British Columbia Hansard — Monday, October 21, 2019 a.m. — Number 275 (HTML) (41st Parliament, 4th Session) (20191021am-Hansard-n275)
20191021am-Hansard-n275
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
Fourth Session, 41st Parliament
(2019) OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Monday, October 21, 2019
Morning Sitting
Issue No. 275
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Orders of the Day
Private Members’ Statements
Benefits of roundabouts for B.C.
L. Throness
D. Routley
Partnership with Indigenous communities
N. Simons
P. Milobar
S. Cadieux
A. Kang
Paid leave for workers facing domestic and sexual violence
J. Routledge
M. Morris
Private Members’ Motions
Motion 15 — Right to wear religious and cultural symbols in workplace
J. Johal
R. Kahlon
M. Hunt
M. Dean
B. Stewart
M. Elmore
J. Tegart
G. Begg
J. Thornthwaite
R. Singh
S. Gibson
MONDAY, OCTOBER 21, 2019
The House met at 10:03 a.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Prayers.
[10:05 a.m.]
Orders of the Day
Private Members’ Statements
BENEFITS OF ROUNDABOUTS FOR B.C.
L. Throness: I’m going to talk about a way to ease traffic congestion and
increase safety in B.C. This morning I’m talking about
roundabouts.
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
Of course, when we talk about roundabouts, we have to refer to the
U.K., which first developed them in the 1960s and has the highest
proportion of roundabouts in the world. There are 25,000 of them in all.
They also have one of the safest traffic systems. In 2015, the U.K. had
the fourth-lowest traffic fatalities in the OECD, but Canada was No. 17
on that list.
Well, let’s compare B.C. specifically with the U.K. In 2016, there
were 181,000 injuries from accidents on all of Britain’s roads. In B.C.,
we had 69,000 injuries from accidents at intersections alone, in just
this province, even though the population of the U.K. is 11 times
greater than B.C.’s population. In all of B.C., there are 3.7 million
vehicles, but there are 39 million vehicles in the U.K. — over ten times
more — and the U.K. is a much smaller place. Their 39 million vehicles
are crammed into an area one-quarter the size of B.C. That means that
the U.K. is 40 times more crowded with vehicles than our province, yet
it’s much safer.
Roads are narrow, cars are small, traffic is fast, and 92 percent
of Brits do not use public transit. They use good old cars and trucks to
get around. There needs to be a way to move very large numbers of people
quickly from place to place. The roundabout is one way the U.K. has
chosen to do that, and they’re very successful.
This summer I had the occasion to drive in the U.K., which took
some getting used to, I can tell you. I drove a total of 3,300
kilometres. Even though traffic was always heavy, I spent very little
time waiting in lineups, and I did not encounter one single accident,
which was a real surprise.
There are different types of roundabouts in the U.K. There are
large ones with three lanes and traffic lights to control them. There
are large and clear markings right on the roadway in front of the driver
that help to navigate them. There are smaller roundabouts with two lanes
or one lane. They even have what is called a mini-roundabout, which is a
big white dot painted in the middle of smaller intersections. You treat
that just like you treat a roundabout. It means that you can effectively
do a U-turn in the middle of an intersection if you need to.
I think it’s a wonderful improvement over the four-way stops and
the signals that we have here. You don’t have to stop at the average
intersection, it’s quicker, and it’s safer. In fact, there are few stop
signs or yield signs at all in the U.K. There are far fewer traffic
lights as well, except perhaps in dense urban areas.
The U.S. is building more and more roundabouts. They’ve doubled
their number to 5,000 over the past decade, and they’re encouraging
them. Why are they doing that? There are three main reasons.
The first is that they are safer. In a regular four-way
intersection, there are 32 possible points of collision, but in a
roundabout, there are only eight. Studies show that crashes resulting in
an injury are reduced by 75 percent at intersections where stop signs or
signals were previously used. They’ve also found a 37 percent reduction
in overall collisions, a 90 percent reduction in fatalities and a 40
percent reduction in pedestrian collisions. This is because everybody
has to slow down to enter a roundabout. In B.C., everyone accelerates on
a green light, or they often speed up to try and beat a red light or a
yellow one. So they’re speeding up as they go through the intersection,
which is more dangerous.
Second, if you hit someone in a roundabout, it can’t be a head-on
collision because the flow of traffic is one way. It’s not even possible
to T-bone someone or have a head-on collision, so there are fewer
accidents, and when they do happen, they are less severe.
The second big reason to choose roundabouts is that they improve
traffic flows. That’s because they promote a continuous flow of traffic.
In most roundabouts, you don’t have to wait for a green light at a
roundabout. You don’t even have to stop. You just yield. So the
intersection can handle more traffic in the same amount of
time.
We in B.C. waste a lot of time waiting at red lights where there
is no other traffic at all and it would be otherwise safe to go. This
cannot happen with a roundabout. I think they lead to less driver
frustration as well, because you’re not sitting for minutes at a time
fuming at a red light or waiting for the next person in line to finally
pay attention and start out when the light turns.
[10:10 a.m.]
Studies by Kansas State University measured traffic flow at
intersections before and after conversion to roundabouts. In each case,
installing a roundabout led to a 20 percent reduction in delays. In
Washington, the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety studied
intersections in three states and found that roundabouts contributed to
an 89 percent reduction in delays and a 56 percent reduction in vehicle
stops.
The third big reason to choose roundabouts is that they are less
expensive. While it may be slightly more expensive to build a roundabout
than a signaled intersection, when it comes to long-term costs,
roundabouts don’t need the hardware and the maintenance and the
electricity costs associated with traffic signals. Over the years, the
cost of light bulbs blinking four ways every hour of every day on a
permanent basis really adds up. And there is the added bonus that
roundabouts work just fine during power outages. Because vehicles spend
less time stopping at roundabouts, fuel is saved for an environmental
benefit, and there are savings in cost and time for drivers as
well.
While roundabouts may need more property within the actual
intersection, they often take up less space on the approaching streets.
For example, you don’t need left-hand turn lanes. Roundabouts usually
require fewer lanes approaching the intersection.
Finally, a roundabout can be aesthetically appealing. You can put
a garden in the centre instead of a forest of traffic lights and wires
and poles. You could put artwork in the centre, as we have done in
Chilliwack, which also serves a practical purpose of blocking the view
of the other side of the roundabout as a safety measure.
Roundabouts, of course, aren’t appropriate for all intersections.
For example, Robson and Burrard in Vancouver, with all of its heavy
pedestrian traffic, wouldn’t be a good place to put one. But there are
so many other opportunities in B.C. to improve safety and traffic
circulation with roundabouts.
I’ve had great experience with roundabouts. I drove a long way in
the U.K. It was a little tough getting used to at first, but once you
get used to them, they really work wonderfully. And I’m looking forward
to the government side announcing its plans to build more roundabouts in
B.C.
D. Routley: Before I start, on behalf of the Agriculture Minister, I would
like to welcome students and adults from Pacific Christian School from
her riding.
I really appreciate the member bringing forward this conversation
on traffic circles, roundabouts. They are considered to be safer,
definitely, but as a cyclist, I’d bring one caution to mind. I’ll get to
that in a moment.
The reason that they’re considered safer is that they encourage
lower speeds. Situations change more slowly because of that slower
speed. It’s a very forgiving environment where people can make decisions
more slowly, and they have more time to respond. There’s no demand for
accurately judging the closing speeds of fast vehicles because cars are,
essentially, at a much lower speed. When there are crashes, they are
lower-energy crashes. They’re at a lower-impact angle and create fewer
injuries and less damage. And they create these uncomplicated situations
where decision-making at least ought to be more simple as we get used to
using traffic signals.
That points to a little bit of a problem in B.C. in that the
Ministry of Transportation versus the Road Sense manual is confusing.
There’s a difference in how they recommend you enter a roundabout.
Essentially, one says signal left if you’re turning left, no signal if
you’re going straight and signal right if you’re leaving to the right.
The other says no signals except right leaving the circle, which is what
I adhere to — just signal your way out of the roundabout. That is where
most of the problems happen, and misunderstandings.
There is a problem for cyclists, and that is that although there
are fewer collisions with cars generally, there are more collisions with
cyclists. There are more collisions in roundabouts with cyclists than
there are in regular intersections. But cyclists make that trade-off, I
suppose, because the accidents are at slower speed and have a much lower
impact and less severity of injury.
Pedestrians do fairly well with traffic circles and roundabouts.
They only have to cross one lane at a time, and there’s a refuge in the
centre. They only have to make decisions to the right, never to the
left. So there are a number of reasons that it’s actually safer for
pedestrians. And speed, of course, is a major factor in the degree of
severity of accidents and injury.
[10:15 a.m.]
Of pedestrians, the percent who are fatally injured when they’re
hit at 32 kilometres per hour is only 5 percent. I mean, that’s a
terrible number, but 5 percent are fatally injured at 32 kilometres per
hour. At 48 kilometres per hour, which would be the speed a car would
likely go through or blast a stop sign at a regular intersection, it
goes up to a 45 percent fatality rate. And then at 64 kilometres per
hour, which we see commonly in 50 kilometres-per-hour zones, the
fatality rate is 85 percent. So you can see this kind of hockey-stick
curve, where severity goes up at a very rapid rate along with
speed.
Traffic circles in that way are definitely a benefit. But having
been hit five times on my bike by cars and motorhomes and having hit two
pedestrians myself, I know that speed is an important factor. And I know
very well that speed is an important factor when you hit the
ground.
