is still in court, yes.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Order, please. You're discussing something that is sub judice.
MR. PERRY :
Mr. Chairman, the relevance is to the points raised previously by my
two colleagues. How in this province are we going to meet the
needs — as subsection (
b) refers to — and levels of public service required by our public?
We know — and it has been well recognized in this House in the past —
that although we have a public health system in this province for very
good reasons, we compete with private health systems elsewhere in a
global market for labour. In this case, for example, it is the global
market for nursing skills. We compete with the private sector in the
United States and in many other countries. We must remain competitive.
Clearly, we must also respect the ability of the taxpayers to pay for
necessary health services, but there are times when the world market
for skills — in a highly competitive field such as nursing or other health disciplines —
suggests that occasionally the price must rise. In fact, that's what
happened consequent to the nursing strikes in 1989 and 1990. We know
that the former Minister of Health stood in this House and predicted
that. Had we listened to his advice, we could have avoided those
strikes and all of the unfortunate consequences.
[ Page 11806 ]
But
as I listened to the minister's responses to my colleagues the second
member for Vancouver East and the member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew, I
heard the same simplistic answers to their questions that I've heard
for the last two years: if the hospital finds it necessary to negotiate
a wage increase in an area of labour shortage, it will have to find
resources elsewhere in the hospital budget. Naturally, all of us would
agree that that goal is admirable. We want to see the maximum
efficiency in our health care system, just as in all public services in
this province.
But what happens when there is nothing left
in that budget that can be cut without sacrificing another service?
What happens if it's the case of Burnaby General Hospital, where a
necessary standard program — such as an out-patient chemotherapy program for people suffering cancer —
is forgone because there is no money in the budget? People from Burnaby
must traverse the Second Narrows Bridge to the Lions Gate Hospital in
your riding, Mr. Chairman, for a service that ought to be provided
close to their home.
What happens in the case of a problem
raised by a constituent of the second member for Cariboo, who recently
wrote and described a wait of six months for neurosurgery on an
initially failed neurosurgical procedure? This man has an unstable
neck. I couldn't help but think of him when the minister spoke so
sanctimoniously of unemployed forest workers. This man has been
unemployed for over a year due to an injury to his neck. He has an
unstable vertebral column in his neck, and he lives in fear — perhaps exaggerated, but nevertheless real to that individual —
that he may snap his neck and become paralyzed from the neck down. That
man has been waiting six months for an operation at Vancouver General
Hospital. When I consulted with the neurosurgeon involved, I was told
that the hours of operation for that surgeon had been cut from ten
hours to seven hours per week. The ability is there within the system
to look after this man from Williams Lake properly, but he is not
looked after.
How can any of us seriously as members of
this House stand here and admit that we would, quietly and patiently,
wait six months with an unstable neck for necessary surgery? Of course
we wouldn't, we know that's wrong. We know the hospital must find the
resources to deal with the problem. Yet when I listened to the
minister's answers, I found it very difficult to discern any
sensitivity to the hospital's dilemma.
I think I've outlined the problem for the minister, and I would be interested to hear his response.
HON. MR. VEITCH : At the outset the hon. member was talking about what
he found offensive in the way this government operates. He said he found it
offensive that sometimes cabinet ministers would fly on jets. Well, I found
it very offensive that at one time during the NDP administration a seaplane
actually used to land right in front of the minister's home. It used to
take him home; he used it like a shuttle service.
I found
it offensive that you took $97 million, I think it was, in dollars of
that day, back in 1972, and turned it into a deficit of over $500
million, because you hired every hack you could from Ontario. You hired
every socialist hack you could find. You folks literally turned ore
into rock in this province. I found that so offensive that I went into
politics to beat you, and we're going to do it again. That's why I'm in
politics.
[3:30]
I want to tell the hon. member that in an ideal world you'd have everything
you wanted in every given situation. This is not an ideal world. There are times
whet there are economic pressures upon society that need to be borne by all
of society — the private sector and the public sector alike. You can't separate
these two things.
What we're talking about here is wages —
salaries for people. When you really boil it down, you're talking about
an amount of increase for a class of people or a group of individuals,
or for an individual. If you would look to
section 21 of the labour
market guideline of the draft regulations, you would find that it says:
"A group is permitted a level of compensation based on (
a) demonstrable
or measurable increases in productivity, (
b) settlements or awards in
the provincial private sector, (
c) the ability of the public sector
employer to recruit and retain employees in areas of demonstrable
shortages of critical skills." Where these are demonstrated, there is
flexibility within the act and within the regulations to deal with them.
That's what this act is all about —
fairness. It's maintaining employment levels within the public sector
while realizing that there is only a certain finite amount of money out
there in the private sector to pay for it.
There is a
difference, hon. member. You happen to have been in the medical
profession for most of your life, where you have received funding
indirectly from the private sector, and you are comparing yourself with
the first member for Point Grey in saying that you give value. Well, I
guess that's an open question whether you give value to this
Legislature. I don't know whose standards you apply.
I can
tell you that this act does provide for flexibility; the drafts provide
for flexibility. This act is fair to the public sector, and we're
asking them to bear a bit of the economic downturn that the private
sector is experiencing at this time, so that we don't have to go so far
into the hole to mortgage future generations.
I know
that that would be the easy way out. It would be a lot easier in an
ideal world for me to stand up here and bring in a borrowing bill that
would borrow vast sums of money from goodness knows where in the world
and pay for whatever you wanted. But that's not the way things work.
Some day someone has to pay the bills.
