British Columbia Hansard — Monday, January 26, 1970 — Afternoon Sitting (29th Parliament, 1st Session)
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British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1970 Legislative Session: ist Session, 29th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
MONDAY, JANUARY 26, 1970
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page 17 ]
MONDAY, JANUARY 26, 1970
The House met at 2 p.m.
THRONE DEBATE
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable the Leader of the Opposition.
MR. DAVID BARRETT (Coquitlam): Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that
they have installed new microphones because I have always had some
difficulty with my voice in the past. I want to say at the outset that
I welcome the new members here in the House, and I appreciate the
comments of good wishes from the Premier. I know that if I am in any
trouble at all, Mr. Speaker, the first person to help me out of a jam
will be the Premier, and I look forward to his counsel and advice. I,
too, understand that he must leave early today and I can appreciate
that he has very good reasons for that. No, it's not because of my
speech. I must tell you a bit of an amusing story — I did bring my new
suit with me today, but I forgot my belt, so I have a borrowed belt,
something borrowed, I have a new suit, something new, and what I have
that is blue is all the bad news for the Government. May I say to the
new members that it is difficult for me to realize that this is almost
my tenth year here, and time goes very fast, and for some of us,
regretfully, time is very devastating. The mortality rate in terms of
political life is very severe, especially on this side of the House
anyway, and it seems that ten years have gone by very, very quickly.
When I came to this House, at this date some years ago, the member from
Kootenay was celebrating his birthday, and today is his birthday and he
is 62 years young …(applause)… I think the way things are going he
and the Premier are going to be here for another 100 years. They are
the two senior members of the House, and they seem to have long
political lives and in the political parlance, twelve votes is as good
as a 1,000 as long as you win, and I'm glad that my friend is back with
us.
I don't know all the new members, but I hope to meet them very
shortly, but I am very, very happy with the new member we have from New
Westminster and I'm sure he will give a terrific account of himself. I
thought I could spend some time reviewing the election, but there was
not very much good news in it so I thought I wouldn't spend too much
time reviewing the election. The Premier won a magnificent victory, and
he is to be congratulated for that. It was only afterwards that we
found out he was plugged in to God, and some of us have been asking the
question, who was it — was it the B.C. Telephone Company — or was it
the member from Kamloops who plugged him in, but in any event, he seems
to be on the line. He plugged himself in. Well, I won't say anything
more about that. In terms of the position I find myself in, I thought
that I would really be able to come up with those kinds of statements
that I was plugged in to God, or I was ordained, and my ego really did
take a bit of a boost over the fact that all of a sudden I found myself
as Leader of the Opposition, and to really impress me about this, I was
pleased that my wife and my children were excited about it, too. As a
matter of fact, a reporter phoned my home shortly after I was named the
Leader of the Party, and the reporter asked, "Is the House Leader
there?" and my son answered immediately by saying "Just a minute, I'll
get my mother." A prophet without recognition in his own home. I've had
some anxiety and pleasure about approaching my job, and I've tried to
find out some way of describing it, and the best analogy I can make is
almost like a porcupine approaching the problem of making love. It has
both pleasure and anxiety built in. But if you think that we have
trouble, one of our troubles has been reduced by the fact that our
ranks are reduced…
SOME HON. MEMBERS: …Right…right!
MR. BARRETT: …it cuts the competition down. But what are
you going to do over there? I think you have to look to Shakespeare for
some of the answers to problems faced by the Government. Who is going
to be Brutus? Please stand up! …(laughter)… Where is Cassius? And
then of course, we look for Lady Macbeth! Other things have happened
that can be related to Shakespeare. After all, who else could make the
resurrection of King Lear as quickly as the Premier of this Province
did.
You know, Mr. Speaker, it was interesting to see that the former
Minister of Highways has been now placed in the position of being the
Minister of Welfare. He's going to change the name of the Department. I
imagine he is going to start some re-training and rehabilitation
programme. Some wag suggested to me that probably the first thing he
would do is give a course in real estate development alongside
highways, Mr. Speaker, because many people have been helped from
unemployment on that particular course of action, and I know that the
Minister wants free enterprise to be spread amongst the poor. So I look
forward to seeing him develop that course. Some of us have long
memories, and I haven't forgotten many things that have taken place in
this House. I regret that in the printed version of the Speech from the
Throne, Mr. Speaker, there is no mention of the passing of Alex
Matthews, former member from Vancouver Centre. It was mentioned in the
Speech from the Throne, but if you check the printed version, it was
regretfully omitted, and I hope that something can be done about that.
I went through the Speech from the Throne and I noticed a number of
very interesting statements. A lot of them are comparable to other
Speeches from the Throne. On page five, there's a statement saying the
expansion of the industrial and commercial life of the Province
continues to be reflected in the outstanding rate of growth in the
labour force and improved working conditions. I'm pleased to note that
last year there were more persons employed in British Columbia than
ever before. What the Speech didn't mention, Mr. Speaker, was that
there are more unemployed in British Columbia than ever before, and
there are more people on Social Assistance rolls in British Columbia
than ever before in the history of this Province. The last statistics
would indicate that we would be well over the 100,000 mark of people on
social welfare in this Province, and they can't all be deadbeats, Mr.
Speaker. There is no mention in the Speech from the Throne about that.
Yet when they talk about employment, they also brag about the fact
that Japan is becoming our second largest customer. This Government
can't see the foolishness of the fantastic commitment we have made in
our economy of exporting raw material to feed another country's economy
without the profit even staying here in British Columbia. Both the
Kaiser Corporation, that is exporting coal at a fantastic rate from
British Columbia, and other primary investments in this Province are
reaping the profits to be taken out of British Columbia and spent
somewhere else. The audacity of the Kaiser deal, Mr. Speaker, was the
fact that out of the $55,000,000 that they were to spend on capital
investment, $35,000,000 of it was borrowed from Canadian
[ Page 18 ]
banks. Taken out of Canadian banks, out of Canadian
taxpayers and Canadian wage-earners, little bits of savings to finance
a huge American Corporation to exploit our resources and not leaving
any kind of pool funds for mortgages for the average wage-earner to
have a chance of building a home in this Province. I don't think it's
anything to boast about, and this Government shouldn't have put it in
the Throne Speech. I noticed on Page 6 it mentions that the gaol
population is down, and it's true, but part of the reason is, Mr.
Speaker, that the system of putting the chronic alcoholics into Oakalla
has been terminated, which was a good move. But we still have no
detoxification centre in Vancouver and the chronic alcoholic is just
sobered up in the city gaol and turned out on the street to continue
the same pattern of behaviour, without any commitment by this
Government towards service or rehabilitation. Over $60,000,000 a year
is made in the sale of alcohol, and despite all the pleas by every
member in this House against the evils of alcohol, except for a few — most of us are against the use of alcohol — this Government continues
to ignore its moral responsibility in providing services to people who
are chronic alcoholics, and I think it's regrettable.
Of course, one of the things that's also missing from the Throne
Speech is the chronic care hospital promise. You remember that promise?
That was good for an election in 1965, '60, 1963. As a matter of fact
one of the members who used it as a lead item in his '63 campaign and
was elected at that time lost in '66 because he didn't fulfil that
promise, but he is back in the House, Mr. Speaker, and I hope to see
him on his feet fighting for chronic care hospitals as soon as
possible. But some of the members on that side of the House, Mr.
Speaker, are committed to the philosophy of "why ruin a good promise by
doing something about it?" They've been using those promises year in
and year out and hundreds of people, thousands of people, are faced
with economic ruin because of the fantastic cost of chronic hospital
care. I was amused, Mr. Speaker, to get the new catch phrase. Was it
from the O'Brien agency? Was it our friend Bill Clancey? Or was it from
Lovick's? How much do you pay for the words "human betterment", "good
life", "rounded life", "debt-free", "time-table for progress", "keep
B.C. moving", "dynamic year"? This is the most sloganeering Government
that British Columbia ever had, and now of course there is this
"rounded-life" gag that we've got in the Throne Speech. I remember the
Throne Speech that came in one year — "human betterment" — "now is the
time — we're going to spend all of our efforts in human betterment".
The Minister of Municipal Affairs was then newly made the Minister of
Welfare. He was going to charge in with his input-output theory and he
was going to put all the welfare recipients in one end and the money in
the other end and pull the lever and thus solve the problem in the
middle. Somebody pulled the plug on him, and away he went and left the
idea of human betterment, and now we've gone into the rounded life. I
don't think it's fair to the new Minister of Welfare to talk about the
rounded life…(laughter)…but I want to tell you this, Mr. Speaker,
that the changes of name and the quick answer and the insults to people
who are on welfare in this Province do nothing to solve a vexing
problem, not caused by democratic socialism, Mr. Speaker, but caused by
freebooting private enterprise that has privilege for few in our
society. Mr. Speaker, it's their welfare system caused under their
society, not the kind of world we want to live in nor the kind of world
we want our children living in, and the 49,000 children who have to
rely on social assistance should not be classified as dead-beats;
they've never even had a chance at life. It's really ridiculous to see
the kind of sloganeering that goes on. Let's have some progressive
ideas. Let's have some projects. Let's have a change of attitude. But
let's not carry on the myth that somehow people on welfare are
dead-beats, Mr. Speaker. They'd like a chance at the good life too, and
we've got to give them that chance.
I would think, Mr. Speaker, that this is the first time we haven't
heard about the Government's disaster fund. You remember a few years
ago we set aside $50,000 to deal with disasters as they showed up in
the world? I'm not talking about the election disaster — $50,000.
couldn't solve that one — but I do think now is the opportunity for the
Premier of this Province to announce in this House that, despite
Ottawa's hesitation and Ottawa's stupidity in its hesitation, some of
that disaster fund will be released by the people of British Columbia
to help relieve the starvation in Biafra. I think that the Federal
Government is showing a singular lack of action and concern over a
severe problem. Everybody in the world knows that Canada has no vested
interest in that problem over there and I know that there isn't anybody
in this House who would oppose the immediate granting of some funds to
the Nigerian government or to the International Red Cross to see if we
can do something to help in our own little way here in British
Columbia. I don't think we should wait for Ottawa. We've waited too
long for them for so many things.