Anything that slows down traffic — in simpler situations, where
people can respond more intuitively and without the haste of a faster
pace around the intersections and more confusing in-and-out traffic —
the better. It’s always better to simplify traffic situations and to
slow down traffic. So traffic circles do that. You get a few more
cyclists hit but a lot fewer severely injured. That’s a trade-off that
as a cyclist, I’m willing make.
Take the lane if you’re a cyclist. Take the lane. Don’t let them
pass you in the roundabout. And to all drivers: never pass a cyclist in
a roundabout. They’re going 20 to 30 kilometres per hour. You wait for
20 minutes behind farm equipment going that speed. So please — as a
cyclist, I ask every driver — never pass a cyclist in a
roundabout.
L. Throness: The member opposite said some good things about bikes in
roundabouts. In the U.K., they are, more and more often, providing a
special lane for them.
I’m proud to say that Chilliwack has led the way in roundabouts.
In Chilliwack, we were one of the first cities in B.C. to install them.
We now have five single-lane roundabouts and two multi-lane ones.
Feedback from our residents has been very positive, although some are
confused by them. So the city holds a couple of information sessions
every year on how to navigate them.
From personal experience, I can tell you that they have been very
effective. There was a very dangerous intersection at the junction
between Yale Road and Highway 9 in Rosedale. And 30 years ago when I
would drive there, I remember approaching that intersection with great
trepidation, because traffic would whiz by at highway speeds and there
were fatalities there. But Popkum roundabout, as it is known, has been
in place since 2004. Although some people might say it’s too small, no
one says it shouldn’t be there. As an added benefit, there have been
some successful retail businesses that have popped up on three corners
near that roundabout, so it has not been a hindrance to commerce at
all.
Our newest roundabout recently opened on Lickman Road. I travel
that road regularly, and I used to wait in long lineups with long lines
of big trucks. Those lineups have been virtually eliminated.
In the past two years, we’ve installed two roundabouts near each
other at the Vedder Bridge — one at the bridge and the other at the
turnoff to Cultus Lake. There were enormous delays at various times,
particularly during the summer, when the entire province, it seemed,
wanted to get up to Cultus Lake. You could easily sit for an hour on the
road, waiting for that light to turn over and over and over. With the
new bridge, thanks to an infrastructure grant and two new roundabouts to
move the traffic, those delays have been hugely reduced. Everyone in
Chilliwack is very happy about that.
How are we doing provincially? ICBC is currently studying the
effectiveness of roundabouts around the province, but their review won’t
be until next March. I would have thought that ICBC would have been on
this much earlier, given the positive experience with roundabouts in
B.C. and in the U.K. and the huge number of accidents we have in B.C. In
B.C., we have 350,000 accidents every year, and 120,000 of them occur at
intersections. Three-quarters of those intersections are in the Lower
Mainland, and over half of the accidents at intersections result in
injuries.
The costs of personal injuries have been literally bankrupting
ICBC, so it is in the interests of the corporation, as well as all
drivers, to address this. ICBC has a program in place to assist with the
cost of making roads safer, particularly in certain high-accident
intersections. A little bit of investment from that program now will
save accidents and injuries and, ultimately, be reflected in lower auto
premiums.
My message to the government, to ICBC and to the rest of B.C. is:
let’s get going with this. Why not catch up to Chilliwack? Look to
Chilliwack as a provincial leader, and see what we’re doing in the
Fraser Valley.
[10:20 a.m.]
Let’s build more roundabouts — the safer, quicker and cheaper way
to drive.
PARTNERSHIP WITH
INDIGENOUS
COMMUNITIES
N. Simons: My topic this morning is partnerships with Indigenous communities.
As I thought about this issue over the last week that we’ve been back in
our constituencies, I wondered exactly how it would be that we would
talk about partnerships without implying that there are power
differentials and what the relationships are in those
partnerships.
First, I’d like to just say that I’m really pleased with the fact
that our relationship with Indigenous communities is evolving in the
right way. It’s happening because of dedicated people who are interested
in healing some of the injustices of the past, not solely for the
purpose of simply remembering our history but from learning about that
history and learning to incorporate the lessons that we have learned
from that history as we all continue our path in British Columbia
here.
We have over 200 First Nations communities in British Columbia.
There are Indigenous communities that are living, as they say, off
reserve, outside of the traditional territories of those nations, and
they are, indeed, communities as well. We have urban Indigenous
communities and rural Indigenous communities, and the goal is to improve
our partnerships with those communities, wherever they are and however
they’re manifested.
We have economic relationships that require partnerships, that are
helped by having partnerships, that all sides are…. Conditions are
improved by those partnerships. There are economic relationships with
how we deal with our natural resources. We have partnerships with
Indigenous communities. Indigenous communities have partnerships with
the province. We have partnerships with each other. We have partnerships
with local governments, with Indigenous communities. In Powell River,
for example, the community accord is well known throughout Canada — a
relationship of mutual understanding, of recognition of the past, of
acknowledgment of future challenges that go with
relationships.
Anyone who’s been in a relationship knows that it’s not always
exactly the same day to day. I think when we talk about our partnerships
that we create and foster with each other, Indigenous communities or
not, we’re always striving to improve those relationships and those
partnerships.
For partnerships, we sometimes have this idea that they are always
based on equality. I think that’s the goal. The effort that we have when
we develop partnerships is that they are of mutual trust, mutual respect
and of some sort of sense of equality. I hope that as our government
continues, I think, in this very historic time in terms of our
relationships, we do so with humility and we do so recognizing that it
is not up to us to request or demand partnerships. But it is to be open
to finding ways of going forward that are not repeating the mistakes of
our past.
I see economic relationships, economic partnerships, in the forest
industry with the foundation agreement with the shíshálh Nation, which
is the lower Sunshine Coast and territories around, that show that these
partnerships could have positive impacts on all our communities. Whether
they are to provide some economic security for Indigenous communities or
if they’re to provide some certainty and predictability in the wider
economy, I think that those show that partnerships are a structural
urgency for our future relationships.
Social relationships and partnerships are also important. I think
about our cultural tours, the Aboriginal cultural tourism sector where
community members from the many First Nations in our province offer
cultural tours for non-Indigenous communities. Those tours, I think,
create partnerships on a human level.
[10:25 a.m.]
They are not government-to-government partnerships. They’re not
industry-to-industry partnerships. They’re human relationships that
become partnerships, community members who are aware of the history of
their community and who have seen and have learned from communities.
That creates, I believe, a relationship that is long-standing, based on
mutual respect. And from that foundation, other partnerships can be
developed.
Now, Eric Blaney up in the Powell River area, in Tla’amin
territory, and Candace Campo from the shíshálh Nation on the lower
Sunshine Coast both offer tours to tourists to see wildlife and to
experience the geography and the natural beauty of the territories that
those communities have existed in since time immemorial — and before
that. I think that those partnerships and culture are essential to the
strengthening of our community bonds. We know that as a province, we’re
at a place where relationships are being defined — that the old ways
have been seen as inappropriate for our modern understanding of our
history.
I think that, fundamentally, the partnerships that we create, the
partnerships that we encourage and support and nurture, are the
partnerships that we can be proud of. We all understand that the history
that has landed us in a situation where reconciliation is necessary also
has lessons on how we can become a stronger, more cohesive community,
recognizing that past. So I believe that, with some of the steps that
our government has taken, in partnership, in cooperation, with the hope
of building relationships with Indigenous communities, we’re on the
right path.
It’s not up to me or to my colleagues to say that this is a
success or not a success. These are efforts being made by, I believe we
can say, the province to reconcile the past and to establish a good,
strong foothold for the future. I believe that is necessary and only
possible if we create partnerships with communities, with individuals,
with different sectors — that it isn’t just government to government;
it’s community to community.
P. Milobar: It gives me pleasure to rise to provide some comments around
partnerships with Indigenous communities as well. As I was, like the
member opposite, contemplating what to say over the last week, it struck
me that being from Kamloops, it’s a little symbolic, I guess, when you
consider that back in 1910, the Laurier memorial document was signed in
Kamloops with Sir Wilfrid Laurier at the time — and in conjunction with,
now, today being federal election day.
Unfortunately, that document never did get enacted. There was a
federal election from the time that Wilfrid Laurier went back to Ottawa
from Kamloops and signed with area Chiefs. And area First Nations have
been waiting now 100-plus years for some of those principles to be acted
upon by the federal government and the provincial government. I think
it’s important that we do reflect on where we have come, though, in
spite of that document not being enacted and acted upon.
It is important to recognize, just as anyone would, feeling that
perhaps your government is not working always with the best interest at
heart, when document after document does not get enacted or followed up
on in a meaningful way. It’s certainly understandable why Indigenous
leaders in the province will continue to challenge all of us to make
sure that we are participating in a fair and equitable way and treating
agreements with Indigenous nations in such a way that they will actually
be followed through upon. It is a long process. I note that over the
last several years….
In fact, since 2014, there have been more than 200 agreements
signed by the province and Indigenous communities across this province —
more than 500, if you take a slightly longer window of a few extra
years. Final treaties, five treaties with nine First Nations.
Agreements-in-principle, eight are current with 12 First Nations.
Incremental treaty agreements, 23 agreements with 27 First Nations.
Clean energy revenue-sharing agreements, 50 agreements with 37 First
Nations. Clean energy equity investment funding, 15 agreements with 15
First Nations.