Ottawa is finding
that out now. They'll find out at long last, after profligate spending
for years and years, that the chickens have come home to roost. They're
now trying to deal with their deficit prob-
[ Page
11807 ]
lems in a host of ways, but they haven't had the
courage, like we had here in 1983, to reduce the size and scope of
government. We'll never solve this problem of overspending in Canada
until someone at the federal level, someone in that large province of
Ontario, musters up the intestinal fortitude to get government down to
the size that 27 million people in this country can afford.
We've
just got too darned much government at all levels. Everybody is going
to have to pay and to experience some of this recession. If we do that,
if we work our way through it, we'll be all right.
MR. CHAIRMAN : The members of this House are the people who brought in
the relevancy
section of our orders here, and possibly the members could remember
that. I think we should have more relevancy on
section 1, which is an
interpretation
section. The debate that this member has listened to in the chair since coming
in here has been second reading debate and not committee debate. Could the members
please address themselves to the relevancy of the particular
section under debate.
MR. CLARK : The minister has been making speeches, of course. We'd never accuse members on our side of doing that.
However,
because of committee stage debate, I really want to ask how this works.
On the question of ability to pay, it seems to me that either the
ability to pay is a fixed cap and therefore any change or special
treatment to any group of employees as a result of the guidelines must
come out of the pay of the other employees; or the ability to pay is
itself a flexible concept — a kind of arbitrary concept that can move as a result of the guidelines.
Mr.
Chairman, I just want to make clear what I'm saying. It's either a
fixed cap, like the hospital board has a fixed budget.... Therefore any
use of the guidelines with respect to pay equity or productivity
improvements.... Essentially it has to come off the pay or the cost of
something else. It's a fixed cap and then you can only deal with wages
within that fixed cap; or the cap itself. In other words, the
ability-to-pay question.... That's movable, depending upon the
arguments made by the union or by the compensation commissioner. So
that if a decision is made to pay the nurses more money than is
contemplated by a plain reading of the regulations, but the argument is
made that we must do that because of skill shortages, and the
commissioner agrees, then the ability to pay is redefined in light of
that new reality — if I can use that term. It seems to me it's either one or the other.
The Premier, I think, in his banter was very clear that in fact there is a
fixed cap on hospital boards, school boards and library boards; that the ability
to pay is an objective, definable term; and therefore the guidelines which
allow more money for certain things.... Any extra money to be given for skill
shortages or productivity improvements or pay equity had to come out of some
other aspect of the budget. That seemed to be very clearly what the Premier
was indicating in his banter and in his remarks, and I'm trying to find
out just what it is. Is it a fixed cap, and any money paid for skill shortages
or other things has to come underneath that fixed cap — in other words, they
have to take it off somewhere else, whether it's efficiencies or something
else? Or is it not a fixed cap, but the ability to pay is a variable that can
be arbitrarily changed by government to meet the challenges of skill shortages
or pay equity? Could the minister explain which one it is?
HON. MR. VEITCH : Within a particular bargaining unit — and I think that's what you are speaking of —
if it was a unionized unit, there would be an ability to pay. It would
be equal across the board, but in exceptional cases where management
made a proper case that they required a certain level of skills and
they had to pay a higher compensation to receive the extra skills, they
could do two or three things. They could look for efficiencies within
their own administration. And efficiencies aren't always people
working; they aren't people's wages. They could be the way they're
managing something. It could be a procedure. It could even be the way
they're getting rid of their garbage. Goodness knows what. Especially
if you're looking at hospitals. They may have to restructure the
financial and management affairs of the particular unit. Failing all
else, if they still required money in exceptional cases — for a specific case where a specific talent or discipline was required —
they would then have to approach government. They would have to find an
extra ability to pay those individuals or that class of individuals or
that particular individual. The draft regulations and the bill allow
for that eventuality.
MR. CLARK : We're getting closer to understanding the section. I appreciate the minister's remarks.
seems to me that what you're saying is that the flexibility
contemplated in the guidelines is fettered or tempered by the overall
ability to pay, and that in fact it will be the government's contention
that efficiencies or cuts in other areas.... The minister is quite
correct. Obviously it doesn't have to be in other employees' wages, but
in other efficiencies....
Interjection.
MR. CLARK :
The minister says it never will be another employee's wages. Okay. So
let me get this right now. The nurses are bargaining. They negotiate a
settlement which is roughly, say, double the private sector — I'm just making this up —
a large increase. It's clearly beyond the guidelines. The nurses and
the hospitals go to Mr. Lien, the commissioner, and say: "We realize
it's double the prevailing wage increase; however, there clearly is a
problem in terms of skill shortages that we have to address. We want
your permission to pay double the prevailing rate because of these
sections of the guidelines." The question is, of course: where does the
money come from to pay for that?
[ Page 11808 ]
You
are saying that the first obligation would be for the hospital to find
the money itself. It would be unlikely for government to give extra
money. Let me ask that question. If the commissioner says that the
hospitals are correct, that they really do need to pay this because
there clearly is a skill shortage.... The commissioner, hospitals and
nurses come together to government with a wage settlement which is
beyond — double, perhaps — the prevailing wage increases of
the day, but make the argument successfully. Then the government would
look favourably upon that to provide the extra funding required. Is
that what is contemplated by these guidelines?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
I doubt very much it would be within the commissioner's capacity to
determine whether or not there was a skill shortage in any given area.
It's only within his capacity or, indeed, within his purview to
determine the ability to pay.
I would think that were a
school or hospital board or anyone else to double the wages and be way
out beyond what the norm was in the private sector or in comparison to
other units, hospitals or school boards, they would know right away
that they would have their contract returned to them by the
commissioner. You are quite correct. If they wanted to find a greater
ability to pay, they would have to look to efficiencies within their
own departments first.