I also note, Mr. Speaker, that in the Throne Speech there was no
mention of the schools freeze. The construction of schools has been
frozen, and the member from Delta was on his feet in this House on
Friday and I expected him to get up and attack the Minister of
Education, and I expected him at least to attack the Minister of
Finance over the fact that in Delta one of the most severe problems of
school overcrowding exists. Delta is even growing faster than
Coquitlam, Mr. Speaker, and I don't want the Chamber of Commerce of
Coquitlam to find out that I said that, but it's true, and where was
the member from Delta? Was he up asking for more school facilities for
his constituency, or was he up fighting the Minister, saying "you've
forgotten us in Delta"? Was he attacking the Premier as the Minister of
Finance? No, no — he was attacking Ottawa. He said Ottawa was trying to
make Delta a different country. I want to tell you, if I lived in Delta
and was treated that way by this Government over the school issue I
would ask for Ottawa's protection, Mr. Speaker. If this Government
can't assume its responsibilities in protecting the children of Delta
and guaranteeing them a decent education, then of course they should
look for more vigorous action. I'll give the member another chance to
redeem himself. He can go down the corridor right now and demand,
through a press conference, for a release of funds for Delta and all
the other school districts, because I know that this Government is
deeply concerned about the education of its youngsters in this
Province. Why else would the school freeze be lifted briefly last
Spring? Someone suggested the school freeze was lifted just because an
election was coming. Now who would say such a thing like that about
this Government? Shame is right. No-one in this Government would play
politics with the education opportunities of the children of British
Columbia. Although some of my friends in the Liberal Party are cynical
of my approach, I want to assure them that I am doing my best to
convince people that they weren't playing politics with the children,
that it was just by accident that the freeze was lifted prior to the
election and put on after the election campaign was over. In
[ Page 19 ]
Coquitlam we have thousands of children on shift,
we have an extreme problem of having inadequate facilities to house
children. I made a tour of some of our school facilities prior to
coming to the House, and I think it's regrettable that the Government
hasn't taken positive action to release funds that people have freely
and democratically voted on to spend for themselves. It's not a
question, Mr. Speaker, of people asking for things that they already
haven't made decisions on. In the democratic structure of School
Districts that this Government boasts about we have passed referenda
and we have asked for the money that we wish to spend on our children's
behalf, and this Government refuses to give it to us. If that isn't the
hand of big oppressive government I don't know what is, Mr. Speaker.
Don't you believe in democracy? You've gone one further and you've
ruled out even the opportunity for people to vote on referenda.
And then of course the whole question of democracy — I have watched
the Minister of Municipal Affairs and how he handles himself in the law
and order syndrome and I watched him do the kind of dance around the
tulip that he's so famous for. You know, Mr. Speaker….
AN HON. MEMBER: He's a new Tiny Tim…. (laughter)….
MR. BARRETT: Yeah, well he's Tiny Tim without a Vicki, I'll
tell you. But I watched him and, you know, it was very interesting. He
was on this committee that was dealing with the possibility of oil
drilling in the Gulf. He says "We'll do what we want. Ottawa will mind
its own business, and they can take their laws. We're going to do what
we want here in British Columbia, you're the law," says the Minister.
"We're not going to drill in the Gulf, we're going to go at it from an
angle." And then I thought, "He's moving on, he's doing the right
thing." Then I heard the Minister of Mines and Petroleum Resources say
"No, no, we're going to drill in the Gulf." But the compromise is that
they're going to be drilling in the Gulf on an angle, they're going to
lie on their backs while they're drilling in the Gulf, and that's the
kind of garbled report that they're going to give. We know very well
that if they want to drill any oil wells, break any Federal law in
existence, law and order stops over there, Mr. Speaker. We've seen it
in the Stellako River log drive. We've seen how you act towards Federal
laws — you ignore them. You think you're a law unto yourself. But then
watch the same Minister turn the page when Delta signs an agreement
with the National Harbours Board and then the wrath of the Minister
rises up and he says "You can't do that, you're breaking the law," and
all the outrageous words of frustration and anxiety pour out from the
Minister. Where do you stand on this? Do you agree in breaking the
Federal law? Stand up and be counted, for the people will know where
you stand. Break the Federal law when you can do it, but if it's
anything else — don't do it. Now Big Daddy, I mean Minister of
Municipal Affairs, I think you have to go over and talk to those
people. Standing on the Island here and yelling across isn't going to
solve anything.
I'm glad that that Minister (Hon. W.D. Black) is back, because he
reminds me now of something I wanted to tell him, and I'd almost
forgotten about it. He's living down here, the comfortable life, but I
was in his constituency just before Christmas and it was most
interesting. When I toured the Member's constituency I took a bus from
Nelson to Cranbrook. I didn't have a chauffeur, because I wasn't
carrying any films with me, but I took a bus through a number of small
towns on the way to Cranbrook, and in one particular small town, the
name of which I'll give the Minister after I'm finished speaking as I
don't wish to raise it here in the House, the bus stopped in front of
what I thought was a shack. It had nothing more than two rooms, Mr.
Speaker, and in the front yard was a pile of coal covered with a little
bit of snow, and a couple of dogs. As the bus stopped a woman got on
board. She was in her mid-forties — no teeth. A man and three children
came out of the house dressed in rags, Mr. Speaker, and I'm not
exaggerating. That dull, overwhelming look of poverty on the children's
faces, the father standing with a ripped shirt saying goodbye to his
wife, all three children with very, very bad teeth. And that's not new,
we've heard many, many reports of the condition of children's teeth in
the Province. The thing that struck me, Mr. Speaker, was the similarity
of the situation I had found in that shack outside of Nelson to the
trip that I had taken in Mexico this Summer. Rural poverty, Mr.
Speaker, is the same in British Columbia as it was in Mexico, but at
least in Mexico the clothing was better, and if you don't believe that,
Mr. Attorney-General, I'll tell you the place and you can come with me
and we'll go there. The Minister knows that there are some rural areas
in this Province that are so poverty-stricken it makes you wonder
whether or not these people have ever heard of the good life. The kind
of tar-paper shacks that people have to live in in the rural British
Columbia is unbelievable. Mud shacks in Mexico, but at least the
weather is warmer there, Mr. Speaker, the weather is warmer there and
mud is water-proof. I wouldn't have mentioned this except that the
Minister reminded me he was here, and I thought I would tell him how
things were up in his riding, because they're a little concerned that
he doesn't spend as much time as he should up there. But I said he's
doing a good job down here. I praised him up to the skies — I figured
that would cost him a few votes anyway.
Now, Mr. Speaker, we've had some amusing happenings since the
election. One of the most amusing was the announcement by Dr. Gordon
Shrum that there'd be an increase in hydro rates. Now this wasn't news,
Mr. Speaker. Earlier this year, in September of this year, I revealed
that there had been a secret minute of a Hydro Executive Meeting,
indicating that from July of this year there would be an increase in
hydro rates simply because costs were soaring and they couldn't handle
the budget. That was known before the election, Mr. Speaker, but never
a word was mentioned about it. "Well, they didn't tell Mr. O'Brien",
says the member from West Vancouver–Howe Sound. I didn't know that he
had to clear everything, but the interesting thing was after I made the
statement that there was this secret minute, Dr. Shrum denied it.
"That's nonsense," he said, "everything is lovely in the garden.
There's not going to be any hydro rate increase — I don't know where
Barrett gets this stuff from, he just doesn't know what he is talking
about." So I immediately gave the press a copy of the minute, and Dr.
Shrum's reaction was "Oh — the secret minute." Then the Doctor went on
to say, in describing this — and I get along very well with him, I
think I've met him — he went on to say, "You know, a social worker
shouldn't talk about hydro rates." I know I shouldn't, the mess it is
in I'm sure to get a shock, Mr. Speaker. But everybody pays hydro bills
here, and I wouldn't ever lower myself to attack anybody who speaks
about hydro rates, even hardware merchants, they are all free to talk
about hydro rates if they want to. They won't need permission from me.
[ Page 20 ]
AN HON. MEMBER: That's taking a superior attitude.
MR. BARRETT: …not a superior attitude, I'm just trying to
get myself up to the pedestal of Dr. Shrum, because I know that all
good blessings flow from him through the Premier. He has admitted that
all decisions of the hydro are political. But because I said that I
would like to talk about his minutes, Dr. Shrum then admitted that
there were minutes, and that I was correct in quoting him. But he said,
"I'm standing by everything I said in regard to Mr. Barrett's
statement, there never were any secret minutes, if he, Barrett, had
wanted this information he could have asked for it." Isn't that nice? I
was very happy to see that, so what I did, Mr. Speaker, was that after
I saw that report in the paper on the 25th, on the 26th I wrote the
following letter to Dr. Shrum: "Dear Sir: Would you please be kind
enough to add my name to the mailing list for the B.C. Hydro and Power
Authority's Executive Minutes. Thank you for your cooperation." And do
you know what happened? I got two replies. And it's not at all as he
said in the paper. "October 3rd. — Dear Mr. Barrett: (that's very
nice)…. I wish to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 26th of
September asking that your name be added to the mailing list for B.C.
Hydro and Power Authority's Executive Minutes. At the present time
these minutes are distributed to the Director, our division heads, and
a few department managers. However, I shall put your request on the
agenda at the next meeting of the Executive Management Committee and
our secretary will advise you whether or not your request has been
granted." Well, after all, he said in the paper all I would have to do
is ask for them. And then I got the reply on October 14th — "Dear Mr.
Barrett: (Dr. Shrum isn't writing me any more…. it's from his
secretary) Dr. Shrum has submitted to the Executive Management
Committee the request contained in your letter of the 26th of
September. The Committee has instructed me to advise you that your
request cannot be granted." Now who is running things over there, the
secretary or Dr. Shrum? They are not going to give me the minutes, and
I want to say that whoever dropped those previous minutes in the mail
to me for my attention, the leak in the Committee is most welcome, and
I would like to have some more minutes because I can't get them from
the top.