[10:30 a.m.]
Mining agreements, single- and multi-project economic and
community development and revenue-sharing agreements, 32 of those with
44 First Nations. Forest consultation and revenue-sharing agreements,
262 agreements with 156 nations; in total, 120 active agreements with
140 First Nations. Reconciliation agreements, 17 agreements with 35
First Nations. Strategic engagement agreements, seven agreements with 37
First Nations.
Pipeline benefit agreements, 64 agreements with 29 First Nations,
and 48 of those agreements have been publicly announced. Economic
benefits agreements and interim economic benefits agreements — three of
those with four First Nations, as well as a resource-revenue-sharing
agreement with five First Nations.
Again, I know from the Kamloops area, we have
resource-revenue-sharing agreements with our local area Indigenous
communities, as mines were brought back into production, and those
agreements were worked with cooperatively. As the member opposite said,
it is important to make sure…. Those local connections and local
agreements are a good starting place.
I’m proud to think of the agreements the city of Kamloops has with
our area bands. We have an agreement where sewer connections are made.
The sewer system is used for the whole valley, and everyone pays their
fair share. We have fire service agreements so that there’s professional
firefighting protection for the band lands as well as city of Kamloops
lands, again at an equal rate of pay, making sure that everyone is
participating in the local economy in an equal and equitable way, to
make sure that all in our communities can strive and move
forward.
It’s those smaller agreements — that look to be smaller on the
surface — that I think can guide us into our future with some of these
larger agreements. But we should not lose sight of the fact that a lot
of work has been done in the past; a lot of work still needs to be done.
I think all sides of this House recognize that the work needs to
continue to be undertaken and to move forward in a way that will
actually provide stability both for Indigenous communities and for
others in our province and our communities, so that everyone knows where
we can head together as one community, in a broader sense, on a
provincial level.
I thank you for the time to be able to address the more than 500
agreements that have already been signed with First Nations — more than
200 of those since 2014. I look forward to hearing the member opposite’s
closing remarks.
N. Simons: I appreciate the comments from my colleague from Kamloops–North
Thompson. I think he has outlined quite clearly the number of agreements
that have been reached between governments and Indigenous communities,
whether they’re governments or local agreements with subgovernment
offices.
He does speak about the fact that, in reality, our relationships
have evolved, and governments are, I think, improving over time how
those relationships and those partnerships get codified. I would just
like to say that it’s a reflection of the efforts of individuals to make
these partnerships take place, to have these partnerships go
forward.
What I like to think of is that community-to-community
partnerships are essential in order to address what still exists in our
communities — some mistrust and some lack of understanding and,
definitely, ignorance as well. I was just reading….
A friend of mine who’s a shíshálh member who does cultural tours
was talking to some tourists, some visitors, about the impact of
colonial approaches — the role of the church, the role of the government
— in what was catastrophic to Indigenous communities. She heard
feedback. She was told that the person had heard many good things about
the previous education system, the residential schools. That was quite
troubling because ultimately, when you think about the ignorance that
comes with those kinds of statements…. Perhaps it’s a form of racism,
but it’s definitely ignorance.
I think that as we increase our partnerships, as we improve our
relationships, that kind of ignorance will disappear. That ignorance
will be replaced by an understanding and a knowledge, not a
defensiveness as much as a reassurance that we are on a better track
now. We haven’t fixed everything, but we’re working towards it.
Ultimately, partnership means that as we go across these bumpy roads
together, we will recognize our mutual history, and we’ll recognize that
it’s not always going to be easy.
[10:35 a.m.]
I am looking forward to the incorporation of the United Nations
declaration in our legislation. I think we’ve been quite clear that
that’s an important part of our mandate. As a province we can lead the
way. We can show other jurisdictions how partnerships and how
relationship-building can be put into legislation. It’s not as the
be-all and end-all of our building of relationships, but it’s a strong
step towards that. I think that together, as a province and as a
legislative body, we can encourage that ongoing, improved
relationship.
S. Cadieux: How would you feel if you went out for dinner with friends, and
you couldn’t get a table because you couldn’t negotiate stairs? How
would you feel if you were the keynote speaker at an event, you arrived,
and you couldn’t get on the stage? What if you couldn’t speak, and you
were refused medical services unless you allowed someone else to speak
for you?
What if you booked a vacation of a lifetime and arrived at your
destination to be told they didn’t have a room after all? What if you
applied for a job, but they called to book the interview, and when they
learned you had a disability, they hung up? What if you wanted to attend
a sporting event or a concert with friends but were told you couldn’t
sit with them because you were limited to sitting in accessible seating
with only one of your two friends, or if you tried to sit elsewhere, you
were told you were a fire hazard?
What if you took your three-year-old to the park to play but
couldn’t get to the playground equipment because the surface was bark
mulch? Worse, what if you were a child with a disability and the
playground at your school wasn’t accessible? What if you were six years
old, and you couldn’t go to the birthday party all the kids were going
to because the friend’s house was inaccessible?
What if you were to buy a condo in a building with basic
parking was designated limited common property under the Strata Act, so
there’s no accessible parking available to residents? What if you needed
accessible housing, and you called B.C. Housing and were told that if
you wanted accessible housing, you should quit your job and go on
assistance, because that’s the only way you’d be eligible? Have you ever
had to decline an invitation to go somewhere, to an event or an activity
with friends, because there was no accessible washroom?
Accessible parking spaces may not seem like a big deal, but if you
don’t have adequate space to open your door to get your chair out or to
lower a lift, or if the snow is piled up there on a snow day, it may as
well be a brick wall.
What if you were a voter, you wanted to attend a debate of the
local electoral candidates, but you were deaf, and there was no sign
language interpreter present? What you were if blind or had limited
vision, you went to a restaurant for lunch alone, and they didn’t have
large-print and Braille menus? What if you had a cognitive impairment,
and you couldn’t understand the form you needed to fill out to receive a
service? Would you feel sad, frustrated, angry, disillusioned, left
out?
The barriers are real. They still exist in 2019; they still exist
in B.C. It’s not a sob story. I’m not telling it to make you feel sorry
for me or for the others that it affects. It’s quite the opposite. I’m
telling you this to emphasize the opportunity and the obligation we have
to eliminate these barriers, because they’re real but
unnecessary.
There are more than 926,000 British Columbians over the age of 15
who have some sort of disability, some sort of barrier to full and
equitable participation. That’s nearly 25 percent of the population, and
it’s only going to increase as the population ages. It’s 25 percent that
may not, because of these very real barriers, be able to access their
community, employment or even government services like health
care.
We can change that, but we have to be honest. We have to
acknowledge that the biggest barrier of all is ourselves. It’s our own
biases. In fact, attitudinal barriers are the most pervasive, because
they contribute to all of the other barriers. For example, some people
may not be aware of the challenges that exist in getting into a place
and that can limit a person with a disability from participating. Some
just don’t take the time to think. Others just don’t think it’s their
problem.
Sometimes we stereotype, and we’re all guilty of this in some
capacity. We often stereotype people with disabilities by assuming that
their quality of life is poor or that they are unhealthy or unwell
because of their disability. Others think that disability is a personal
tragedy and something that needs to be cured or prevented. Some think
it’s an indication of the lack of ability to behave as expected or the
lack of a willingness to overcome.
[10:40 a.m.]
Thankfully, broader society’s understanding of disability is
improving as we’re shifting the definition of “disability” from personal
deficit to something that occurs because a person’s needs aren’t
addressed by the physical or social environment. Some of those imposed
barriers are things like communication barriers, physical barriers that
are structural obstacles or in man-made or natural environments that
block mobility. Some are policy barriers that are related to a lack of
awareness or enforcement, that require programs and activities to be
accessible to people with disabilities. Transportation barriers are
often a lack of adequate transportation, which can interfere with a
person’s ability to be independent and function. But there are
others.
Why do these barriers persist? Because they can. They can. As I
was recently told by a business when I suggested some improvements to
certainly would have hoped that people’s thinking would have evolved by
now, thirty years after my injury first thrust me into this reality, but
it hasn’t, at least not enough.
Now, I’ve always been a believer that education and positive
reinforcement was the answer. More carrot, less stick. But 30 years
later, I’ve evolved my thinking, and more stick is required. That’s why
I introduced the new housing amendment act last year, because we need to
be designing and building housing that works for everyone. It’s why, a
legislation.
I’ve followed with interest and anticipation the progress of Bill
C-81 federally since it was first proposed. Like others, my initial
response was hopeful for an all-encompassing law that solved all of my
barriers. So I understand the angst of the community. I live it. I also
understand the jurisdictional issues and the framework that’s been
established and, while there are very inclusive goals, the confines
within which they will be realized.
I believe that with Bill C-81, our country is taking a very bold
and necessary step to ensure foundational change that will profoundly
advance the rights and inclusion of people with disabilities. And now we
are on the path to provincial legislation.
I understand and applaud the fervour of the disability community,
their perseverance over decades and their sense of urgency for the
completeness of the removal of barriers. I also understand, with the
deepest of experience, the realities and limitations of legislating this
change. There is much to do.
A. Kang: Firstly, I want to thank the member for Surrey South for her
passion and her advocacy on this topic. Thank you so much for the
and to recognize all of the great work that the Ministry of Social
Development and Poverty Reduction is doing to improve access and
inclusion for all British Columbians.