Secondly, of course, what you would be looking at is a specific skill shortage and maybe a small class of people — not
a large one. That would be generally what would happen. If they
couldn't find efficiencies within their particular unit or entity — they just weren't there, and it was determined there was no ability to pay —
then they could make a case. Government would realize that if you can't
find a particular medical discipline or whatever it is — someone who practises a particular medical discipline, or a particular type of nurse or whatever —
then
section 21 of the act allows for these special circumstances. We
would expect it would be the exception rather than the rule.
MR. CLARK :
The minister said something interesting there. He said that whether or
not there is a skill shortage is beyond the commissioner's ability to
determine.
Interjection.
MR. CLARK : Okay. The minister is heckling at me that it's the employer's
job. This is an interesting question. Is it the commissioner's mandate
to look solely at the ability to pay, and those guidelines are for public sector
employers and unions to use to negotiate? But if the union and employer agree
that skill shortage should result in increased pay for certain people, that
productivity improvement should result in increased pay for certain other people
and that there's a pay equity program, that they will automatically be returned....
The commissioner has no mandate to review all of those arrangements. He really
only has a mandate to review whether in fact there is the ability to pay. It's
quite a distinction here. I'm trying to get at it.
[3:45]
If the union and the employer agree that there is a skill shortage
that should result in a mutually agreeable significant pay increase for
a certain group of employees, will the commissioner review the question
as to whether or not the public sector employer and employee are being
reasonable? Will the commissioner then review and say: "Is that a
reasonable argument that the union and employer are making with respect
to a skill shortage?" Does he have the power to review that question,
or does he simply look at the ability to pay, first and foremost, when
making a decision on a contract?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
The argument may be reasonable and the case may be made, such as
the hon. member has pointed out, but he commissioner still has to be
convinced that the employer has an ability to pay or knows how to find
a way to increase its ability to pay. They have to find a way of
paying. They have to first of all make the argument to the commissioner
that, yes, there is a skill shortage; yes, we have done all of these
things; no, there is no other way of finding any other money; and it's
imperative that we have it. Then the commissioner could make a
recommendation that funding in certain specific cases may be increased.
would find that normally, I would think, to be the exception rather
than the rule. They would still have to make the argument that they
have an ability to pay, and they would have to have a plan to show the
commissioner they had that ability to pay. That's management. That's
not too much to expect of management.
MR. CHAIRMAN :
Possibly both members would like to make their comments through the
Chair, which should then allow for the complete debate to enter into Hansard . Hansard
may not be picking up answers now that are coming from the other side
when you direct your comments to the other side. If you direct them
through the Chair, Hansard ....
MR. CLARK : No, no. They'll know, Mr. Chairman, who is answering and who is asking the question.
want to make it clear that the guidelines are more than
window-dressing. The guidelines themselves are subject.... The minister
comes back to this all the time. All of the nice language in the
guidelines that refers to pay equity and to bonuses for skill
shortages, and that says that more money may be forthcoming as a result
of productivity improvements, is subject to the overarching definition
in this clause of ability to pay. Therefore it's really rather
meaningless. The flexibility is within very tight bounds. It isn't that
you can have a pay equity program over and above a wage settlement
which might be the same as the private sector; any pay equity program,
any skill shortage argument, essentially comes out of the same pay
packet, so the rest of the employees would take less. That's essentially
[ Page
11809 ]
what the minister is saying. I'm glad he said it, because it's now clear for the record.
I'd like to move on a little bit in this section. Subsection 1(
b) defines ability to pay....
HON. MR. VEITCH : I'll answer your question.
MR. CLARK : Okay. I'll let the minister respond.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
As the public's ability to pay improves.... In other words, when the
private sector does better, when they're able to export their softwood
lumber, when the sawmill workers are back working in the sawmills, when
the loggers are back working in the forests, when people are back
repairing automobiles and doing all of the things that they do, the
public's ability to pay will increase. That will then be passed to the
public sector as well.
We're not going to continually
borrow and borrow like you would, hon. member. I want to make that very
clear. It's the ability to pay. The people out there who provide the
money for you and me and every other public servant have to have the
ability to pay. Some of them are hurting right now; many of them are
unemployed. They don't have the ability to pay. Everybody has to share
equally in this problem in order to find a solution. You agree with me,
don't you? That's very good. You're becoming a closet conservative; I
can see it right now.
MR. CLARK : The only problem
with the minister's remarks is that there is a whole set of guidelines
that refer to things like pay equity and say that we're going to exempt
pay equity from the wage controls. The government likes to make the
argument that we're going to exempt skill shortages from wage controls.
But the minister's last speech made the point, and made it very well:
essentially, this is the same as the previous legislation, the
compensation stabilization program; this is wage controls. All of the
stuff they put in the guidelines gives.... The minister says
"flexibility," but I would suggest from his remarks today that the
flexibility is extremely limited, subject to the ability to pay.
I'd
like, if I could, to move to the next question, which is how the
ability to pay is defined. It says in (a): "...any fiscal or financial
policies to which the public sector employer is subject...." What I
want the minister to confirm for me is that that means the government
can determine, through its policies, what the ability to pay is. In
other words, to take hospitals again, the government, through its
normal course of business, assigns a budget to a hospital. As I read
this, the government may say: "We believe hospitals should only get 4
percent more" — or, being generous, 10 percent more. That will
then constrain and give guidance to the commissioner in terms of his
interpretation of any agreements which arise out of it.
In other words, it could be — at least it seems to be contemplated by this —
that cabinet or the ministry can direct public sector employers, whether they
be hospitals, library boards or others, and, by their financial policies, give
guidance to the commissioner and therefore define for him at least a large measure
of the public's ability to pay. Is that correct?