MR. H.P. CAPOZZI (Vancouver Centre): Five more minutes….
MR. BARRETT: Well now, there's the happy voice of the member from Vancouver Centre. I'm glad that that member is back with us this year.
AN HON. MEMBER: Hear! Hear!
MR. BARRETT: I'm glad that that member is back with us this
year. If we are going to suffer the 38 of them, we might as well have
the worst one with the bunch…. (laughter)…. if we have to live
through that we might as well go whole hog. But you know, Mr. Speaker,
it's interesting to go along with the power rates. When I said that the
Government knew in June, and Dr. Shrum denied that the minutes were
there, and then he said, "Oh, those minutes." and everything else. The
interesting thing is that Dr. Shrum gives the bad news. All of you who
are students of political science as I am remember the Premier going
out to the little town of Chilliwack after the B.C. Hydro was taken
over, and standing up and announcing, "B.C. Hydro rates will be reduced
every year for ten years."
AN HON. MEMBER: He can't count.
MR. BARRETT: Well, when his prediction came apart, who did he
get to announce it? Dr. Shrum. No wonder Dr. Shrum is piqued, no wonder
he's upset — he had to carry all the bad news. I have great sympathy
for Dr. Shrum, and I'm sure that like the other 36 civil servants he'll
get a gold watch for his many years of service. That was very important
to put in the Throne Speech. No mention of collective bargaining for
the civil servants, but they did throw around a few gold watches. No,
they can't afford an electric watch, as my friend says, but I'm sure
that the Doctor will earn his too. But the Doctor made an interesting
statement: "Political decision Hydro policy." I would like to ask the
Government right now, what are the political decisions? I know that the
hydro directors who are here in this House will stand up and bare the
facts as to what has caused the increase in the hydro rates, and also
we would like to hear how much money they are behind on the Columbia
River deal. They got skinned, Mr. Speaker, and now it's coming home to
roost. There will be a great deal more said about hydro rates during
this Session, but I would just like to share with you this excerpt from
the Dominion Bureau of Statistics on electricity bills. December, 1969,
Domestic power rates across Canada, Ottawa for 500 kw per month: $4.14,
1,000 — $6.52. York, Ontario — $5.75 for 500, $10.25 for 1,000.
Winnipeg — $6.21 for 500, $11.12 for 1,000. Edmonton — $7.00 for 500,
$12.00 for 1,000. Toronto — $7.35 for 500, $13.65 for 1,000. Calgary — $7.45 for 500, $12.95 for 1,000. Regina — $9.35 for 500, $16.40 for
1,000. Vancouver — $9.98 for 500, $15.23 for 1,000. We have the highest
hydro rates for home users anywhere in Canada outside of 1000 kw per
month for Regina. This great Province, abundantly endowed with rivers
and hydro resources, has the highest monthly hydro rate of anywhere in
Canada, except Regina. That's flat prairie with no Hydro resources at
all. It's twice the amount than Ottawa, one-third more than Winnipeg,
and one-fourth more than Edmonton. Some power policy, some reduction,
some help it is to fight inflation here in British Columbia. The
greatest fiasco on the hands of this Government, Mr. Speaker, is its
power policy come home to roost, and when I've written the Ministers
asking for an estimation of the cost of Peace River power, either I
don't get an answer, or I get an answer like the one I got from Dr.
Shrum that is straight flim-flam. We'll spend a great deal more of this
Session, Mr. Speaker, discussing the hydro situation in this Province.
Politics! Politics! Politics! It interfered in every single hydro
decision made by this Province, and the man who tells us this is not
someone in the Opposition, Mr. Speaker, it is the man who is the
chairman of B.C. Hydro itself, and who am I to doubt his word, even
though he didn't send me the minutes.
Now Mr. Speaker, I want to spend
just a few moments more, I'm not going to speak very long today, much
to the pleasure, I'm sure, of the members back there, I want to spare
you the agony. I know how difficult it is for you to suffer through
this, but I thought that I would just spend a few moments talking about
a particular resource in this Province, and how a Government confuses
itself around this resource. Why does confusion happen? How, when they
had the advice of the member of the Opposition to warn them of the
pitfalls of what they were going into rather than listen and heed, Mr.
Speaker, they charged on full blast. It will come as a surprise to some of you that I'm going to talk
[ Page 21 ]
about Cypress Bowl. I've spoken on this subject for five years in
this House, although my friend the Liberal member from West Vancouver
said in 1968 I was just making up this issue…
AN HON. MEMBER: Playing politics.
MR. BARRETT: …playing politics with the issue when I spoke
about it every year for five years. I excuse him if he is going to
sleep through some of my speeches. Mr. Perreault, who used to be a
member of this House, and Mr. Gordon Gibson, who used to be a member of
this House — they both attacked me for raising the Cypress Bowl issue.
I don't want to belabour the member for West Vancouver, Mr. Speaker.
The Liberal members have enough trouble, there they are squeezed
between the two parties they dislike — it's bad enough living in here
without having it hammered into them. But they are the purest, and I
want to show you how they are able to change their position without
even the noise of gear shifting taking place; they are the most
shiftless policy changers that I know…
AN HON. MEMBER: Hydromatic.
MR. BARRETT: …but that's a separate story, Mr. Speaker.
The hydromatic policy switchers. Back in 1965 I was concerned about
Cypress Bowl, and I wrote the Minister of Recreation and Conservation
about the area. You see, I knew that an Order-in-Council existed, that
had been passed in 1944 by a previous Government to acquire this area
for parks purposes. That's why the trade took place, that's what made
it legal. We gave away other timber areas to acquire Cypress Bowl for a
park. It was unique. It was declared by law to be acquired for parks — that's the only way it could have been acquired.
AN HON. MEMBER: Who said that?
MR. BARRETT: Would you like a copy of this? I made a couple
of copies available to the Minister because he didn't seem to know it
was around. That was the great Liberal government, and I hope the
emphasis is correct. Being somewhat innocent five and six years ago, I
wrote the Minister of Recreation and Conservation, and said, "Tell me,
what is the status of this parkland?" This is a letter I got back at
that time from the Minister of Recreation and Conservation — "November
30, 1964. Dear Mr. Barrett: Re: Cypress Bowl. I have your letter of the
19th of November re: the above. This is not park land. The original
reserve was for watershed purposes, and I understand it is no longer
required." That's in conflict with the Order-in-Council. At the time I
raised this in the House, Mr. Speaker, you know what happened? When I
read the Minister's letter to him he accused me of being devious. Can
you imagine anyone being accused of being devious simply for reading a
letter that a Minister wrote. I can't help what was in that letter. The
Order-in-Council stands, Mr. Speaker, and there's been no alteration of
the legal status of that Cypress Bowl area and it should be a park and
it should never have been alienated.
Then, of course, we had the promoters come in with none other than
Bill Clancey, one of the shadowmen who deals with this Government. Time
and time again his name has come up. The member from Vancouver–Point
Grey wants to know who he is. The previous Liberal leader said he was a
fine upstanding citizen of West Vancouver, when the former Liberal
leader was backing this plan.
Anyway, there was a great controversy over logging, and at that time
even our friend from West Vancouver was backing the logging. He said,
and I quote from the Vancouver Province of November 20th, 1968:
"Liberal MLA Allan Williams of West Vancouver jumped into the Cypress
Bowl controversy Tuesday, charging the issue as being a political
manoeuvre by the New Democratic Party." There he is, a member of the
N.D.P. is attempting to further personal political ambitions. Look what
happened to me, my friends, you're wrong again. "Charges that the
project is a profitable exploitation of public land are a smoke screen
to obscure lack of constructive land development problems. Another
spokesman for the Socialists," said Williams, "suggested the
development should have been undertaken by the Regional park
authorities, and" Williams said more seriously, "this statement
indicates clearly that if this development were to be placed under the
N.D.P. the costs would be added to the burden already carried on by the
local taxpayer." Mr. Member, get together with your leaders. Who wants
it placed under the Regional Parks authority, and to even quote you,
Mr. Member, through you, Mr. Speaker, on November 25th, 1969, saying,
"MLA Allan Williams demanded Monday night that West Vancouver halt the
controversial Cypress Bowl project until the Regional Parks District
agrees to develop the area…or let us stay there until the trees
grow back." Oh, Mr. Member, repent now. You know, Mr. Speaker, I don't
like to rough him up on this deal because he was really an innocent.
How anybody in West Vancouver could be an innocent is a good question,
but he was an innocent, and we won't bother with his problems any more.
But I want to narrow the whole thing down to the strange events in
fall of '69, when we found the Bahamas Port Authorities through the
Benguet Corporation, was going to become a partner of Alpine Outdoor
Resources in the development of this area. It started off very simply.
We have a quote from November 17th, 1969 from the Vancouver Sun
saying "Municipal Affairs Minister Dan Campbell has held a secret
meeting with the West Vancouver Mayor Alec Forst in an attempt to bring
complete control of the Cypress Bowl Development into Provincial hands.
Forst and West Vancouver Manager E.G. Barnes revealed the meeting this
morning." Then, on November 18th when people found out who the Benguet
Corporation was, we have the following statement from the
Attorney-General. "Attorney-General Peterson promised Monday to
investigate the background of a Manila-based firm that is involved in
the financing of Cypress Bowl. 'I can say that anything to do with
organized or syndicated crime is not welcome in British Columbia',
Peterson said. 'Even if it's money?' said a reporter. 'Even if it's
money,' Peterson stated." The Minister should talk to his colleagues.
That wasn't the initial reaction of the Minister of Lands and Forests,
Mr. Speaker, his reaction was, we don't have to check out where the
money comes from. Then on November 18th we had a statement from Alec
Forst, the Mayor of West Vancouver. Peterson also appeared to be in
conflict with Mayor Forst. The Mayor said, after Council meeting Monday
night, "We want a ski development in Cypress Bowl. Does it really
matter where the money comes from as long as we get the development we
want?" That's his statement and he can live by it.