This discussion also comes up at a perfect time to highlight that
October is Community Inclusion Month. In this month, we take the
opportunity to recognize people with developmental disabilities and
celebrate the importance of all people being able to contribute and to
be included at home, at school, at work and in the community.
This year the theme for Community Inclusion Month is “The future
is accessible.” Through October, Community Living B.C., service
providers and community groups will host events and initiatives to build
awareness about inclusion for adults with developmental disabilities.
The month also recognizes the important role families, friends,
caregivers, volunteers, community groups and employers play in ensuring
the full participation of those living with developmental disabilities
in our community.
According to the “Canadian Survey on Disability, 2017,” conducted
by Statistics Canada, more than 926,000 British Columbians aged 15 or
older are identified as having at least one disability. That’s 25
percent of our population. As many as 70 percent of people with
disabilities report that they have more than one disability. The
different abilities noted in the report involve seeing, hearing,
mobility, flexibility, dexterity, pain-related, learning, developmental,
mental health–related, memory and much more.
[10:45 a.m.]
Under the leadership of the Minister of Social Development and
Poverty Reduction, as well as our Parliamentary Secretary for Poverty
Reduction, our provincial government is helping differently abled
British Columbians overcome certain disadvantages by implementing the
province’s first-ever poverty reduction strategy. By increasing the
assistance rates by $1,800 a year and increasing the earning exemptions,
provincial programs are relieving more and more British Columbians.
Coupled with other policies, this government is helping break the
poverty trap and opening up more opportunities for all British
Columbians to succeed.
Of course, making our province more accessible and inclusive goes
beyond financial assistance. It also requires us to be involved in our
community, in the conversations, and to invest in our physical
environments. To create an inclusive society that welcomes everyone, all
three orders of government must work together.
Taking, for example, my community in Burnaby, I am extremely proud
to say that the city of Burnaby has made tremendous and thoughtful
efforts to ensure that city bylaws, policy programs and services
appropriately consider gender equity concerns and the needs of various
subsections of the general population and to include children and youth,
the elderly, persons with mental and physical disabilities, persons of
diverse ethnic or cultural backgrounds, persons who are functionally
illiterate, persons of low socioeconomic status and other relevant
groups.
Burnaby facilities are undergoing improvements to include more
portable pool lift or an accessible ramp. Some people may not want to
ask for help, and a lack of independence would create a barrier to
people who have trouble navigating the pool ladder to be more
independent.
The Minister of Social Development and Poverty Reduction is
leading work across government to improve access and inclusion for all
legislation that will bring about a culture shift toward greater
on the rights of persons with disabilities and the principle of “Nothing
about us without us.” I strongly include everyone to participate in the
provincewide consultation process between September 16 and November 29.
For more information, please visit the ministry’s website.
Together we can work toward building a community for everyone,
life is essential to creating liveable communities, including
workplaces, buildings, neighbourhoods and businesses. Building a better
B.C. is the job of all of us.
S. Cadieux: Well, my own disability provides me a perspective. My work with
the disability community broadly, as a board member of Disability
Alliance B.C., my work with SCIBC and other disability groups and my
work as former minister responsible for social programs in B.C. — all of
those experiences have broadened my views and exposed me to the vast and
varied disability experience.
It has taught me the importance of the challenges associated with
bringing those diverse experiences to a common goal. Be it the built
environment, employment, communication, service delivery, transportation
or procurement, the reality is that barriers continue to exist, continue
to be erected. We now have the express intent to proactively confront
those barriers and break them down. So let’s get it right.
We do need to learn, though, from those who have gone before us.
We do need to attempt to move to a national standard and away from
creating yet another different standard. There are good examples of work
already done. We need to recognize that
an act, apart from other
standards like the building code, will be ineffective unless there is a
requirement within the existing processes, like building permits that
have to be adhered to.
For example, in Ontario, despite great efforts to provide built
environment standards that would ensure access and inclusion, it was
deemed unworkable and not included in the building code. So the lesser
minimum standard is still how buildings are built, leaving businesses in
a very difficult position — a building built to a code that doesn’t
conform to the requirements to meet the human rights code or the
rules. People with disabilities are still paying the price.
[10:50 a.m.]
In the case of service delivery, a move to things like kiosks and
self-serve on iPads and the like…. While standards may very well state
that they must be accessible, without a clear definition of what that
means, there’s no consistency or assurance that those kiosks have
Braille or an earphone jack or a help button.
Just like a situation in Vancouver I experienced recently where a
new elevator was installed — no buttons, just a kiosk in the front
lobby. No audible signals. No Braille signage. Someone who was blind
would just have to stand around and wait and hope that a stranger would
arrive and ask if they needed assistance. A very high-tech and, no
doubt, expensive renovation that is an absolute access
failure.
What about our public schools today? Do they meet everybody’s
needs? A constituent of mine, Jacquelyn Perry, shared a very frustrating
story with me. She was asked to do a presentation at her little sister’s
high school. The classroom was not wheelchair-accessible, so they had to
book a special room at a special time to be able to have her present. It
made her feel like an inconvenience and a problem instead of a welcome
guest like everyone else.
There are good examples, too, on display, like at YVR where they
have made very intentional decisions. And just last week I had the
opportunity to test out a prototype wheelchair lift that could provide
wheelchair access to seaplanes, proving that almost anything is possible
with commitment and ingenuity.
The advocates in the disability community, in its broadest sense,
will be looking for the act, both federally and provincially, to bring
about systemic and societal change. It’s a big expectation, but it’s the
right thing to do. It makes economic and, most importantly, social
sense.
PAID LEAVE FOR WORKERS
FACING DOMESTIC AND SEXUAL
VIOLENCE
J. Routledge: Earlier this year this government made some important amendments
to the Employment Standards Act. One such amendment was the inclusion of
new, unpaid, job-protected leave for workers who have experienced, or
are the parents of a child who has experienced, domestic or sexual
violence. Let me tell you why I think this amendment is so important and
why I think we need to do more.
When I was a young woman, I volunteered at a shelter for women and
children who were escaping domestic violence. It was called Interval
House, and it still exists today. It opened in the 1970s in an old house
in an old residential neighbourhood of Ottawa. It looked like all the
other houses on the street, but its location was fiercely kept secret to
protect residents from the very husbands from whom they were escaping,
sometimes with only the clothes on their backs. They often arrived
traumatized, disoriented and humiliated.
My main role as a volunteer was to facilitate weekly house
meetings. Meetings were organized purposefully in such a way as to help
women regain their self-esteem, promote a sense of mutual support and
give them agency over their own lives. Together they planned weekly
menus, resolved interpersonal friction, made and remade house
rules.
Sometimes there were cultural clashes, and the women worked hard
to understand and appreciate each other’s cuisine and customs. I
remember a particularly tense debate about what to do with leftover
potatoes. Of course, the argument wasn’t really about potatoes. It was
more about asserting what feels normal and familiar in an environment
that is anything but normal and familiar.
I also volunteered, on occasion, to staff the crisis line on the
night shift. I remember taking a call from a woman who was being abused
by her husband. She wanted reassurance that it wasn’t her fault that she
was getting beaten up regularly, and she wanted to find out what options
were available to her. Her husband was a doctor.
I recall that two topics dominated the administration of Interval
House in those days. One was a severe lack of funding, and we operated
under a constant threat of closure. Two was how to get the police and
justice system to take domestic violence seriously. We knew that a part
of our job at Interval House was to change the widespread belief that
what happened in one’s home was none of anyone else’s business, that it
was acceptable for men to come home from a hard day at work and take it
out on their wives and, if he was triggered by something his wife did or
didn’t do, that it was somehow her fault.
[10:55 a.m.]
Attitudes have changed a lot since then. Once we as a society
started paying more attention to domestic and sexual violence, we made
some shocking discoveries. For example, we found out that while it can
happen to anyone, women and girls are seven times more likely to face
this type of violence. When we looked even closer, we found out that
Indigenous women are three and a half times more likely to be impacted
than non-Indigenous women. We found out that LGBTQ+ people are more than
twice as likely as hetero people to face it. And three to five children
in every classroom have been exposed to domestic violence.
While domestic and sexual violence may no longer be socially
acceptable, the facts are clear. We as a society haven’t done enough to
protect people from it.
Here’s something else that has changed since I was volunteering at
Interval House in Ottawa. Then, only about 40 percent of women in
domestic relationships were employed outside the home. Today, 80 percent
of married women have jobs.
The good news is that paid employment can provide victims of
domestic violence with a measure of economic security. They don’t have
to stay in an abusive relationship in order to put a roof over their
heads and food on the table for their kids. But it can make them
vulnerable in other ways. For example, the most dangerous period of time
for someone experiencing domestic violence is when they are escaping.
That’s why it’s so important that the address of the safe house remain
secret. But if the survivor is employed, their abuser can track them
down at their place of work, sabotage their work relationships and even
follow them back to the safe house, putting others in danger.
Survivors of domestic and sexual violence need to rebuild their
lives, and having a job is a big part of that. But so are medical
appointments, counselling, meetings with lawyers, going to court,
finding new schools for their kids and finding a new place to live. But
an employed survivor can’t attend those needs without taking time off
work, and that’s why this government amended the Employment Standards
Act to ensure that when a survivor comes back from court with a
restraining order, they have a job to come back to. But unpaid leave
results in loss of income, and for anyone starting over, living close to
the edge, that loss of income can be catastrophic. It can drive them
back into an abusive, dangerous relationship.
This government wants to take the next step. We have already taken
steps to protect the jobs of survivors of domestic and sexual violence.