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
HON. MR. VEITCH :
On this very narrow point, as you well know, hospitals receive most of
the funding from the public purse in one way or another. Oh, they
receive some extra funding perhaps from Workers' Compensation cases,
ICBC cases, or people from other jurisdictions who have to pay
cash — sure. But by and large, where government pays the whole
shot, they ought to have some ability to control as well where that
money is spent, and this is the case in hospitals. But it isn't
necessarily true when it comes to certain types of Crown corporations.
They may find efficiencies of scale. They may find ways of increasing
their production or doing things more efficiently and thus increase
their ability to pay. And that should be shared with and passed on to
their workers. That's the difference between this bill and the previous
legislation. There is a flexibility within this act that did not exist
within the previous legislation.
MR. G. HANSON : I
can't resist the opportunity to say a few words on this section,
because as members know, the greater Victoria area has many public
employees, people who do good work on behalf of the citizens of the
province, keeping the Medical Services Plan going, working in
educational institutions, health, safety and all manner of projects.
And you know, Mr. Chairman, when we look in context, here we have the
twilight of a five-year mandate expiring, and now we have the revival
of a 1982 program that's being desperately resuscitated by Social
Credit who hope that their political fortunes somehow will turn upward.
What
I wanted to talk about, Mr. Chairman, is the narrowness of the
definition of ability to pay, because ability to pay is used by this
minister as the ability to pay our own public employees but was never
utilized for the public's ability to pay to clean up the Expo lands
after we got a poor deal from this cabinet in negotiating with Li
Ka-shing — the hundreds of millions of dollars involved to clean that up. We never once heard "ability to pay."
What
about the overruns on the Coquihalla? Did we ever hear from the cabinet
about the ability to pay and the ability of the province's citizens to
cover massive overruns?
Mr. Chairman, the B.C. Resources Investment Corporation — not
once in this session have I heard the cabinet on the Social Credit side
beating their chests about BCRIC. Does that minister still have his
five free shares? What about the citizens' ability to pay for that
massive boondoggle expenditure of funds down a very black hole? Some
people argued it was even in the wrong place.
So now, at
the twilight of an emerging provincial election we get a bill where you
look at the polls and say: "Who can we try and earn some political kudos
[ Page 11810 ]
on the backs of? Let's go to the old standby — our
own employees." You can't have it both ways, Mr. Minister. You can't on
the one hand say, "We've got great public employees doing wonderful
work for the province," and on the other hand make them the
whipping-persons for the next provincial election. That's a rather
foolish — and cowardly — way of doing the public's business.
when you're'talking about the people's ability to pay, you should talk
about restoring those Crown lands over at Expo to some kind of
health — all the toxic wastes and so on. The public has to pay.
Was the ability to pay taken into that equation when the sale of those
Expo lands was made, when the overruns of the Coquihalla and SkyTrain
were made, when there were massive public investments into BCRIC? Not
once was the term "ability to pay" ever used.
You know, the
failures of this government are not lauded in this assembly. We don't
hear about the B.C. Resources Investment Corporation anymore, and we
heard about it prior to previous elections. We heard about Expo lands
and so on, We don't hear about them anymore, because the province got a
poor deal. What was the people's ability to pay? Li Ka-shing is going
to make a billion dollars off that deal. Do you think the public had
the ability to absorb that, when we had an opportunity to generate
capital by longterm leases by selling those parcels in small pieces and
having a development that made sense? Instead there was a large block
sale where he recouped the amount that went back into the province in
no time and is now building his profit based on the citizens' own Crown
assets.
I'd like to ask you: where was the province's
ability to pay in the restoration of those Expo lands and the
rehabilitation of those lands? That's a specific question. Where was
that in the equation?
HON. MR. VEITCH : Well, the
first member for Victoria goes on in a whole long litany about ability
to pay and, of course, I hope you will allow me the same relevance — or lack of relevance — to this
section that is being afforded to that man.
You
know, your leader, the fellow who sits over there, who flies all over
this province at government expense, because you pool all of your
tickets, and doesn't do one whit of government business as he's not in
the government, isn't in the House half the time, doesn't have to abide
by the same rules as anybody else and is living right out of the public
trough, flying all over the place at....
[4:00]
MR. G. HANSON :
Mr. Chairman, I would ask you to ask that minister to come to order.
The Leader of the Opposition does the public business all over this
province and serves this province very well as Leader of the
Opposition, and is going to serve this province very well....
MR. CHAIRMAN : Thank you, hon. member. I think we should bring the debate
back to the
section that we're dealing with:
section 1 of Bill 82. I was
listening to the debate when I was out for a moment and certainly anything could
be relevant if you stretched your imagination enough on this one. But I trust
that the minister was not impugning any motives; I'm sure he wasn't.
But let's just discuss
section 1 of Bill 82 and this particular portion
that seems to be most interesting to the largest number of people this afternoon,
and that is "ability to pay."
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Mr. Chairman, I'm not impugning any motives at all, and I realize that
this Legislature has the ability to pay the Leader of the Opposition,
when he has his snout in the public trough, flying all over this
province....
MR. CHAIRMAN . Hon. minister! Would you withdraw that most offensive
word, please.
HON. MR. VEITCH : Mr. Chairman, what do you want me to withdraw?
MR. CHAIRMAN : I'm sure you're aware, Mr. Minister, what I'm trying....
HON. MR. VEITCH : Withdraw the phrase that "the Leader of the Opposition has his snout in the public trough"?
MR. CHAIRMAN . Yes, please.