The Sun learned that five members of The West Vancouver Council were
told by Municipal Minister, Dan Campbell, Oct. 10 that the Bowl
developers had offered a multi-million dollar performance bond. Exit
the Minister of Municipal Affairs. He
[ Page 22 ]
knows when to get out. The Minister visited West Vancouver October
the 10th, but the Council of West Vancouver did not find out that
Benguet was involved until a month later. Did that Minister know that
Benguet was involved? In a statement from West Vancouver Council on
November 2ist, "After an extraordinary two-hour breakfast meeting
today, the Council said it knew from a visit by Municipal Affairs
Minister Dan Campbell, that further financing was being sought for the
development. But Campbell gave no indication of a change of ownership
and the first the Council knew of the change was a story in the
Vancouver Sun." What did the Minister know and what was he over there for?
Now we begin to see the explanation of the entrance of Benguet, and
remember this was a hot and hectic news item for a number of weeks. It
got a number of Ministers very, very excited, and almost cost a
reporter a shirt. On November the 25th, "Lands and Forests Minister
Williston said today that Wallace Groves, (Wallace Groves is the
President of the Benguet Corporation), Wallace Groves wrote to him in
September asking about development in Cypress Bowl. Williston, talking
to reporters today, said he received a letter sometime in September.
Williston said the letter referred to discussions a Manila-based
company had had with Alpine Outdoor Resources Limited", referred to a
discussion that Alpine had with Benguet. Williston had said Monday
night in Victoria that the leases had not been signed on behalf of his
Department of the Provincial Government, although leases had been
granted which the Minister had denied. He then retracted and said that
it had been signed by his Deputy, Mr. Borthwick. The Minister had said
earlier in the day that he would not grant leases on Cypress land, on
Crown land in Cypress Bowl, while the Attorney-General's Department is
investigating new participants in a company planning recreational
development. The very minute he was saying that, the leases had already
been signed, Mr. Speaker.
Then on November the 26th he explains the error. He goes on to
explain that, "Representatives of Benguet Corporation have been dealing
with the Provincial Government for months on a proposal that includes
the sale of residential lots in West Vancouver's Cypress Bowl…. Lands
and Forests Minister Williston said his Department has granted
three-year leases to Cypress Bowl developers for 632 acres of Crown
land…. Williston had said Monday that no leases had been granted….
Williston said Monday's denial that the leases had been issued was due
to confusion. 'I led to the confusion. I was in error.' He meant to say
that developers had to get approval of a development plan from the
Government before they could go ahead, rather than getting actual
leases."
Williston released the text of a letter from Groves. This is the
letter that Mr. Groves wrote: "Dear Sir: As you know, we, on our behalf
and on behalf of the associated companies, are negotiating for the
takeover of Alpine Outdoor Recreation Resources…. We would like to
make clear to you our position with regard to the present commitments
of Alpine Outdoor Recreation Resources Ltd….
(1) We expect to
complete the major access road in accordance with the provisional
standards…
(2) We intend to develop, construct and make whatever
capital investment is required to create public recreational
facilities…" Then it goes on, it says, "We intend to develop fully
serviced recreational homesites for sale to the public…." That's
what it said in the letter. It goes on to say "We intend to develop all
necessary commercial or additional resort-type facilities…"and
everything else. Then it concludes with this interesting paragraph. "We
wish to thank you and your office for the assistance which you have
given our representatives in developing the background information and
in understanding the Government's philosophy in creating the Valley
Royal complex."
This is what the Minister said about that letter. To a suggestion
that there had been previous correspondence between himself and Groves,
Williston said, and I quote "No previous correspondence." Asked to
explain at what level contacts had been made, he said "A representative
had probably discussed it with a Departmental official." He himself may
have discussed the project in general terms with Departmental
officials. "I never had any long discussion," he said. Asked with whom
he had discussed the outlining of the background of philosophy, he said
"I don't recall specifically, it may have been Eadie." Mr. Eadie was
the principal of the company.
Then, of course, the Government announced that it would reconsider
whether or not Benguet could come in. The Attorney-General's
investigation was still going on, and at that time, on November the
27th, the Vancouver Province
announced that they had been in
touch with a Roland Crandall, the Vice-President of Allen and Co. of
New York City, an investment and banking firm and the third largest
stockholder in Benguet. I think it is coincidental that Allen and Co.
is one of the principals in a consortium that handled B.C. Hydro bonds.
But the interesting fact is that the Minister said that he knew nothing
about the Allen and Co. that's involved with Benguet. Yet he is a
director of Hydro, and I quote, November 28th, 1969, "Williston was
asked if he is familiar with the investment firm, Allen and Co. of New
York, which has been involved in marketing B.C. Hydro securities…and
is a shareholder in Benguet. Williston, a director of B.C. Hydro,
said he was not aware of Allen and Co." I found out who Allen and Co.
was within fifteen minutes, and they are in a consortium that handles
B.C. Hydro bonds, and I would have thought that the directors of B.C.
Hydro would know who is selling their bonds.
Here are excerpts from the Vancouver Province of a
conversation with Mr. Crandall of the Benguet Corporation. "Total
investment in the proposed recreation-hotel-residential complex would
be at least 25 million dollars, possibly as much as 50 million dollars,
with skiing facilities used as a come-on, the way we use gambling
casinos in the Bahamas. A basic idea behind all our projects is to make
a fast return on investment by developing and selling, or leasing,
residential land while hotel and recreational business builds up."
Crandall said "We got 75 per cent of Alpine's land holdings,
developments to date, plans and agreements." What agreements? Who said
that there could be any residential development in that area? Who said
there could be any subdivisions in there? Where in the world did
Benguet get the idea that there could be subdivisions allowed in that
area? "It looks like an exciting development," said Crandall. "I'm not
too worried about the opposition to it."
"Premier Bennett said Wednesday the entire Cypress
Bowl Development will be held in abeyance until the whole matter is
cleared up by an investigation now being made by the Attorney-General."
Then the heat was off for a little while. "The Provincial Government,"
it was announced on November 27th, "has told developers of Cypress Bowl
Recreation and Resources Development to get rid of the Benguet
Corporation which has gambling interests in the Bahamas or the deal is
off." What deal is off? "Resources Minister Ray Williston made the
announcement in a written statement today. He said Alpine can go ahead
with Cypress
[ Page 23 ]
Bowl Development providing they find financing that is acceptable to
the government." In November 28th, "The Benguet Corporation is
considering sending its top men (out of the Vancouver Sun, I
quote) top men to B.C. to try and persuade the government to allow it
to stay in the Cypress Bowl development plan. A Benguet official said
the move was suggested to them today by William Clancey, West Vancouver
public relations man. Clancey has been public relations man for the
Cypress Bowl development since its inception and has had long
association with Premier W.A.C. Bennett…. Roland Crandall said
Clancey had been on the telephone to the company's lawyer earlier today
and had suggested (he, Clancey suggested) the top men of the company
fly to B.C. to try to change the government's mind. Clancey's Vancouver
office said he was 'travelling' and not available for comment."
Then I made a public claim that the leases granted to Cypress Bowl
were illegal. The Minister denied that they were illegal. But then on
reading what I had said in my statement he agreed that the leases were
illegal because they had not been gazetted and, in fact, my information
actually gave him an out. So the leases were illegal, and Mr. R.W.
Redel said on December the 2nd that Barrett was right. The Director of
Lands confirmed that the lifting of a reserve was not gazetted, it was
strictly a clerical oversight, but it could be put in any time he
wanted to do it and that would validate the leases, said Redel.
Now we have all of this confusion around the leases, and we have all
this confusion around residential development, and we find that the
Minister was shocked to learn that an engineer had done a study for
8,958 residential lots in that area. The Minister wanted to know who
gave that electrical engineer the request to go in, the authority to go
in. Who requested him to do that study for 8,958 lots? On November the
27th the Minister said in the Vancouver Province, page 1, he
said and I quote, "I accept responsibility if anything goes
there."…. "I know of no situation that is as tightly controlled
as this happens to be." Williston rejected a reporter's suggestion that
recent disclosure suggests that something is fishy about the Cypress
Bowl development. "It has been spread on the table at all times."
That's what the Minister said. "That is completely unfair. Nothing can
move unless it happens to be approved by myself." Why did that engineer
go in and design electrical loads for 8,958 lots? That's my quote, not
the Minister's. The Minister said nothing goes without his approval.
Does that include plans for the subdivision?
On November the 26th, Mr. Speaker, the Government issued a
three-page statement, signed by the Minister, and the three-page
statement has a number of points. They're numbered. They go up to 26.
This statement was made available to the press and was widely
distributed in British Columbia. Item No. 20 says, and I read, "On June
6th, 1969, following concurrence by the municipality of an interim
logging report, the Minister renewed the cutting permit." June the 6th.
Point 21. "The Minister advised the Municipality by letter dated June
the 20th, 1969, of the current stage of negotiations with the
developers. This letter dealt with clearing the slopes, constructing
the access roads, the user charge, and the issuance of leases…." The
current stage of negotiation with the developers. That letter, too, was
made available by the Minister. You read the letter and there is no
mention of subdivision, there is no mention of developing home sites,
there is no mention of electrical loads going in for 8,958 lots. Where
in the world did Alpine and Benguet and that electrical engineer get
the idea that there was going to be a subdivision in there? This
confused the Minister. You wanted to know what was going on. He said
Benguet has been confused.
Williston was asked, December the 8th, 1969, by the Vancouver Sun
if the Benguet group had not carefully studied the three leases which
Alpine had been granted…. "'Well, they obviously interpreted — I can
only assume they interpreted them to mean that they had these rights
whereas they did not,' the Minister said. Williston said he believed
that the Benguet people were led to understand that the government had
given approval to a large commercial residential development in the
bowl." The Minister said that Benguet had been led to believe that.