Now we need to look at ways to protect their income. That’s why we
launched a public consultation program. We want to hear from survivors.
We want to hear from those who provide support to survivors. We want to
hear from those who employ survivors of domestic and sexual
violence.
Domestic and sexual violence has been society’s dirty little
secret. We need to start talking about it. People have a right to feel
safe in their own homes. Together, we can find more ways to protect
them.
M. Morris: This has been a topic, of domestic violence and sexual violence
with children and women and others…. There are all kinds of examples of
sexual violence against men as well. It has been the scourge of society
for thousands of years.
I recall, back in my early days as a police constable, the
majority of my files as a young general duty constable were dealing with
domestic disputes on a daily basis and, all too often, sexual disputes
as well, or sexual assaults involving young children and young women.
Particularly in the small communities back in the early ’70s, there
weren’t too many resources available to police officers to try and find
the help that was necessary to help these people find a safe
spot.
The previous speaker talked about a safe home in Ottawa. We do
have dozens of safe homes in British Columbia, right across the province
here, and there are more being added all the time. But that’s only come
in the last, probably, 20 years or so, particularly in the small
communities.
[11:00 a.m.]
As a young constable, as an example — and I’m sure I wasn’t the
only one — we used to go around the community ourselves and find places
where we could place people who were in those kinds of situations where
they needed to get away and hide for a bit and wait until things settled
down.
The other part of it was that because there were no resources
available, the police themselves acted as a counsellor, acted as a
mediator, acted as a source for alternate dispute resolutions to try and
figure out whether they can get back together in a safe way or not.
Charges were laid in many of those cases that went forward to Crown
counsel. Policies changed with Crown counsel, as well, so that charges
had to be laid in the majority of those cases.
In every respect, the police officers in the small communities and
large communities were following up often. If we’d see the victim on the
street with her children, we would stop and talk to them, find out how
things were going and ensure that they were safe and had the opportunity
and knew where they could go in order to maintain a safe environment to
stay in.
[J. Isaacs in the chair.]
A lot of our missing and murdered women, unfortunately, started off
in rural British Columbia, in small First Nations communities up and
down the coast and were subjected to all kinds of sexual and domestic
violence. They migrated into the centres to try and get away from that
and to try and find the support services that would be available in the
larger centres and, unfortunately, succumbed to alcohol and drugs and
prostitution and some of those other scourges that affect victims of
domestic violence in small communities.
I think we’ve come a significant way forward over the last 30
years in this province in providing the resources necessary for the
victims of these types of offences to recoup from — and for the police
to follow through with charges on individuals and put them through the
court system. The law has changed quite significantly there
too.
One of the things that I was very happy to see when we were in
government: the proceeds-of-crime office seized a lot of money involved
in crime in British Columbia, and we offered it to the different groups
throughout the province on an annual basis. Any group that would be
dealing with violence against women, sexual assaults and those types of
things, would be eligible to apply for a lot of the grants that were
available to provide the services and the counselling to support the
victims of these kinds of crimes.
There are over 240 violence-against-women counselling and outreach
services across the province here, and I think that’s significant. And
there are over 160 police-based, community-based and victim services
programs throughout the province, as well, offering a host of different
support services for victims within that milieu.
One of the things, though, that is disturbing…. The Northern John
Howard Society of B.C. brought together a program here about 20 years
ago or so. It’s the STOP program, Stop Taking It Out on your Partner
program, which was very effective. For some reason, they lost funding
for this particular program for this year, and they haven’t been able to
offer it. But this is one of the most effective programs that we’ve had
in northern British Columbia, and it was copied throughout other
jurisdictions, as well, in order to reduce the amount of recidivism of
men abusing and assaulting their spouses.
This is something that needs to be taken a look at again, but
everything helps.
J. Routledge: Thank you to the member for Prince George–Mackenzie for engaging
in this important topic. I really appreciate him drawing on his
experience as a police officer in being part of a support network for
people who are victims of domestic and sexual violence. He adds an
important perspective and an important sense of history of this issue.
And I really appreciate that this is something that, essentially, we can
agree upon, on both sides of the aisle, about how far we’ve come but how
far we have yet to go.
[11:05 a.m.]
Turning to unpaid leave, the question of turning it into paid
leave is a big step, and it’s a big question. I expect that there will
be some controversy about that. So I would like to take a moment and
talk about what some of the arguments against paid domestic- and
sexual-violence leave might be.
One that comes to mind, that we’re likely to hear, is the issue
of: how do we know for sure that an employee has actually been a victim
of domestic or sexual violence? I am so glad that the member opposite
didn’t raise that question themselves, because, you know, to question
whether or not someone has been a victim of that kind of violence in a
sense re-victimizes the person. In this age of Me Too, we know just how
devastating it is to always to have to explain oneself and always have
to make the case that they were victims.
Now, I firmly believe that one should not have to be airing one’s
very private, very devastating experiences to the employer in order to
get that kind of leave. But I also…. In talking to some of the people in
my community who are advocates for people who have experienced domestic
and sexual violence, they would be open to an advocate or a counsellor
from a safe house to speak on the person’s behalf and basically verify
that they have in fact come there and that they are in fact in the
system.
We can’t wait until it’s been heard in court because that’s the
whole point of the leave — to be able to go to court. But I also think
that if the employer is entitled to that kind of information, the
employer also needs to be obligated to maintain strict
confidentiality.
I see the red light is on.
I want to conclude by thanking the people who have come forward to
make a case. I want to thank those who have supported them, and I want
to thank everyone here for listening so carefully to this. Together, we
can make a change.
Hon. C. James: I ask leave to make a quick introduction before I put the motion
forward.
Leave granted.
Introductions by Members
Hon. C. James: Thank you very much, Members.
The group just left, but I wanted to make sure that we introduced a
group of students who were here from Central Middle School, my old high
school, just down the road from the Legislature. Teacher Jessica Bambrough,
26 grade 6s and four adults were with them. I thank the House for the
opportunity to introduce them.
With that, I’d like to ask the House to please consider proceeding
with Motion 15, standing in the name of the member for
Richmond-Queensborough.
Deputy Speaker: Hon. Members, unanimous consent of the House is required to proceed
with Motion 15 without disturbing the priorities of the motions preceding it
on the order paper.
Leave granted.
Private Members’ Motions
MOTION 15 — RIGHT TO WEAR RELIGIOUS
AND CULTURAL
SYMBOLS IN WORKPLACE
J. Johal: I’d first like to say that it’s a privilege to rise in the House
today to put this motion forward.
In light of recent actions by other Legislative Assemblies in
Canada, I feel it’s important that we solidify our commitment to
inclusion, acceptance and the freedom of expression that has been
granted by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and
extended….
Deputy Speaker: Member, would you be able to make the move?
J. Johal: Sorry. My apologies. I would like to move the motion:
[Be it resolved that this House unanimously affirm the rights of an
individual to wear religious and cultural symbols in the
workplace.]
Deputy Speaker: Please proceed.
J. Johal: As I was saying, I feel it’s important that we solidify our
commitment to inclusion, acceptance and the freedom of expression that
is granted by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and extended
to all Canadians.
Here in this country, we’re rooted in heritage, culture, family
and community, regardless of our background or placement in society. A
part of that sense of community, for many, comes from associations with
religion and with that traditional iconography and attire. A turban is a
symbol of pride. A hijab is a symbol of pride. First Nations dress is a
symbol of pride. A cross is a symbol of pride, as are all other
religious or cultural symbols that honour and celebrate one’s connection
to community.
[11:10 a.m.]
You can ask any member of this chamber about their monthly
schedule, and there’s not one member who has not visited a place of
worship or attended cultural festivals or cultural institutions. Each of
these visits is a reminder of the incredible diversity of our province
and its people. This diversity and sense of inclusion should not be
taken for granted.
On Thursday, I was invited by Richmond Jewish School during a
community celebration. It was heartwarming to see so many children
immersed in their faith and in their culture. Many of them wore a
kippah, the traditional cap worn by many practising Jews. It was a day
of celebration. There were many people of different faiths attending
that day. This, at the core, is what makes our community and country
strong. We are collectively saying, “You belong,” and that’s what’s
important here.
It’s important that this House affirms the right of individuals to
wear religious symbols. I think back to the events on Thursday that I
attended, and I wonder: what messages do we send to our children when we
talk about Bill 21? You know, at its core, we want to tell people: “You
are a part of our community.”
I look back to my own parents’ history here in this country. Both
are orthodox Sikhs. It was a different time. We should know better
today, and that, I think, is the conversation we need to be
having.
Legislation like Bill 21 in Quebec serves as an affront to these
symbols of pride, fosters the flames of difference and prevents us from
rejoicing in our similarities and common connections. The notion of the
bill is clear, and it overwhelmingly discriminates against minorities
and people of colour. Bill 21 bans public employees, including teachers,
judges and police officers, from wearing symbols of faith.
It is not only a violation of freedom of religion as guaranteed by
the Charter of Rights; it also takes Canadians backward in terms of
women’s rights and the rights of minorities, undermining the very
purpose of the Charter.
In a statement regarding Bill 21, the United Church says the law
“sows division instead of weaving a stronger social fabric.” It goes on
to state: “After more than 50 years as a clearly secular state, we
wonder why the Quebec government now fears the personal religious
expression of individuals who represent the state. Why would someone
receiving services from our public institutions consider an employee
wearing a religious symbol to be promoting their religion and therefore
unable to carry out their duties in a professional manner?”