HON. MR. VEITCH : Or "flying around at the people's expense"? Which one?
MR. CHAIRMAN : No, that was the one, please.
HON. MR. VEITCH : Yes, Mr. Chairman. I will withdraw "flying around at the people's expense."
MR. CHAIRMAN :
Minister, I'm sorry, that is not.... You understand what the Chair has
requested. It had nothing to do with "flying around at the people's
expense." It was this "government trough" and the use of the word
"snout."
HON. MR. VEITCH : Yes, I'm sorry, Mr. Chairman.
MR. CHAIRMAN : That doesn't sound very parliamentary to me.
HON. MR. VEITCH : Sure. I'll withdraw "snout in the public trough" or anything else that offends the hon. members.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Thank you. And we'll discuss "ability to pay."
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Ability to pay. We talked about ability to pay. The first member for
Victoria talked about the Coquihalla. He doesn't want the Coquihalla.
Does he know that traffic on the Coquihalla is up 78 percent this year
and that this is increasing the people of the province's ability to pay
in the interior?
[ Page
11811 ]
There are other places in this province outside Victoria and
Vancouver. We're building transportation systems all over this province
so that people will have ability to pay, to work and to move their
goods and services to the marketplace. You live in a very privileged
place, hon. member. You live in Victoria, right here in the capital
city where you have a very, very stable workforce. But there are some
people living in Omineca and Stewart, and maybe in Skookumchuck or
Prince George, who don't have the ability to pay more to the people you
represent. You see, there are other folks around this country other
than those who work for the public service in Victoria or in Vancouver.
What we're talking about here is the taxpayer — the private sector's ability to send money to government.
This
is not an opportunity to hammer public sector workers. All we are
asking them to do is to share in the wealth as the economy moves upward
and to bear some of the burden when it goes into those inevitable
valleys of recession that are caused mostly by the governments of
Ontario and Canada. That is what we're talking about here when we talk
about ability to pay. It's the public's ability to pay.
MR. G. HANSON :
Mr. Chairman, this bill is not about economics or public
administration. It is about politics. This bill is a desperate attempt
by the Social Credit government to get another term in office. The
people of this province want a change. They want a change of
administration and orientation, and they want a more consultative
approach to doing business. Even the chairman and president of the
Business Council of B.C., Mr. Matkin, indicated that this type of
legislation is not required. What is required is consultation between
government, between business and employer groups and trade unions, to
work on a strategic plan to maximize the God-given resources and
benefits and talents of this province— not this type of legislation two
or three weeks prior to an election. The public can see through it; we
can see through it. We're not naive. The minister knows very well that
when he defines so narrowly "ability to pay" with respect to paying
nurses, teachers and people performing public services in the
Medical Services Plan, the Ministry of Transportation and Highways and
all over this province....
Mr. Chairman, I want to point out to the minister that government employees — federal, provincial or municipal — work all through this province in all those
small communities you talked about. They plow their paycheques into those local
small businesses and communities. You're constantly trying to characterize
public sector workers in the way that Social Credit does — trying to earn political
epaulets on the backs of their own employees, who take an oath of office to
perform their duties fairly and honorably. They're duty bound. They can't
publicly fight back when you abuse them publicly with your rhetoric and political
propaganda. They can't stand up and fight back, because they've taken
an oath of office not to do so. Doesn't that seem to be
an act of cowardice,
when you constantly try to present that and win political points on the backs
of your own employees?
Mr. Chairman, in this
section and other sections, I'm asking that the minister
broaden his definition of "ability to pay" to mean.... What is the public
impact of having to come in and clean up behind Social Credit mismanagement
for the last four years of this administration and the last 16 years that the
public has had to endure?
MR. CHAIRMAN :
Hon. member, this is beginning to sound more and more like second
reading debate, and we're in committee stage of this bill. I wonder if
it might be in the interest of making some progress — if we could get agreement from both sides — to set
section 1 to one side and go on to another.
We'll
get through it? All right, then. We're still dealing with
section 1.
The Chair is just trying to facilitate the passage of this bill.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Mr. Chairman, the first member for Victoria talked about political
cowardice. He said that we were cowards because we were bringing in
this legislation. It takes a lot more courage to bring in tough
legislation and to face the heat of that in tough times than to go out
and borrow, borrow, borrow and spend the legacy of future generations.
are being fair to the public sector employees. This piece of
legislation is designed to be fair, to be equitable and to protect the
jobs of the public sector employees in the province of British Columbia.
MR. PETERSON :
Mr. Chairman, under this clause "ability to pay," I'd like to explore
for my own understanding the meaning of "relevant factors including,
but not limited to, (
a) any fiscal or financial policies to which the
public sector employer is subject...."
I wonder if the
minister could explain it to me. Let's use for an example a school
district which has negotiated a contract in which class size has been
negotiated. Let us say that the class size has been reduced by one.
That could have a significant impact on the total cost to that
particular school district, but a very insignificant impact on the
level of education that the students in that school district would
receive.
I'd like to know if that is taken into
consideration in this bill. I'd like to elaborate further, if I'm on
the right track. Perhaps the minister could respond.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
The hon. member for Langley is absolutely correct: that would be taken
into consideration. He gave the example of reducing class size by one
pupil. It probably would have no significant effect whatsoever on the
level or value of education received in that particular school
district, but....
MR. CLARK : You're an expert in that too, eh? Did you get a mail order degree in education?
HON. MR. VEITCH : How would you like to dry up for about two minutes?
[ Page 11812 ]
MR. CHAIRMAN : Order, please.
HON. MR. VEITCH : You'll get your chance....
[Mr. Chairman rose.]