That was on December the 8th, 1969, and the Minister wanted to know why
Benguet thought that way. On the same day the headline in the Vancouver
Province said "'Benguet bought the Brooklyn Bridge,'" says
Williston, an accusation by Lands and Forests Minister Williston that
Alpine Outdoor Recreation Resources Ltd. tried to sell government
rights it never had. "'This places a grave doubt on any future dealings
in resources by members of Alpine insofar as I am concerned,"'
Williston told the Province. He said he made his discovery about Alpine
on Friday morning at a brief meeting with the representatives of
Benguet." Benguet came to the Minister, Mr. Speaker, and said they
thought they had bought residential lots, a right to develop
subdivision, and when the Minister heard that, his response was that
Alpine was being nasty and should not have given that impression to
Benguet and therefore Alpine was no longer wanted by the Government in
the Cypress Bowl deal. He said "And I found out in unmistakable terms"
and I quote the Minister, "that what they thought Alpine had was rights
to a fairly large real estate development. In fact a large real estate
development had never been discussed, but they thought Alpine had
cleared all that." Now they thought they had a large real estate
development but the Minister said it had never been discussed, and I
could only gather that this was the basis of their interest rather than
a mere ski development. "I have no confidence in the management of the
Alpine Resources because they have not been acting in a responsible
manner," said the Minister. Who gave the indication of subdivision,
Mr. Speaker? The Minister was asked if somehow a civil servant could
have done that. "By telephone," he replied. On December the 8th, the
Vancouver Sun: "The Minister promised repercussions within his
department if he finds that civil servants indicated approval to Alpine
for a large scale residential development in Cypress Bowl instead of
the intended recreation development."
Alpine then wanted its turn, Mr. Speaker. After reading in the
newspaper what the Minister said about Alpine they came to Victoria and
they tried to clear their skirts. This is what the Minister said on
December the 11th, 1969, in the Vancouver Sun, "'Someone is not
telling the truth about the proposed subdivision of Crown land in
Cypress Bowl: Resources Minister Williston said today. The Minister
held an hour-long meeting this morning with George Reifel and C.H.
Wills, former officers of Alpine Outdoor Recreation Resources Ltd….
"'You have to accept people on their word," Williston told reporters
after the meeting. He said it is obvious that either the original
Alpine directors or their Bahamain executive successors,
representatives of Benguet Corporation, are not telling the truth.
However, he was not willing to say which group he thought it was."
I quote further — December the 11th, Vancouver Sun — after meeting with the Minister Alpine had said to the
[ Page 24 ]
Minister, and I quote the Minister, "They (Alpine) stated
unequivocally on two counts that they never at any time gave Benguet to
understand that they had rights to a real estate development other than
what was completely understood between themselves and myself". Here was
the Minister and Alpine. They had never at any time — that's a truthful
statement — and I'll refer to that later. Williston was asked if he
withdrew his earlier statements about Alpine trying to sell rights in
Cypress Bowl which it never had. "No", he said, "as I told you people,
they were given the opportunity to explain their actions and I have
certainly nothing to disprove their explanation". He said there is no
contradiction in what Alpine said it told Benguet and the understanding
between the Alpine directors and the Government. "Obviously, then,
someone is not telling the truth", a reporter suggested. "That's
right", Williston said. He was asked which group was not telling the
truth and he said "I haven't reached that conclusion yet, I'm just
telling you the situation". He said the only question which he wanted
answered was whether the Alpine group "openly misled me" — Williston.
"And did they?", he was asked. The Minister said "You accept people on
their word — I have no way to prove it".
What is the truth, Mr. Speaker? Who gave the indication that the
subdivisions were okay? What did Alpine have in its possession that
Benguet thought was worth a million dollars? Could civil servants have
given the okay without the Minister's knowledge? The Minister said not.
Why does the Minister blame Alpine for giving the wrong impression to
Benguet, then back off by saying someone is not telling the truth?
Maybe the answer lies in a letter not mentioned in the statement given
to the press and to the people of this Province in the
summary handed
out on November the 26th by the Minister. Between the items 20 and 21
there is another letter, Mr. Speaker, that has not been disclosed to
the public of this Province, and it is a letter sent to Alpine, and I
intend to read that letter now because in this letter lies the answer
to the confusion around the whole question of subdivision in Cypress
Bowl. It is a two-page letter, it is dated June the 17th, 1969, and it
is file No. 02500591. It is to the Alpine Outdoor Recreation Resources
Ltd. and, it is from the Department of Lands and Forests, and it says,
"Dear Sirs,
Reference is made to the studies which
have been carried out in the Cypress Bowl recreation area to determine
the feasibility of development of the subject land for both winter and
summer recreational use. Approval in principle to develop those
portions of the subject lands referred to as Areas 1 to 9 inclusive in
the Valley Rural Development Plan dated June the 4th, 1969, which has
been filed in the Department of Lands, Forests and Water Resources
under Plan 6, Tube 904 is hereby given on the following basis."….
Approval in principle is hereby given — approval in principle to the
plan of development is hereby given on the following basis….
"No. 1: Rights-of-way to accommodate the lift lines
will be issued subject to
section 70 of the Land Act following
completion of a Legal Survey of the same on the ground. Term of the
rights-of-way will be 21 years and the annual rental payable for the
initial five year period will be based on five per cent of the value of
the land over $50 per annum."
(This wasn't referred to in your letter of June the 20th to the Mayor of West Vancouver)….
"No. 2: No formal tenure will be granted over those
areas of Crown lands required for ski runs, trails and other facilities
which are deemed to be of public nature by the Minister.
"No. 3: Any areas required for public parking will be
disposed of on a leasehold basis with no option to purchase. Rentals
will be a nominal sum of $25 per annum. on the understanding that the
Company will survey, construct and maintain such areas at no charge for
the use.
"4: Areas 1 to 9 inclusive of the Plan 6 will be
disposed of on a lease development purchase basis. The leases will be
issued for a maximum term of ten years but the option to purchase may
only be exercised over those portions of the leasehold that have been
fully developed in accordance with the purpose and conditions of the
lease.
"5: No application to lease will be entertained by the
Department until a detailed plan of development and a time
schedule for
completion of same has received approval of the Department. In this
connection it is pointed out that it will be necessary to submit a
detailed development plan acceptable to the Department of Municipal
Affairs for Area 4.
"6: The lease rental will be based on five per cent of
the appraised value of the land at the time the lease is granted and
the development lands will be disposed of at the initial appraised
value, providing the option to purchase is exercised within the first
three year period of the lease. If the option to purchase is exercised
at the first yearly lease the purchase price will be set at the
prevailing price, prevailing appraised value.
"7: Crown lands leased for subdivision purposes will
be subject to all requirements of the Department of Highways, the
Department of Health and other such authorities having jurisdiction in
the area. All subdivisions carried out must be fully serviced with
roads, power, water and must meet the full requirements of the Land
Registry Act and also have the tentative approval of the Subdivision
Approving Officer before the option to purchase may be exercised."
(8,958 lots — these are not simply little cabin lots, Mr. Speaker, because that's covered in the next item.)
"8: Crown lands leased for individual building sites
in isolated areas must be retained on a leasehold basis until the
construction has been undertaken to the satisfaction of the Minister.
It must be understood that the purchase option will be restricted to
those lands required to accommodate the building improvement.
"9: Additional Crown lands within the Reserve Area
will be made available for development where in the opinion of the
Minister such lands may be required to expand the facilities of the
Recreational Area." Copy to the District Forester in Vancouver and to
Mr. E.G. Barnes, the Municipal Manager, Corporation of West Vancouver.
The letter to Alpine, indicating how subdivisions will be granted, is
signed by the Minister of Lands and Forests, Mr. Williston.
That's what Benguet bought, that's what Benguet thought it had bought for its million dollars.
AN HON. MEMBER: Subdivisions.
MR. BARRETT: Subdivisions wasn't mentioned by a civil
servant. Subdivisions wasn't mentioned out of a figment of imagination
by Alpine. Subdivisions weren't made up by Benguet. They were going on
the strength of a letter from the Minister of the Crown.
AN HON. MEMBER: Date?
MR. BARRETT: June the 17th.
[ Page 25 ]
AN HON. MEMBER: Then they weren't buying….
MR. BARRETT: Oh, Mr. Speaker, why wasn't this letter put in,
why wasn't it put in the
summary? What did Benguet think they had
bought? The Minister must now explain why this letter was not
disclosed. The Minister must now consider where this letter puts his
career in light of his previous statements…and I want to repeat my
call for a judicial inquiry into this whole matter to answer the
following questions: Why was the original Order-in-Council acquiring
Cypress Bowl ignored? What was the Minister of Municipal Affairs doing
in West Vancouver? What was proposed at that secret meeting? What
knowledge did the Municipal Affairs have in financing for Alpine? How
long has the Provincial Government known of Benguet's interest in
Alpine? What did the Attorney-General's investigation of Benguet show,
if indeed such an investigation did take place? Why were the leases
granted without proper gazetting? What is William Clancey's role in all
this? Why was the Minister of Lands and Forests' letter to Alpine of
June the 17th, 1969, discussing subdivision suppressed? And last, has
Benguet been told that they are out, or are they still under the
impression they can go ahead? Let me say, Mr. Speaker, that I would be
most interested in the Minister's reply, and I hope for a judicial
inquiry.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable First Member for Vancouver–Point Grey.
MR. PATRICK L. McGEER: Mr. Speaker, we have a new Parliament
and naturally I welcome back the familiar faces, all but one on the far
side of the House, as well as the new members who are taking their
places.
I must say that we Liberals find ourselves in the unusual position
of having the Socialists on our right and Social Credit on our left,
but we hope the new members who are on this side of the House will
catch the spirit of this side of the House. I notice the Member from
Dewdney has been placed on this side of the House and he told us at the
last Session that he was going to fight like a tiger and perhaps this
Session he'll catch that spirit. In any event, there have been some
fighting speeches made from that corner in the past and we look forward
to hearing from that little rump group down there.
Well, Mr. Speaker, we have had an interesting opening to the
Session. I want to compliment the two speakers who opened the Debate.