Expression of one’s culture in the workplace, as long as it’s not
rooted in hate and prejudice, should be supported, not suppressed. We
don’t celebrate sameness in this country; we celebrate
diversity.
Given the political climate in the United States and the simmering
tensions being stoked during our own federal election, as we’ve seen in
the last six weeks or so, there’s no better time to cement our resolve
in this House. We may differ in our political leanings and personal
choice, but I know in my heart that in this room we have a common goal,
which is creating the best B.C. that we can, and a part of that is
nurturing acceptance and diversity.
Ultimately, the motion today speaks about belonging, and I hope
that in the spirit of that, you will give us support to this
motion.
I thank you for my time.
R. Kahlon: It’s my privilege and honour to stand today in the House and speak
in favour of this motion: “Be it resolved that this House unanimously
affirm the rights of an individual to wear religious and cultural
symbols in the workplace.” I want to thank the member for
Richmond-Queensborough for bringing this motion forward.
I can’t believe we’re in 2019 and we’re still talking about this
topic. I think we should take a moment and reflect on the progress that
we’ve made as a society. Today is election day, and people are,
hopefully, getting to polling stations, voting and having their
democratic rights, a franchised vote, be made so they can have their
elected officials represent them in this place.
We think about the right of just the vote. In 1940, South Asian
people, Japanese people or Canadians of Japanese descent, Doukhobor,
Mennonites were told they could not vote. Yet over time, we saw progress
in our society, and people came to realize that that’s not right. We
made progress. First Nations were able to get their votes, unbelievably
in the ’50s.
[11:15 a.m.]
I reflected this morning, when I was thinking of this motion, on
Baltej Dhillon, a South Asian Sikh man who was the first to wear a
turban in the RCMP, and all the trials and tribulations he had to go
through to have that right. When he first joined the force, there were
people within the RCMP that told him they would not want to be his
partners. There were people within the RCMP that were starting petitions
to say: “We don’t want him to serve.” There was a Calgary businessman
who started a petition in the community and had pins made of a person
with a turban in an RCMP uniform and a cross across it. These are the
things that he had to go through.
When I see what’s happening in Quebec, when I see Bill 21
presented, I think of all those historical wrongs that we in this
Legislature have seen people apologize for and that we’ve seen, in the
federal parliament, people apologizing for. It is my belief, and it is
my hope, that one day my child or my grandchild will be able to see an
apology in the Quebec chamber on Bill 21, where people will recognize
that this is historically wrong. Given the context of our society, the
things that we’ve done and the progress we’ve made, for us to go
backwards in a province in Canada…. I want them to one day be able to
say that the chamber here stood unanimously together to oppose the moves
of Bill 21.
I think it’ll be a moment of pride for everyone here to be able to
say that. I appreciate there are lots of conversations happening about
jurisdictions. And yes, Quebec can do their thing. But here we’re
unanimous in our support. You know, change comes from within. We must
continue to make progress. We must continue to do things.
I’m really grateful to the member for Surrey–Green Timbers for
identifying changes that we need to make within our own rules to make
this place more inclusive. I know that the Speaker would allow someone
wearing a turban or others to speak in this place, but the rules still
preclude it. So to see that change is an important step. To see this
motion brought together and supported by members of both sides of the
House is a very important step.
I’ll just say, in closing, that we have a lot of work to do, as a
society, to move this conversation along, to make sure that we provide a
more inclusive and more welcoming Legislature. We make it more welcoming
in our politics. We make it more welcoming in every opportunity of
representation. Whether it be boards, whether it be positions of power,
we must make that space.
My hope is that this motion sends a message to everyone in B.C.
that we stand united here in opposing Bill 21, and we stand here united
in wanting a better place for ourselves, for our families, for our kids
and for the next generation.
M. Hunt: It’s my privilege to be able to stand and speak to the resolution:
“Be it resolved that this House unanimously affirm the rights of an
individual to wear religious and cultural symbols in the
workplace.”
I’m grateful to be able to speak to this motion because we’re
debating a fundamental right of Canadians and the
interpretation of one
of the very freedoms that defines this as our nation. We’re talking
about the freedom of religion and the freedom of expression, values that
bring many people to Canada in the first place.
My ancestors left England 400 years ago seeking religious freedom.
First they went to the Netherlands and eventually found their way to
North America in the 1620s. Now, the advance party arrived on the
Mayflower in 1620, but half of them died that first winter.
The First Nations taught us how to live off the land and how to survive
in this area. My ancestors left their homes, braved the new land for the
freedoms — freedoms like religious expression.
It’s disappointing to see Canadians today being denied these
freedoms — freedoms that make Canada the best country in the world to
live. When the Coalition Avenir Québec passed Bill 21, they targeted
judges, police officers, teachers and those working in the public sector
— those who often are the very face of our national identity.
By removing their freedom of religious expression while performing
their duties as public servants, the National Assembly of Quebec has
sent a message to the rest of Canada and to the world that there is no
place for freedom of expression in our national identity. But we know
that this is not the case.
[11:20 a.m.]
Freedom of religion and expression are grounded in our Charter of
Rights and Freedoms under
section 2, which includes the freedom of
conscience and religion; the freedom of thought, belief, opinion and
expression. This is not the freedom from religion nor the freedom of one
religious belief to dominate the others. If my family, which arrived 400
years ago…. Countless families since then have immigrated to Canada to
enjoy that religious freedom. How can we deny that same freedom to those
who come today?
We’re beginning to see cases like Amrit Kaur, a Sikh teacher in
Quebec, who recently moved to British Columbia just so that she can wear
her turban. Amrit felt that in order for her to pursue her passion for
her career and to enjoy her religious freedom, she needed to leave her
home in Quebec and work in schools here in British Columbia. How can a
teacher teach inclusion to our children when they have to hide their
religious identity? How can police officers promote justice when they
feel discriminated against?
It is our job, as elected representatives here in British
Columbia, to use our voices to speak up for our fellow Canadians who are
facing discrimination and oppression here in our own country. All of us
here in the House can certainly exercise our differences of opinion, and
we do it regularly. We can also celebrate the differences we have —
differences of religion, culture and identity.
I’m proud to be from Surrey. As the member for
Richmond-Queensborough who put forward this resolution, yes, I go to
many cultural events in my city where many individuals wear their
religious symbols each and every day. Some wear crosses; some wear
turbans and kirpans . We all celebrate where we’ve come from and
who we are. I strongly support the rights of an individual to wear
religious and cultural symbols in the workplace, and I encourage every
member of this House to do the same.
M. Dean: Thank you to the member for this motion. Of course, we must affirm
the rights of an individual to wear religious and cultural symbols in
the workplace. No one deserves to be discriminated against in the
workplace due to their religion or their culture, and we must stand up
to protect diversity throughout our province.
For example, our government was the first to notice the
discriminatory nature of Standing Order 36. We took action to ensure
that the rights of MLAs to wear religious and cultural head wear in the
House are clear and indisputable, because we know that the Legislature
must be a welcoming place for all people. We thank the Speaker and other
parties represented in this House for helping to pass this motion
unanimously.
The concern was initially voiced by my colleague the member
representing Surrey–Green Timbers that if a Member of the Legislative
Assembly wore a turban, a kippah, a head scarf, Indigenous headdress or
any other traditional or spiritual symbol, it wasn’t certain that they
would be permitted to speak in chambers. Leaving issues of personal
identity to
interpretation or popular precedents makes those protections
by definition precarious. That wasn’t good enough, so she made a motion
to change the standing order.
Making this change ensures that the Legislature remains a safe and
a welcoming space for all Canadians. This is especially important at a
time when we are seeing alarmingly frequent expressions of hate and
racism. Our Legislature must be a reflection of the great diversity of
our wonderful province. As legislators, we’re in a position to ensure
that our systems are supportive of everyone in our province. This
includes modernizing our own procedures to break down barriers, like
this amendment to the standing orders.
Our government is working hard to get results for all people. Part
of that is making sure that our public institutions and workplaces are
just and non-discriminatory and that people are defended if their human
rights are threatened. That’s why we’ve done a number of things to
combat religious and racial oppression in B.C., including
re-establishing the Human Rights Commission. We believe that every
person deserves to be treated with dignity and respect. The UN’s
universal declaration of human rights was ratified over 70 years ago,
yet B.C.’s Human Rights Commission was disbanded in 2003.
[11:25 a.m.]
In 2017, our government consulted with British Columbians on human
rights, and we got a very clear response from our communities. Now B.C.
is no longer the only province without a human rights commission. By
re-establishing a human rights commission, we are creating a more
inclusive and just society for us all.
The commissioner is responsible for promoting and protecting human
rights in British Columbia, with the key function to educate people on
human rights and to reduce and eliminate discriminatory practices,
particularly issues of systemic discrimination — systemic discrimination
like the potential of Standing Order 36, systemic discrimination like
we’ve seen as a result of colonization that needs to be addressed
through implementing the UN declaration on the rights of Indigenous
peoples.
Our government is making reconciliation a cross-government
priority by mandating all ministries to fully adopt and implement the
United Nations declaration and the calls to action of the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. We’re co-developing legislation with B.C.
First Nations to establish the United Nations declaration as the
framework for reconciliation in B.C.
The missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls are also a
priority. I attended the final workshop, held by Elaine Alec. I felt the
power of the work that she guided. That’s going to provide a foundation
for our work moving forward.