MR. CHAIRMAN : Order, please. Let the debate continue.
[Mr. Chairman resumed his seat.]
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Yes, the hon. member is exactly correct. If class size were left at a
consistent level or increased by one, that would increase the ability
to pay. There's no question about that. Those values and the amount of
money could be spread among the school district.
MR. PETERSON : Mr. Chairman, can I also ask, when you're dealing
with senior management levels — let's say municipal administrators, hospital
administrators, school district administrators — and if their wage increases
appear excessive.... Don't forget, when we're talking about percentages,
the percentage of $100,000 per annum in dollar amounts is, of course, a lot
greater than, for instance, a teacher who may be making $45,000 to $50,000
per annum. But if that has an effect relative to the ability of the particular
organization or government function, it would appear to me that by controlling
that, in this economy we're in now, it would allow us to hire more people
who actually get the job done, such as nurses, teachers and the people in the
front lines who really provide the services. It would appear to me that this
particular bill provides that ability. Am I correct in my
interpretation there?
HON. MR. VEITCH : Yes, the hon. member is indeed correct.
MR. PETERSON :
Having established that, I have a lot of difficulty with the tack the
opposition members are taking. What the government is trying to do is
provide services the taxpayers can afford, maintain those levels of
service and perhaps even improve them under a downside economy. That
appears to me to be a responsible action by a responsible government. I
cannot understand why the opposition is taking the tack in this debate
that they are.
One other thing I can't understand. I
couldn't help, when listening to the second member for Vancouver–Point
Grey.... That's going to a pretty low level of politics when you start
using individuals' names who may be faced with personal tragedies for
your own political purpose. I would really ask that the opposition
members try to show a little responsibility and perhaps some
sensitivity. If they want to deal with items like that, fair enough.
But really, to me that shows a pretty low level of responsibility.
[4:15]
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
MS. EDWARDS : I would like to question the minister under "ability to pay" —
the (
b) section. It says here, basically: "...taking into
account...factors including...the impact of increased costs on the
levels of public service." It seems to me that there may be a
contradiction here, and I would like to question the minister as to
whether the direction he's been going with his statements is really
what we are to understand as the public of British Columbia.
I understand it, the minister is saying that increased costs are bad,
because they mean less service. If you have to cut back, you have to
cut back, right? If costs are increased, you have a certain level....
You are capped at a certain place. That's what the minister has been
saying, as I understand it. The minister has been saying that there is
a cap on what you can do. Unless there are very exceptional situations,
he says that the ability to pay is going to limit what we have to do.
He says that as costs increase — this is the reason for the legislation — we have to limit the amount we spend and therefore might have to cut the level of public service.
Interestingly
enough, this phrase says that we must consider the impact of increased
costs on the levels of public service. If that's the case, we are
considering the downgrading, I suppose, of the level of public service.
Is that the object of the legislation?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
The NDP and the hon. member for Kootenay are equating level of pay to
type of service. I don't think that if the Board of Internal Economy,
or whoever increases wages around here, doubled your wages, you'd do
any better than you are doing right now. We're not talking about
decreasing services. All we're saying is that the public has a finite
ability to pay.
We're in a bit of a recession. It's heading
our way, mostly caused by eastern Canada, but it's still heading on our
way. We're not selling our lumber the way we used to. Our revenues are
down. We all have to share in that. Is it too much to expect a public
servant — whether it be a teacher, a nurse, a caretaker in a
school or an instructor in a post-secondary institution who was
promised continuation of work, who won't be laid off no matter what
happens — to bear some of the burden that the poor person in
Omineca has to bear when their sawmill is shut down and they are out of
work, or when their wages drop in a small business because they're
unable to sell products to a community town because the mill is shut
down in that particular town? Is it too much to expect people in the
public service to share some of that burden? Are you going to say: "No,
I'm not going to share that burden at all; I'm just not going to work
as hard, because that guy over there won't pay me. He can't pay me;
he's out of work"? Now that makes no sense. It may be your line of
reasoning from the socialist side, but I'll tell you it isn't the line
of reasoning from the public service side.
Yes, I have
worked in the public service and in post-secondary education; yes, I
have two teachers in my family who work in education; and, yes, my wife
served on school boards for six years. So I do
[ Page
11813 ]
understand a little bit about how the education
system works in British Columbia. I'll tell you, the teachers are not
going to work less, they're not going to cut their levels of service,
and they're not going to be worse teachers if they don't get a 10
percent increase because the public can only afford to pay them 4
percent or 5 percent. That doesn't make any sense. It may in the
socialist mentality, but it doesn't in the overall scheme of British
Columbians.
Your argument won't wash with the public, hon.
member. It has never washed before, and it won't wash now. You're
trying to throw out that old scare tactic again that unless you
continually open up the doors of the treasury, unless you continually
borrow no matter what ability the public has to pay, that somehow or
other the people are going to rebel and not work and do their jobs.
That is just pure nonsense, and you know it.
MS. EDWARDS :
The minister says that there will be no difference, whether the costs
are greater or not. If you don't have greater salary or greater pay, it
makes no difference whatsoever. If that's the case, my question to the
minister — through you, Mr. Chair — is what the impact would
be of increased costs on the level of public service. If the minister
thinks there would be no difference in the level of public service,
this clause would obviously not be in the bill. The minister obviously
must assume that there will be some impact of increased costs — which we are experiencing and which is the reason for the legislation —
on the level of public service. This is what the minister is saying,
interestingly enough, that we want to consider. I'm not sure. My
question is: does the minister want the level of public service to go
down?