The member from Delta certainly gave a new twist to separatism in his
opening address because it looks like we've got Canada seceding from
British Columbia and I'm sure that the Federal Government is shaking in
its boots today with the statements of the Minister of Municipal
Affairs — I don't know whether we're going to promote him to the
Minister of War — but certainly it's a turn-around. And I enjoyed the
opening speech of the new member from Revelstoke-Slocan. I thought he
had some excellent ideas. I'm going to forgive his fighting the
election all over again because we've had a lot of that from the riding
of Revelstoke-Slocan, and I can understand the preoccupation of the
members from that riding. I've been in this House for eight Sessions
and in that time we've had five different members from that riding, and
I don't blame the people from Revelstoke-Slocan for being confused.
They've sent three government members and, or two government members
and three N.D.P. members, and it's a riding that needs a lot of
attention, and they haven't discovered the formula yet, but they'll get
the message soon and return a Liberal member and then we'll start to
get some action.
I can't, Mr. Speaker, forgive the member, however, for castigating
the B.C. Teachers' Federation for expressing their views about the
educational situation in British Columbia and being prepared to back
their views up with advertisement — that's what people in a free
society should be free to do in an election.
But I don't think any member from Social Credit, particularly one
who himself publishes a newspaper, is in any position to raise
questions about election expenses, and I wasn't going to do so myself
until I heard that speech. But when I did, I began to gather together
some of the material which appeared during that election campaign from
one city, the city of Vancouver and one medium, the newspaper medium,
and I brought it in today. Here it is. One month's. Mr. Speaker, I said
people should be free to express their views but I don't think this
kind of thing should happen in any election campaign. Each one of these
ads is worth about $2,000. The B.C. Hydro — 2,000; 4,000; 6,000; 8,000;
10,000, 12,000; 14,000; 16,000; 18,000 — day after day these appeared.
B.C. Hydro, that's the public's money being used for your advertising
purposes in an election campaign. Look at them all. And now the rates
are going up.
AN HON. MEMBER: To pay for the advertising.
MR. McGEER: Why, that's what is in an individual paper that's
a captive of the Government. The Attorney-General smiles, Mr. Speaker,
but look what he did during the election campaign. The next time some
company won't hire you because you're a foreigner fight back.
2,000; 4,000; 6,000; 8,000. This is what you took out of the public
purse to get yourself re-elected. I'm kidding, he says. No, Mr.
Speaker, I'm not kidding, because at the same time the Attorney-General
was doing this, the advertisements were appearing in our newspapers in
British Columbia advertising for jobs in the Civil Service, saying only
Canadian citizens can apply. At the same time. Here's more. Greater
protection for B.C. consumers. That's the Attorney-General's
department. That's the public money you took and I am only taking one
city and one medium.
Now we come to the Minister of Health. What did he do to get
himself re-elected? He dipped into the public pocket too. British
Columbia Health Branch water quality standards. Who are we kidding, and
here they are: — 2,000; 4,000; 8,000, and so it goes. Plugged into
God? You're plugged into the people's pocketbooks. That was pretty
obvious, Mr. Speaker.
Some of it isn't so obvious, but when you consider the person it
should be. M.J. O'Brien, there's an impartial man for you. Well, he is
just a little partial to the party in power. Now, there's a question
here that the public should think over very carefully, Mr. Speaker,
because this ran into hundreds of thousands of dollars of the public's
money. It may have stopped short of a million, I'm not sure, but the
questions are on the order paper. This man with his personal ads. Does
anybody seriously think he paid for that out of his own pocket. It
doesn't appear on Social Credit's returns. Certainly, paid for it out
of his own generosity. He was after only one thing and that's the B.C.
Hydro account. Look at what it was worth there and he got it. And he
got it and he got it. This is the most outrageous kind of patronage
we've ever had in the Province.
[ Page 26 ]
AN HON. MEMBER: Right after the election he got it.
MR. McGEER: He paid for it, he got it. Some we don't see at
all. Here's a big one. That one's worth three thousand, maybe five I
don't know. We ran one. We still owe the bank.
British Columbia for Bennett Committee. The British Columbia for
Bennett Committee — was that Gunderson and Clancey? That doesn't appear
in your totals either. More and more of these. Pulp mill effluent
control. There's the Lands, Forests and Water Resources. These are not
the only odours that are coming from that Department. The Department of
Education. This was a legitimate one and I want to congratulate the
Minister. It's the only one I found. Then we come to all the ones that
were put in by the Government itself. I'm for Premier Bennett. That's
what the ad says. I'd like to know who it is that's for Premier
Bennett. Did they pay for those ads? Did they pay for those ads?
AN HON. MEMBER: The people paid for them.
MR. McGEER: Or was it all those people who testified before
the Liquor Control Commission? And here they go, page after page after
page of them. Don't say there isn't special favours involved with that
kind of thing because there is. Right directly from the peoples'
pockets. Part directly from the peoples' pockets. Part directly for
patronage and part for privileges from the Government.
The lesson is this, Mr. Speaker: like it or not, elections can be
bought. This is one of the dangers of our times because the media is
very powerful and you can buy the media with advertising. There it is.
And what we must have in this Province. Remember this is where we are
going — this is just an opening round, all of this — no hesitation on
the part of the Government to take hundreds and thousands of dollars
out of the taxpayers' money to use it on advertisements in the media.
No laws broken, what that's done. Does it influence the outcome of
elections? You bet it does. You bet it does. This is why we have to
have limitations on election expenses to end this sort of thing. These
people keep referring to the Sun. The Sun's kept you people in
office. Six times as much coverage as the other parties. How much do
you want? And how much does that member who publishes a newspaper want
in the way of advertising? There are 106 weeklies. They weren't left
out either. They weren't left out either. We want fixed election dates.
We want tight regulations put on election expenses. We want an absolute
ban on Government advertising during election campaigns.
AN HON. MEMBER: Liberals always did want fixed elections.
AN HON. MEMBER: That's an old joke, get a new writer.
MR. McGEER: What happened shortly after the election? All
those advertisements we had — the news that many suspected would come — and that is that the B.C. Hydro rates would increase. The Speech from
the Throne didn't have much to say about it. Pussyfooted around what
has to be the most important economic issue facing the public of
British Columbia. Everywhere governments are urging restraint and the
request is out from responsible people everywhere. Use restraint.
Control inflation. We don't see that in the Throne Speech. Why not? How
can the Government? It's going to reach into the inflationary flames
because that's what this proposed hydro rate increase is going to do.
That's right.
The worst and most costly settlement in Canadian history was that
Seaway Workers' settlement. You agree. I'm sure the Federal Government
rues the day it gave that settlement. I think there were pressures at
the time. If you look just in isolation at that situation you might
have said, "Well, you're a Canadian, and American workers side by side
with a huge disparity in wage rates, grain shipping contracts to
fulfil, most important waterway in Canada." These are pretty
compelling reasons for settling a strike. 30 per cent, yes. That was
the problem because everybody else wanted 30 per cent and that
settlement itself didn't add to our cost of living, but there's a
lesson there. Governments set the pace. Governments set the pace and
the others keep to it. Now are you going to lose that lesson? Because
it was a costly one and this is the whole point. If you don't observe
restraint why should anybody else?
What's this power rate increase going to do? One thing it's going to
do is push rents up everywhere in British Columbia. Do you expect the
landlord to absorb all the cost? Prices are going to go up on
manufactured goods. Unions are going to take all of this into account
next time they come up for discussion of wages.
I have been besieged by mail about this hydro rate increase. Here's
some of it here. Letters from individual people. Listen to what some of
these individuals who got sucked in by all this advertising have to
say now. "Three years ago we built our home and because of its location
we felt that heating it electrically would be a wise choice. At that
time we were told by B.C. Hydro that our Government's plan for
producing so much power through the Peace River and other proposed
projects would undoubtedly lower electrical costs. Now we are faced
with astronomical heating bills." Here's another man at seventy and
still working. "You can be sure it is important that I let you know how
I feel about B.C. Hydro's proposed increased rates and passenger
travel. We've worked hard all our lives, with little or no holidays, to
be self-supporting in our declining years and we can't afford these
increases." Here's one. I was sent a carbon copy of this one. I'd like
to know what the member from Shuswap's reply is going to be because
it's addressed to him.
It puts it pretty bluntly. "Where are the steady reductions in
utility bills promised by the Social Credit party in election
campaigning?" Well, where are they? They're never going to come. This
is his letter, not mine, Mr. Member.
You know, we have a rather strange situation. Amongst the pleas that
I've received are carbon copies of four sent to the Government by
Unions. How often has the Government got up and asked for Unions to
show restraint? Now the shoe's on the other foot, because the Unions
are asking for the Government to show restraint. We know who pays the
bill in the end — the public. Either way they lose out. But this time
the Unions that are asking the Government to show restraint are the
very same Unions whose contracts will come up for negotiation this
Spring. All throughout the construction industry in British Columbia we
are going to have renegotiations of major contracts. In the face of
this, can Government set a 15 per cent pace? Can we learn the lesson
from the Seaway example? I say we can't do this. No matter how grim the
short-term financial picture is, we've got to tolerate it until we can
find a more propitious time.
Items quite apart from the timing of any increase in power rates,
the reason and the amount need to be thoroughly justified. We all know
that the capital financing of Hydro in recent years has been entirely
from captive
[ Page 27 ]
accounts. You don't need to show a balance sheet to get the money
from the Workmen's Compensation Board or the Teachers' Pension Fund or
the Canada Pension Plan. All you got to do is have the Premier initial
the papers. That's how you get your money. So why is it suddenly so
essential that the Hydro has a big profit? What are the Hydro's capital
demands? Where is the current financial statement? What's changed since
last year when there was a profit of $9,000,000?
If Hydro is short of funds, why is it that it's being forced to give
up its railroad? Because, Mr. Speaker, this is the most profitable
railroad per dollar invested, in all of North America. It is going to
operate a toll gate to Roberts Bank, and just when the bonanza is about
to come, it's being taken away from the Hydro. At a time when Hydro has
to go and ask for more money from the public. What could be more
inconsistent, the C.P.R.? The Hydro railroad is profitable and you know
it's making money, so why is it being taken away? Why, when we're short
of money should they take that railroad away from the Hydro? So it can
be put on our electricity bills? The B.C. Hydro has a lease on all that
traffic, they make the profit, and you're going to take those away at
the time when the directors are saying that the Hydro is desperately
short of money and it's going to start losing, and you want to put up
electricity rates for all consumers, and start an inflationary trend in
British Columbia. This is the time to take that railroad away?