This is important work. We must break down the systemic barriers
and call out the hate and racism in our communities. We all have a role
to play. If we’re not taking action, then we are part of the systemic
collusion.
Again, I thank my colleagues for all of their work in tackling
discrimination and oppression and call everybody to action.
B. Stewart: I know it’s a little far forgotten place in British Columbia, but
anyways, we’re very proud of the diversity that we have in our
community, and that’s what I’m here to address today. I just want to
make certain that this House knows that I unanimously affirm the rights
of an individual to wear religious and cultural symbols in the
workplace.
The idea of denying one’s freedom to manifest their religion and
culture is toxic. This motion needs to serve as a reminder that
multiculturalism is a way of life in British Columbia and in Canada. We
often talk about respecting other people. How about we start with
tolerance, the willingness to accept that something different has the
right to exist. By something different, I mean behaviours and beliefs
different from your own and whether you agree with them or
not.
As a former Minister Responsible for Multiculturalism in 2009 and
2010 — that was during the Olympic period — I had the wonderful
experience of not only meeting with hundreds of ethnic groups that were
here in British Columbia from all around the world, but the reality is
that I discovered how diverse British Columbia was. Even I was surprised
by the things that were taking place in British Columbia.
We’re all fortunate to live in British Columbia, the most
ethnically diverse province in Canada and one that has attracted
newcomers from around the world. About 25 percent of British Columbia’s
population are visible minorities, and another 5 percent are
Indigenous.
Multiculturalism is also what makes our province unique and
strong. Because of Canada’s Pacific gateway strategy, we face many
different cultures.
In October of 2013, I had the privilege of being appointed as
British Columbia’s special representative in Asia to further strengthen
British Columbia’s government-to-government relations in China, Japan,
Korea, India and Southeast Asia. My goodness, a huge marketplace,
divergent ethnicities, and the reality is that we need to make certain
that we understand those and be tolerant.
During the 3½ years of this assignment, I had the opportunity to
meet with many local officials to promote and attract investment to
British Columbia and to witness trade being an important driver of
economic growth in British Columbia. Our strength, therefore, lies in
acceptance and cooperation between the many people who call this
province home.
[11:30 a.m.]
That is why it is all the more important to talk about affirming
the rights of an individual to wear religious and cultural symbols in
the workplace. Dress codes are a reflection of the work culture, and
they change with time. The Legislative Assembly here in British Columbia
recently reviewed its 40-year-old dress code to bring it up to
date.
When we think about today’s world of increasing populism and its
potential impact on minorities and religious rights, discrimination
demeans us all. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees
the rights and freedoms of all Canadians. Everyone has the right of
religion. Everyone has the freedom and belief and expression of wearing
religious and cultural symbols as one of the ways that we express
ourselves. That’s the foundation of Canada’s free and democratic
society. The government has the responsibility to ensure that
individuals are able to observe their religion.
You might remember the controversy that several European countries
— including France, Belgium and Denmark — restricted religious symbols
in public, such as face veils worn by Muslim women. Canada is not immune
to this intolerance. Just in this last June, Quebec passed Bill 21,
banning public servants from wearing religious symbols. That was a dark
day in this country’s history. It sends the wrong message to students
when their teachers are not allowed to exercise their religious rights
and freedoms. It does not unite us. It divides us in the form of a
cultural war.
It’s up to every one of us to uphold Canadian values and guard
against hatred based on race and place of origin. Here in British
Columbia, it has not always been the multicultural land that it is
today. Discriminatory policies towards the Japanese, Chinese, Irish,
First Nations, Punjabis, are just a few examples of how minorities were
treated in this province. We as a province have apologized for
historical wrongdoings, but that’s far from enough.
Every British Columbian deserves the right to honour their
heritage and celebrate who they are. We legislators should not
legitimize discrimination against people based on religion or culture.
It’s okay for people to look different. It’s okay for people to speak
differently. It’s also okay for people to dress differently.
M. Elmore: I’m very pleased to rise and speak in favour of the motion, “Be it
resolved that this House unanimously affirm the rights of an individual
to wear religious and cultural symbols in the workplace,” moved by the
member for Richmond-Queensborough.
I’m very pleased to rise and hear remarks from all members of the
House in favour of this motion. I think it shows a united front and a
real commitment that we have as legislators in British Columbia to stand
and uphold human rights for all British Columbians. So I’m very pleased
to rise and speak.
We’ve seen, across the globe, the rise of nationalist, far-right,
racist movements really sweeping Europe, even in terms of seeing
acceptance with respect to citizens of those countries electing
representatives in their legislatures. We’ve seen, as well, the rise in
the United States of the alt-right, the alternative right, movement,
characterized by white supremacy, anti-Semitism and a severe restriction
on immigration, with just terrible stories of children being detained at
the border.
While that was happening, Canadians, I think, felt a little bit
removed from that. But certainly, in terms of the global context, we are
also seeing that in our country and in our province. It’s expressed, as
well, electorally, in our election, around really giving mainstream
voice to these issues — not explicitly, but certainly around severe
immigration restriction. In Vancouver-Kensington, as well, I’ve heard
instances around racism and criticism against refugees. So certainly,
racism is alive and well, and there’s a need for our government and all
elected representatives to take a strong stand against this.
I think we need to go beyond the issue of tolerance. It’s not a
matter of tolerating somebody’s difference. I think we have to look
deeply and really value and respect folks. That also talks to a real
change in attitude and a real transformation of our system.
[11:35 a.m.]
Our government has recognized the need to take steps to address
religious freedom and also respect different cultures here. Certainly,
no one deserves to be discriminated in the workplace due to their
religion or culture, and we must stand up to protect diversity
throughout our province. Our government was the first to notice the
discriminatory nature of Standing Order 36 and took action to ensure
that the rights of MLAs to wear religious and cultural headgear in the
House are clear and indisputable, of course, because we know that
Legislature and government must be a welcoming place for
people.
I also thank all parties in the House as well as the Speaker for
helping to pass this motion unanimously. It was led by an initiative
from the MLA for Surrey–Green Timbers, who wrote a letter to the Speaker
and also moved a motion that was approved unanimously to Standing Order
36. It now states: “Every member desiring to speak shall do so from
their assigned place and address the Speaker.” The change removes a
former reference that required members to be uncovered when addressing
the Chair.
As well, our government has undertaken…. It’s not only changing
laws; it’s changing attitudes, engaging folks in that process. A key
component of that, which really contributed, was publicly engaging
British Columbians on needed changes for human rights protection in our
province. The parliamentary secretary from North Delta tabled a report
in 2017, A Human Rights Commission for the 21st Century: British
Columbians Talk About Human Rights , about needed changes in
human rights protection. We also re-established a new human rights
commission. We’re making reconciliation across government a priority,
and we are also to implement UNDRIP throughout all ministries, so a
comprehensive, systemic approach.
A number of the initiatives and tools that we have in the
Legislature with respect to our human rights code, our Human Rights
Tribunal, re-establishing the Human Rights Commission…. My former
colleagues have mentioned that it was disbanded in 2003. We’re taking a
proactive effort to ensure that education is an important component of
addressing human rights and discrimination and, really, be
forward-looking to engage British Columbians.
The new Human Rights Commissioner mandate is to promote and
protect human rights in British Columbia. Every person deserves to be
treated with dignity and respect.
J. Tegart: I’d like to thank the member for Richmond-Queensborough for
bringing this forward today and giving members of our Legislative
Assembly the chance to clearly and unanimously support this motion and
to speak to our commitment to accepting expression and inclusion. I
would also like to speak out against the decisions made by the
legislators in Quebec.
All of us in here know how much work goes into passing legislation
from concept to implementation. It’s a hands-on exercise that promotes
conversation and reflection with a variety of inputs from staff and
stakeholders. Dozens, if not hundreds, of hours of policy work goes into
a bill before it gets to the floor of the House. In light of Quebec’s
Bill 21, I find it unbelievable that policy-makers would spend their
time discussing, debating and eventually passing legislation that only
serves to degrade society and, by its own nature, primarily impacts
minorities. There is no inherent upside to this type of legislation, so
I don’t understand how it can be supported.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is very clear about
the freedoms that we all share. The most connected to this motion is the
right to the freedom of expression. Religious symbolism is expression —
expression that, devoid of hate and exclusion, of course, should always
be free. Turbans, hijabs, crucifixes or any other religious symbol, for
that matter, do not pose a threat to our society or to our personal
safety.
[11:40 a.m.]
How one chooses to express themselves should not be an issue for
the policy-makers of Quebec to regulate and pass judgment on. To me, the
message of Bill 21 is: “If you express your religious beliefs, you are
wrong. Your beliefs are wrong. Your heritage is wrong. Your expression
is wrong.”
Bill 21 will be damaging to Quebec. It will create rifts and erode
relationships. I’m saddened that the residents of that province have to
bear the weight of that decision, and I implore this House to reaffirm
our commitment to tolerance.
Diversity is a blessing in all of our lives. It excites and
challenges and creates community. Diversity also brings life to our
democratic institutions and to this room. This motion helps reinforce
that. In all things that we work on in this House, I agree that
inclusion and acceptance are the path forward. Celebrating how we are
different is the only way to reflect how we are all so
similar.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to speak to this motion
today. It is an important issue throughout the country as we go to vote
today.
G. Begg: Thank you to this House for this motion: “Be it resolved that this
House unanimously affirm the rights of an individual to wear religious
and cultural symbols in the workplace.”