MS. A. HAGEN : Mr. Chairman, I want to move to another one of the
definitions
section 1, the all-inclusive definition of "compensation." So our
readers or viewers can follow the debate, it says: "'compensation' means all forms of pay, benefits and perquisites paid
or provided, directly or indirectly, by or on behalf of an employer or
to or for the benefit of an employee."
had some discussion a little while ago in this wide-ranging look at the
interpretive parts of the bill about the flexibility there is in the
legislation vis--vis what the minister has said is inclusive in the
bill. I'd like to ask the minister if this definition of compensation
means that where pay equity provisions are being dealt with, often
through job evaluations or reclassifications — that's one of the methods by which pay equity decisions are made —
this comes under the classification of compensation; whether on-the-job
training or employer payment for training courses, the kinds of things
that might in fact increase the productivity of workers and make them
better able to deal with the needs of the workplace are included in
compensation; whether some of the fundamental kinds of benefits that
are a part of a package — paid holidays and overtime — are included.
For example, are we going to say that when nurses are called in — as they often are —
to work overtime in order to staff a hospital operating room, art
intensive-care unit or a special ward, the overtime that is paid
becomes a part of that compensation package? Are we to look at the
increments that young teachers in the north and the interior receive as
they move through their compensation up to maximum salaries for
teachers? Are they going to be included? How does all of this in fact
impact on fairness and equity if, as this definition suggests,
everything under the sun that might be part of a collective agreement
can, at the discretion of the commissioner, be costed as a part of that
agreement?
HON. MR. VEITCH : It's not at the
discretion of the commissioner; it's clearly spelled out in both the
bill and the guidelines. Compensation refers to the broader definition
of compensation, rather than just plain basic wages, and it includes
benefits. If you look in the guidelines, you will see what it includes.
Section
14 of this bill states that in establishing compensation plans for the
public sector, ability to pay shall be given "paramount consideration."
The definition provides for a broad range of considerations as to what
factors may be included. "Compensation" defines the parameters of the
direct and indirect cost items to which the bill applies. The intent is
to capture all forms of compensation.
It's easy to say: "We
don't want any increase in hourly wages this year, but we're going to
take two months' holiday instead of one month's holiday." That costs
money in the total package, so it is part of the compensation. If an
individual receives increased insurance benefits or increased
retirement benefits, that's part of the compensation. All of the
factors that make up the total benefits a unit of employment receives
are taken into consideration when we define compensation — everything.
MS. A. HAGEN ; We're back, then, to the waterbed theory of compensation,
and the waterbed theory, I would submit, Mr. Minister, is not a very effective
way to implement public policy. This government is supposedly on record as stating
that it is going to take action on the matter of pay equity, but this legislation
appears to constrain any credibility for that commitment.
The
government is on record as stating that it will indeed ensure that
health care is maintained. in the health care sector, we know that
overtime is a very major, but not very attractive, means by which
hospitals manage to deal with nursing skill shortages. In fact, it's
the way they keep their operating rooms going. What the minister is
saying, according to the waterbed theory, is that when those matters
come into the scheme of things, they're either going to be ignored or
they're going to be dealt with at a cost to every worker in the system.
colleague from Kootenay is making a fair case that what we're talking
about is not the maintenance of the public service or, in fact, a
movement toward the implementation of the kinds of policies that
[ Page 11814 ]
would
enhance both the ability of workers to do their jobs and fairness
within the system. We are dealing with a government that's saying over
and over again: "We have our definition of an ability-to-pay argument;
we have our definition of what comes into compensation. Trust us" — later on when we come to guidelines —
"because in our executive council we will determine, according to the
situation at the time, how we're going to operate." I don't think, Mr.
Chairman, that the minister has provided us with the kind of technical
information we need to understand how these various clauses will indeed
be implemented.
"Compensation" just takes us back to the ability-to-pay argument and
the fact that the minister is talking about the waterbed envelope and saying
that everything will be captured regardless of the effect on the public service,
regardless of promises around public policy that this government proposes to
implement. That clearly means that the minister, if I might be so bold, is talking
out of both sides of his charming, grinning mouth.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
I don't know, hon. member for New Westminster, what kind of waterbed
you sleep in; it must be a rather old type. You must have got up on the
wrong side of it this morning as well.
This bill does not restrain pay equity.
believe the hon. member is not listening, Mr. Chairman. Perhaps I could
get her attention for a moment; I think she wants some answers.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Hon. minister, would you please address the Chair, and not the member.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
I see that I have now regained the hon. member for New Westminster's
attention and that I have her undivided attention while I explain to
her that.... By the way, while you were talking to the member for
Vancouver East I was saying that you must be sleeping in a rather old
waterbed and that you must have got up on the wrong side of it this
morning.
[4:30]
This does not restrain pay equity. All of the items you discuss will
be taken into consideration when the employer files the compensation
package with the commissioner. It does not restrain the ability to have
pay equity. As a matter of fact, there is flexibility in this bill for
pay equity; there is flexibility in this bill where we find that there
are skill shortages. There is tremendous flexibility, but in the final
analysis, all of those things have to be based on the taxpayers'
ability to send money to the government with which to pay the public
service. It's as straightforward as that.
MS. A. HAGEN : For years in this province women have been paid less than
men. For years in this province women have been earning 60-cent dollars. What
I hear the minister now saying is that in order for us to bring women into a
fair pay package, the people who are going to pay for that are all the rest
of the public sector workers — not all of us. Clearly, if we are dealing with
a compensation package including pay equity along with everything else, it appears
to me that there's no other conclusion we can reach. Equality for women
is something that we are now going to pay for out of the total compensation
package for public sector workers, and there are no dollars that are going to
be earmarked for that as distinct from other compensation benefits. That simply
means that the unfairness is going to continue.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
I'll agree with the hon. member in one thing. There are still several
groups of individuals in the public service who are underpaid. This
government has introduced a policy that is second to none of any
government in Canada. On January 1 we put $12 million into the pockets
of those people who are underpaid in order to bring them up — to bring up their scales — so we can provide pay equity.