Mr. Speaker, the financial operations of the B.C. Hydro have been
shrouded in mystery ever since the Government took over. The only
people who know are the bankers of Wall Street and the Cabinet
insiders. This doesn't speak well of public corporations. In the old
days of the B.C. Electric the rates were justified, in public, in front
of the Public Utilities Commission, and we may not have liked the
financing and the service, but at least we knew what it was. And now
the Government takes it over.
AN HON. MEMBER: Look who's on the Public Utilities Commission.
MR. McGEER: ….That's fine. There is another way of going
about this, Mr. Member, and I'm not suggesting that we go to the Public
Utilities Commission, but I do say we have to know the whole truth
about Hydro's financing operation. That's why I give notice today, Mr.
Speaker, that I'm going to move that a Special Committee of the House
be formed to consider all matters relating to the B.C. Hydro and its
financing, and that the committee of the House, after reviewing all the
financial considerations of the Hydro, should make recommendations back
as to what we could do, and to recommend as well changes in the B.C.
Hydro and Power Authority Act, that will be necessary to give the
legislative recommendations effect.
I was shocked by the revelations of Chairman Shrum, when he called
up to have an interview about the B.C. Hydro. He said this: "The
Government could not have carried on without reducing rates. Political
considerations and economic considerations are not always the same." He
also said that some large-scale users such as pulp mills and chemical
companies got their power at cost until May 1st, 1969. Is that where
all this advertising money came from? The big companies were getting
their power at cost all these years. Who set their rates? Who set their
rates? Chairman Shrum refers to political considerations that are
different from economic considerations. Power at cost. We in the
Legislature didn't set the rates for industry. Dr. Shrum never set the
rates for industry. The Premier set the rates for industry. Those were
the political considerations. That's what causes the rates to be set
and those political considerations mean that the pulp mills get their
power at cost. That's why we have to have a Committee of this House and
begin to examine the proposed rate increase. We want to know who is
going to pay, and we want it to be fair.
We don't know where all this money came from for the sheafs of
advertising, but it wasn't from individual electricity users. Not the
kind who wrote those letters to me that there shouldn't be any power
rate increase, not at this time. The people of British Columbia have
not only borne the operating costs of Hydro, but they have had to bear
the capital costs as well from their savings. Big industry isn't buying
the bonds — teachers, pensioners — these are the people who are buying
the bonds, and they are entitled to a fair shake.
We shouldn't rest there. Any increases, when they come, and it
shouldn't be now, should protect those on fixed incomes, the little
users, the lower income group — that's essential. We have already heard
read out to us this afternoon how much more those people on pensions
have to pay for their power, compared with others across Canada. They
shouldn't be the ones to subsidize the high cost of power in British
Columbia. But I don't think we should rest just with examining the B.C.
Power situation in this House, because, if the increases can be as
easily justified as some of the Directors who sit in the Cabinet say
those increases can be justified, there should be no difficulty at all
in making that case to the Prices and Incomes Commission of Canada, and
proving that the rate increase is necessary and that it's not
inflationary. Until then we must demand, not only that Hydro reveal its
total problems to a Committee of the House, but that it do the same to
the Prices and Incomes Commission of Canada.
Well, Mr. Speaker, the Social Credit government is waging its usual
stiff and continuing war on pollution. Each year it lashes out with a
paper offensive, which is one paragraph in the Throne Speech. I want
the House to listen to some of these devastating attacks. Here's what
was said in 1967 — "With the onrush of industrial development in B.C.
my Government has recognized as one of its cardinal responsibilities
the preservation for all time of the blessings of clean air, pure
water, fertile soil. In this connection, I am happy to know that the
activities of the reorganized Pollution Control Board have been greatly
increased." Well, that was the 1967 offensive.
But it wasn't content, Mr. Speaker, it didn't rest on its laurels.
Next year it struck out again with this sentence in the Throne Speech:
"My Government is continuing to pursue vigorously its programme for the
abatement of pollution in all its forms. You will be asked to consider
amendments to further amend and strengthen the present Act." Well that
was 1968.
The Government didn't rest on its laurels, it launched its third
offensive the following year. This is a paragraph the following year:
"My Government is continuing to pursue vigorously its attack on
pollution wherever it may occur in British Columbia — on land, on
water, or in the air. Scientific air-sampling equipment has been
augmented and improved, and its findings will be processed by computers
in the Government's data processing centre." Now we have the computers
into the battle, full scale and flat out. Shouldn't be long now. Well,
we've launched our next, and most impressive offensive this year. "My
Government will continue
[ Page 28 ]
to work towards the protection and preservation of our total
environment, so that all our citizens may enjoy the beauties and
wonders of our heritage as intended by nature." Now get this, because
this is the key phrase — "Reports will be made to the Legislature
concerning the efforts and progress being made."
Mr. Speaker, these annual one paragraph offensives in the Throne
Speech just will not bring pollution to heel. Sooner or later, some
concrete action is going to have to be taken. That's the way to bring
pollution under control, and I want to talk about the two most serious
pollution problems, these concern sewage and air pollution.
Mr. Speaker, the Province is wallowing in its own sewage. Today in
the Vancouver Harbour, we've got a huge ocean liner which recently has
given up its 60th suspected typhoid case. We don't know the cause of
the epidemic, but it serves as a constant reminder that disease from
water contaminated with sewage is always with us. We've had outbreaks,
happily not of typhoid in British Columbia, but we have had hepatitis,
right down here in the Victoria area has been one of the epidemics.
It's not a disease to treat lightly. We had another in Surrey, and
these are areas where septic tanks lead to open sewers, and the open
sewers lead to areas where people like to swim in the summer time.
I think of the Gorge, and all of the beaches around the Victoria
area that get fed by the creeks, and it is a fact, Mr. Speaker, that
despite these major offensives in the Throne Speech every year, we have
never poured more raw sewage into our lakes, our rivers, our waterways
and our ocean, than we are pouring this very day. What probably is the
largest sewage outfall in British Columbia lies right next to one of
our most valuable parks, right in the park at Brockton Point in
Vancouver. Less than a mile from this very Legislative Building a raw
sewage outfall goes off a park, above the low-tide water mark. Last
Spring, after our Legislature prorogued, there was a flash flood in
Trail. Some of you went up to Trail. A creek went over its bank and
filled basements of business and private establishments in the whole
downtown area of Trail. That creek carried raw sewage from the town of
Rossland.
I was appalled to discover last Spring, Mr. Speaker, the extent of
the sewage problem around the City of Vancouver and in other areas of
British Columbia. It's something that the members of this House had
never really had brought to their attention, either through discussions
in our speeches, or in reports presented to the Legislature.
One report that we should all be familiar with is the Goldie Report,
which is a semi-secret report. People who have asked for copies of that
have been turned down, but it describes the shocking situation that
exists in the Fraser River, where incredible amounts of raw sewage are
being flooded into that river, and where coloform counts have gone up
many fold, between the time the original readings were taken in the
late 1950's, and when the report was written in the 1960's with the
Iona Sewage Treatment Plant being opened in the interim, and many
people from the City of Vancouver were living under the false
impression that their beaches were clean, because of the opening of
that plant, but it barely scratched the surface.
What we have are the most widely-used beaches in British Columbia
ringed by giant pincers of raw sewage. On the one side the flow-out
from Brockton Point in the Vancouver Harbour, and on the other the
north arm of the Fraser River. That open sewer of the north arm of the
Fraser River flows right past two widely used beaches — Wreck Beach and
the University Beach. No warning ever has been given of the hazards of
that. I did some coloform counts myself along those beaches because it
isn't one of the points that's sampled. Oh yes, Mr. Price says the
experts didn't agree with me. Well, Mr. Member….
DEPUTY SPEAKER: I would remind the member that it is not
proper to appear to refer to a member by his name but by his
constituency, the Honourable member for Vancouver-Burrard.
MR. McGEER: Pardon me, Mr. Speaker.
The figures that were released, Mr. Speaker, were figures taken from
the Department of Health, they weren't mine. They were corroborated by
figures taken by the B.C. Research Council, and the Minister of Health
undoubtedly knows why they were high, it's because at that particular
time of year the Fraser River was in flood. We had had a long warm
spell, and the off-shore winds brought that Fraser River water right in
on top of our beaches. But every day, right past Wreck Beach and the
University Beach, that sewage flows…. they never asked what the count
was in White Rock…. it was very good, I went swimming there myself,
and I want to compliment the town of White Rock. I wish I could do the
same for the City of Victoria and the City of Vancouver.
Yes, that was the Committee that whitewashed the situation on the
beaches, the one the member from Vancouver-Burrard referred to. But, we
began to get at the problem, the beaches all along West Vancouver were
posted because that's where Vancouver's outfall flows by. The beaches
at Lumberman's Arch were posted. Finally a warning sign or two went up
in the Fraser River. But, posting the beaches is not the answer. The
answer is to clean it up, clean it up all over British Columbia, not
just in the City of Vancouver.
The City of Nelson pours raw sewage right out on top of its beach
and that's unusable. The beaches in the Okanagan are threatened, and
recently we had a warning from the Medical Health Officer up there that
they were sitting right at the upper limits of what could be considered
safe and tolerable. We've got to stop covering this situation up, we've
got to begin bringing it to light right here in the Legislature.
I think Dr. Stuart Murray would be turning in his grave if he knew
the fight he commenced years ago under the threat of polio in the City
of Vancouver when he posted those beaches and sparked the Highbury
Tunnel and the building of the Iona Treatment Plant, if he knew how
British Columbia and the City of Vancouver had wallowed behind in that
lead, because the population increase since that time has pushed even
more sewage into all our waterways and we are not catching up. We are
allowing it to deteriorate year by year by year.
Also, there's a disgraceful situation out in Saanich. I support what
Dr. Whitbread has said because he is a dedicated public servant who
knows disease, and he recognizes that the southern end of Vancouver
Island is a danger point. We've already had one epidemic here. But, Mr.