It is, I believe, a basic tenet of human rights that all persons
have the inherent right to be treated with dignity and respect. That is
a universal declaration: all persons have the right to be treated with
dignity and respect. It follows, therefore, I believe, that no one
should be discriminated against in the workplace due to their religion
or culture, because to do so would not be dignified and respectful
treatment.
I’m reminded today of the terrible attack just about exactly a
year ago at the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh — a unique house of
worship where three separate and distinct Jewish congregations meet in
three separate sanctuaries all under one common roof. A gunman opened
fire, and 11 congregants from all three congregations were
killed.
Today in the United States, the Anti-Defamation League will
release new figures indicating that the number of incidents against Jews
and Jewish targets in the United States reached 780 just in the first
half of this year. At least a dozen white supremacists have been
arrested for such shootings, plots and threats since the deadliest
anti-Semitic attack in U.S. history at the Tree of Life.
We all now live in perilous times. The ugly face of bigotry is
appearing more frequently every day, and minority groups are becoming
increasingly targeted. So what does all of that have to do with us in
this House? We are in the people’s House. We are leaders, and leaders
must lead. That is why it’s so important for all of us to do all we can
to promote diversity and inclusiveness at every level.
I am pleased that our government was the first to notice the
discriminatory nature of Standing Order 36 and took action to ensure
that the rights of MLAs to wear religious and cultural headgear in the
House are indisputable because we know that this House must be a
welcoming place for all people. We thank the other parties represented
here, as well as the Speaker, for helping this motion pass unanimously.
I salute and applaud the member from Green Timbers for bringing this to
the attention of the House.
I am pleased, as well, that our government is working hard to get
results for all people. Part of that is simply making sure that our
public institutions and workplaces are just, non-discriminatory and that
people are defended if their human rights are threatened. That’s why
we’ve done a number of things to combat religious and racial oppression
in this province, including engaging British Columbians on needed
changes for human rights protection in our province and to re-establish
a new human rights commission.
[11:45 a.m.]
We’re making reconciliation an across-government priority by
mandating all ministries fully adopt and implement UNDRIP and the calls
to action of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We’re also
co-developing legislation with B.C. First Nations to establish UNDRIP as
the framework for reconciliation in all of B.C.
Proudly, B.C. is no longer the only province without a human
rights commission. By re-establishing that, we’re doing our best to
create a more inclusive and just society. I’m very proud to be a part of
a government, here in B.C., that is at the forefront of all of Canada in
ensuring that all persons are treated with dignity and
respect.
J. Thornthwaite: Thank you for the opportunity to speak today in support of the
motion to this House, unanimously affirming the rights of an individual
to wear religious and cultural symbols in the workplace.
I believe that it is vital for all members of this House to take a
united stance against intolerance and discrimination. On a national
scale, Canada is known as a cultural mosaic, and I’m privileged enough
to see evidence of that every day, both in my riding and throughout
British Columbia. Unfortunately, though, there are still persistent
dissenting voices that try to disrupt the peaceful coexistence of our
cultural mosaic. These voices strive to divide people based on
difference, rather than unity.
It is saddening to see that even in this modern age of technology,
where the world is getting smaller, and we’re all able to see glimpses
of other people’s lives and cultures, there still are people who choose
to stand divided.
We all love. We all hurt. We all laugh. And we all feel pain. We
are more the same than we are different. In these times of uncertainty,
we need to stand together, not apart.
Somehow history is repeating itself though, allowing intolerance
in our society to remain prevalent. An alarming amount of hate speech is
firing out of the mouths of public figures, off of an anonymous keyboard
or a phone and being spat in people’s faces. Equally troubling is the
sheer volume of personal insults, bullying and threats spouted over
indirectly by those who profess to want to represent you, and I say that
in reference to the election today.
As the critic for Mental Health and Addictions, I feel that it is
important to also highlight the toll bullying and divisiveness can take
on a person’s mental health. Bullying of any kind, especially when
pertaining to one’s livelihood, is incredibly stressful and can result
in serious mental health ramifications. When anxiety becomes crippling
for someone, it can be very difficult to navigate a path towards mental
wellness.
It’s Anti-Bullying Week and Bullying Prevention Month. Tad
Milmine, an anti-bullying advocate who founded Bullying Ends Here,
started his Canada-wide Kindness Tour last week, bringing this Kindness
Tour to schools and parents. “Where are the adults monitoring their
children’s behaviour online?” he asks. Kids don’t start out as bullies —
and I might add, as racists. They learn it from somewhere, and sometimes
they learn it at home.
We all deserve to feel well and to thrive and have positive mental
health. One strategy recommended by the Canadian Mental Health
Association is to help you to succeed and to embrace your culture,
reflect on your heritage, embrace your uniqueness and your
history.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
That’s what makes it essential for our schools, communities and
our workplaces to be welcoming to all religions and cultures. It not
only embraces Canada’s true multicultural nature, but also improves our
mental well-being. We need to stand together, person to person,
neighbour to neighbour, and start making changes to ensure that we
create a world in which everyone feels safe, a world where people are
proud of their heritage and not afraid to showcase aspects of their
culture and their religion, and that they’re proud of it.
British Columbia is made up of a diverse fabric of cultures and
ethnicities which must be supported by all elected officials. It is
critical to work together to ensure workplaces around this province,
including the one we are standing in today, reflect the values and
cultures of all who call B.C. home. I’m proud today to stand against
bullying, against discrimination and against racism and to support
British Columbia’s rights in the workplace.
[11:50 a.m.]
R. Singh: I feel really privileged to be standing today and talking to this
motion. I really would like to thank the member for
Richmond-Queensborough for bringing it up.
We all know that diversity is our biggest strength. Especially as
a British Columbian, living here, being an immigrant, I know the
importance and how I feel privileged to be living in a place that is so
diverse.
That was the reason, Mr. Speaker, that when I first saw Standing
Order 36, looking at the language, I was quite surprised that it was
somehow creating barriers for the people who are representing at the
people’s House. That’s why I wrote the letter and also brought the
motion. I’m so thankful to you, and also to my colleagues for passing
that motion unanimously.
Completely, I really want to thank everybody who spoke today,
bringing the importance that we are living in a free society. We have to
keep it like that. We know we are being challenged by people who want to
distract us, who want to create divisions. It is important, especially
sitting here in the Legislature, in the people’s House, to uphold those
rights for people who are working — for them to wear their religious or
cultural symbols. It is extremely important.
Personally, I would like to just recount about my father, who
wears a turban. He was a professor in India. Although he never taught
here, if he was teaching in any of the universities or colleges here, I
would be very, very disappointed if somebody told him that he cannot
work just because of what he looks like. I want those kinds of rights
for everybody, for those rights to prevail, whether they’re wearing a
hijab, a turban or a kippah.
We, as legislators, have to uphold that. Thank you to all of the
members. Thank you to the member who brought this motion. Really, it is
an honour to support it.
S. Gibson: I welcome the motion proposed by the member for
Richmond-Queensborough: “Be it resolved that this House unanimously
affirm the rights of an individual to wear religious and cultural
symbols in the workplace.”
It’s tragic, in many ways, that we have to even speak to this here
today, but it’s important that we do so in light of our heritage and who
we are as British Columbians and, indeed, Canadians.
A new party elected in Quebec — their goal is to completely
enforce secularity. The dark side to this bill, of course, is that it’s,
in many ways, discriminatory. This is ironic because, I suppose, in the
hearts of these individuals, their aspiration is to create some kind of
secular state which is tolerant to the extreme, but actually, the
opposite is taking place.
I think my colleagues, in particular, have spoken very well. I
don’t want to repeat what they’ve said. I think it’s clear that you
can’t regulate faith like this. One of the tragedies is that they want
to do it in the face of government. The list, of course, is well known —
teachers, police officers, judges, many others. They’re denied the
opportunity to wear any kind of religious symbols at all. So we’re
effectively in the situation where we’ve got a whole two-tiered system
in the province of Quebec.
I would suppose that people coming to our country because of our
heritage and legacy of freedoms and the fact that we’re one of the most
highly regarded countries in the world…. I believe that people are going
to be fearful moving to Quebec with religious beliefs. It’s tragic. I
find it almost overwhelming when I think about it.
Now, I come from the Abbotsford-Mission area, and Abbotsford is
well known with the nomenclature of the “Bible Belt.” But we have many
other places of worship in our community, and people get along very
well. They serve on committees together, on boards. There’s a great,
healthy dialogue in our community.
[11:55 a.m.]
As a matter of fact, my wife and I attend a church in Abbotsford
which has a history of being persecuted, a history of its members being
persecuted and run out of a country as well. I count it as a privilege
to be able to attend that church — my wife and my family.
There’s no doubt that this legislation in Quebec is dark. In many
ways, it could be characterized as evil. It’s totally out of context
with who we are as a nation. I’m so thankful that this is something that
has provided a mutuality of agreement on the floor of this Legislature.
Indeed, I’m very encouraged by all of the remarks made by both sides of
the House from the members.
S. Gibson moved adjournment of debate.
Motion approved.
Hon. C. James moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 1:30 this afternoon.
The House adjourned at 11:56 a.m.
The Official Report of Debates ( Hansard ) and webcasts of
proceedings
are available on the Internet. Chamber debates are broadcast on
television.
Copyright © 2019: British Columbia
Hansard Services, Victoria, British Columbia, Canada