This
bill provides for pay equity. It can be addressed, wherever we need pay
equity, in the compensation package. The rest of the workers in the
system will not be affected by it.
This government has done
more to bring about pay equity than any other Social Credit government
or any other government in Canada at any point in history up until now,
including governments in Saskatchewan and Manitoba.
MR. CHAIRMA: It might be advisable to get back to
section 1 and be
relevant in debate.
MR. CLARK : The minister said that the government has moved on pay equity.
Of course, before this restraint bill has been brought before the House....
Clearly, from your remarks and from the bill, compensation is defined as all
forms of pay benefits and perks paid or provided directly or indirectly by the
provincial government. Therefore anything that's decided from the date of
this bill — January 30, or before that, according to the bill, but assuming from
the Premier's speech.... Any pay equity agreement agreed to by a public
sector employer and employee must be included as part of the compensation in
what will be a compensation plan.
Interjection.
MR. CLARK : The minister is agreeing with me, Mr. Chairman.
HON. MR. VEITCH : Kind of agreeing.
MR. CLARK : Maybe he could....
MR. CHAIRMAN :
Hon. members, you should probably direct your remarks to the Chair. The
minister then would get up after your conclusion and make his comments;
in which case, as I indicated earlier, we would have them in Hansard and you wouldn't have to repeat them.
[ Page
11815 ]
MR. CLARK : Perhaps the minister could then, for the record,
agree with me that any pay equity agreement entered into, from the date
of the Premier's speech to today or beyond, that would be covered by
this bill must be included as part of the compensation listed in the
compensation plan to be reviewed by the compensation commissioner. Is
that correct?
HON. MR. VEITCH : The answer is yes.
MR. CLARK . The point is that the compensation plan and the ability of
the public sector employer to pay that compensation plan will be adjudicated
by the compensation commissioner. Pay equity, which costs money, will become
part of that compensation. The ability to pay of that public sector employer
will be reduced by the amount paid out in a pay equity program, and therefore
my colleague from New Westminster is absolutely correct: other employees may
have to take less, and other services may have to be cut.
The
minister has tried to say before the House, for political purposes,
that pay equity is exempt. In fact, it's not at all exempt. It's
absolutely clear from this definition of compensation that those pay
equity agreements must be included in the compensation plan that will
inevitably impact on the ability of the public sector employer to pay
wages to other employees. Is that correct?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
No, it's not correct. It's not true at all. Pay equity does not come
out of the agreement. It forms part of the compensation plan. It's all
part of the ability to pay. If a public sector employer does not have
the ability to pay— we'll have to go back over this one again, I can see —
they must look to find efficiencies or ways of improving their
operation; try to find some other way of improving their ability to
pay. Or indeed, if it's a case of skill shortages or some other areas
and they have exhausted all remedies, they would then come to the
commissioner with a plan and say, "We do not have this extra ability to
pay," and that will be taken into consideration. But it all forms part
of the ability to pay. It is not true that it comes out of the plan; it
is included in the total compensation plan.
MR. CLARK : Mr. Chairman, the minister is trying to argue a question
of semantics. The reality is.... Let's get this right. A public sector employer
agrees with its employees on a pay equity program. That means there is less
money for that employer to negotiate a collective agreement for all of the other
employees, including those employees who benefited by the pay equity plan. The
employer can use as an argument with the compensation commissioner that it does
not have the ability to pay certain wage increases because it has used up the
money in a pay equity program.
Very
clearly, Mr. Chairman, that's what this says. It says the public sector
employer can use the argument that it does not have the ability to pay
certain wage increases — maybe the prevailing rate — because
it has used up available funds in a pay equity program. Therefore it
comes out of the same envelope. Pay equity is not exempted by this
legislation, as you would have us believe. There's no reference to pay
equity, I might add, in the legislation — none whatsoever.
Interjection.
MR. CLARK : Maybe the minister could advise the House what
section of the bill deals with pay equity.
MR. CHAIRMAN :
The Chair concurs in that and wonders why for the last half-hour we
have been discussing pay equity under
section 1, when it's not in
section 1. If we could get the debate onto
section 1, we may be able to
advance the bill.
HON. MR. VEITCH : We appear to be
debating the guidelines along with the bill. It's included in the
guidelines, which were filed with all members of the House when the
bill was filed, and the second member for Vancouver East understands
that.
I would think that any prudent public sector
employer, before going about increasing wages, or negotiating a wage
increase or — as the hon. member for New Westminster says — a
total compensation increase, would check its ability to pay. I would
say it would be irresponsible for a public sector employer, be it a
school board or anyone else, to negotiate a 7 or 8 percent increase in
teachers' salaries while knowing that it has only a 4 percent ability
to pay. Where do they think the rest of the money is coming from? This
is what this thing is all about. It's to keep public sector wages in
line with the private sector, and when the private sector produces more
wealth the public sector will get more wealth.
I think
that's eminently fair. I see nothing whatsoever wrong with this. I see
nothing wrong with people whose jobs are by and large protected having
to bear some of the burden in hard times and share some of that with
people whose jobs are not often protected, in the forest industry and
in certain types of industry or in other areas.
It's all
tied to ability to pay, and any prudent employers would check their
entities' ability to pay before signing labour agreements, I should
think.
MR. SIHOTA : Using the