Speaker, Dr. Whitbread doesn't operate the Treasury. He only says what
is necessary from a health point of view. The Minister of Health
doesn't operate the Treasury, either. He knows what has to be done from
a health point of view and, give him credit, he said so.
But the problem really gets down to the Minister of Finance because that is where the message about sewage and
[ Page 29 ]
disease has to come home. The Minister of Finance should be the one
talking to local officials, working out a proper plan to take care of
our sewage, to get British Columbia out of this cesspool into which it
is sinking. The Minister of Health should be bringing in a report. We
should know in this Legislature the amount of raw sewage everywhere in
British Columbia, the coloform counts from an open disclosure. But, the
Minister of Finance holds the key to cleaning it up. He should be
marketing all sewage-treatment bonds at favourable rates. Just as
important as electricity. More than that, he should be putting up half
the cost of primary treatment plants, 75 per cent of the cost of
secondary plants, and 90 per cent of the cost of tertiary plants.
Mr. Speaker, I want to switch now to our next most important source
of pollution in British Columbia, and that's air pollution, and until
we have a province-wide air pollution control law we are just kidding
ourselves that air pollution is going to do anything but get worse and
worse and worse. Who do the Government think they are kidding with all
the ads here about air quality standards? Passing the buck to the
municipalities. What do the municipalities do when the problem is just
outside their boundaries? The Minister without Portfolio for North
Okanagan should be interested in that question. It was right in her
very town or just outside the town that a man lit fire to a huge pile
of sawdust and left the towns of Vernon and Coldstream and Lumby and
Kelowna covered with a pall of smoke for almost a week, and when
somebody asked "What's this all about?" the answer was "Who's to stop
them? It's out of the fire season, anybody can light a fire wherever he
likes and go ahead and smoke up the whole countryside." But, that is
how it is in British Columbia. What good are your air quality standards
when this kind of thing can go on? You have never seen so much
buck-passing in all your life.
Cypress Bowl had the whole of Vancouver and Howe Sound covered with
smoke in beautiful Fall weather last year. So, I called up the
Department of Forestry and said "What's all this about?" and they said
"We don't know, we can't stop them from burning up there, why doesn't
the Municipality of West Vancouver stop them?" so I called up the
Municipality of West Vancouver and they said "We told them not to do it
but they said it is outside our territory". He said "As a matter of
fact there are six members of the Department of Forestry up the
mountain now supervising their burning, and they just told me a few
minutes ago that it was out of the fire season and they didn't have
anything to do with it". So we talk with the company and they said "The
Government ordered us to do it". So then I called the Government back
again and they said "Yes, we ordered them to do it, but we didn't tell
them to do it now". I said "Well, have you got a half a dozen people up
there supervising it?" He said "We had to send them up because the fire
got out of control and we're trying to help them put it out."
(laughter) That isn't even fire protection, much less controlling air
pollution.
But I want to tell, Mr. Speaker, a far more significant story which
really illustrates the nub of the problem here in British Columbia.
Last Spring I had the privilege of being shown through one of the
interior pulp mills. As a former industrial chemist I began to make
some specific inquiries about the huge amount of air pollution that was
coming out of that smoke stack. Now we are not talking about hydrogen
sulfide, we are not talking about kraft mill odours. We are talking
about the other substances that come showering down on top of the cars
so that every union contract has in it the necessity of a free car wash
in the contract to keep the cars clean, to keep the acid from eating
away the paint. There is nothing in it about a free lung wash, but you
get a free car wash if you are anywhere around a pulp mill. Well, I
asked the manager of this pulp mill about getting rid of this air
pollution. He admitted that it was quite feasible to do this, but he
also said he wasn't going to do anything about it, and there was a very
simple reason, he didn't have to. He said if he did he would be wasting
money. It could have been any manager for any pulp mill because it is
true for all of them. It applied to all pulp mills, and this is the
reason, Mr. Minister, the reason is that there are no standards to be
reached and, Mr. Speaker, there are not.
This manager points out, quite rightly, that he can't design the
equipment. Some other engineering firm is going to have to do that. He
wants to know what the specifications for that pollution abatement
equipment are going to be so that he can hold the manufacturer to
account. He says, "If I buy equipment for my mill and later a pollution
control law does come along, then I have wasted my money. I'll buy that
equipment when a Provincial law is passed which says the specifications
that I must meet, and when I can order from the manufacturer equipment
to reach those specifications. That's the story about air pollution in
British Columbia.
AN HON. MEMBER: For a PhD. to say that, that's just rubbish….
MR. McGEER: I am merely passing on what the manager of that mill says, and he's being paid a very high salary to do this.
The head of the Pollution Control Board in British Columbia said the
policy of the Government was to go slow and try and get the voluntary
cooperation of industry, and it was at that point that I called for his
resignation, because clearly we are going to get nowhere. "We can't
have an air pollution control law in British Columbia, it won't work,"
they say. Mr. Speaker, that box is filled with state and provincial air
pollution laws. I've written all over North America to find out what
the laws are, and virtually every State in the Union and two other
provinces in Canada have got air pollution laws and they are right in
this box and any time the Minister wants to get a model law it is here
for the taking. But, don't tell us we can't have Provincial air
pollution control laws in British Columbia. That says it's nonsense.
We'll ask for voluntary controls or we'll force the municipalities to
do it, while what we need is not just a stiff air pollution control law
in British Columbia, we need a $5,000 a day fine or more for offenders,
and then we are going to get the kind of voluntary cooperation that the
head of the Pollution Control Board has said that we need.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I want to compliment the second member from
Vancouver Centre, ah yes, yes, we wouldn't want you to think we were
partisan. (laughter) The second member from Vancouver Centre called for
a Provincial law compelling motorists to have exhaust control devices
on their new vehicles. I want to associate myself with that call, and I
know that he'll be voting for a Bill that we will introduce on that
subject. Perhaps he would like to introduce one himself. But, you have
got to do more than talk about doing these things. Got to back it up
with action. Alderman Linnell in Vancouver has called for these
pollution control devices as mandatory on automobiles and I am with her
on this too because advances have been made by the manufacturers.
States in the United States and the Province of Ontario have
[ Page 30 ]
required that they be installed on vehicles, and all we have to do,
laggard old British Columbia, all we have to do to follow suit is to
just pass a similar kind of law, and we'd be right up with them. So if
we are going to wage this all-out offensive, here is a pretty easy way
to get right in the front rank.
Well, Mr. Speaker, the operative phrase of the coming generation is
"to tell it like it is", and if there is one over-riding criticism of
politicians it's their refusal to do this. But, I consider it a mark of
shame that the people who are sitting up in our galleries today are not
allowed to make notes of what we say, they will be required to leave if
they do. They are not allowed to tape record our words, and yet we are
their servants, the servants of all the people of British Columbia, and
this is the most public of all places in our Province. What are we
trying to hide? Why are we unwilling to tell it like it is? Why haven't
we got a Hansard? No, no, that has nothing to do with us here, we
shouldn't be preventing people in our House. There they are up there,
justify it if you can, justify it to them. Why can't they take notes?
Are you going to tell me that that is wrong? Is there anything wrong
with those people writing down what anybody says?
Is there anything wrong, Mr. Speaker, if this is a public assembly,
and if we are their servants, that this microphone shouldn't be
attached through our radio stations to every home in British Columbia?
Are we trying to hide something from the people who are sitting at
home? We had television in our House the opening day. It went all over
British Columbia and I was proud of what was shown. Why isn't
television allowed here anytime? What are we trying to hide?
What do we have from the Throne Speech? That we are going to tape
record these words or partially tape record them, and what are we going
to do — lock them up, edit them, alter them, erase them, pick out the
good things for the Government, throw away the others? This is a farce,
this is a farce. We should be allowing radio and television into this
Chamber. A Hansard is as old as parliament itself, and we are still
afraid of it in British Columbia. Well, as far as we axe concerned, Mr.
Speaker, we have nothing to hide, and we'll assume that the Government
apparently does have something to hide. Afraid to tell it like it is,
afraid to have the radio and television in this Chamber to see you as
you are, the empty seats, the laughter, the contempt for the public.
SOME HON. MEMBERS: …oh, oh.
MR. McGEER: That's the members on the other side of you, Mr.
Speaker. Count them. You're the ones who vote down Hansard every year — all of you.
AN HON. MEMBER: Right.
MR. McGEER: You ought to be ashamed of yourself. Well, I
think there's more to it than that, there's more to it than that, just
bringing this Legislative Chamber to the people of British Columbia — no, you don't want it to happen! You would do anything to cover up what
you're really like here in this House.
We should be doing other things to try and bring this Legislature
into this century and one of them is just to take a knife to the Throne
Speech Debate, cut it right down, and get on with the real business of
the House. I don't think, Mr. Speaker, there's anything worthy of
debate in this Throne Speech except a debate just cutting down the
debate on it. What are we supposed to debate? The pros and cons of
phrases like this "British Columbia Ferries report that the pattern of
overall growth in carriage of passengers and vehicles continued through
the past year"? "Exploration activity in the oil and gas industry
continued on a similar level to that in 1968"? I say let's just have
one or two speakers and get on with the business of the House. Are we
supposed to debate about the gold watches that are being given to the
civil service? I just wondered if that was one of the Mr. Worley's
recruiting devices for college graduates.
Well, Mr. Speaker, we're going to have a new Motion Pictures Act and
I suppose that means a sequel to the good life. I hope that the
Government will take acting lessons in between and that the public
purse will be spared just a little.
AN HON. MEMBER: You don't get anything less as an actor.
MR. McGEER: But if we're going to have such
an Act, bring it
in. There's no point standing here for two weeks speculating on what
might be in the Act, we can be debating the Act itself. Bring the
legislation in — you've had a whole year. If the Cabinet weren't taking
their vacations in Acapulco and places like that, they'd have had their
programme ready when the House opened. It wasn't my job to prepare the
Government programme or I'd have been here working on it.
Well, Mr. Speaker, I think it's time that the House automatically
referred all its Bills to Committee, that we brought them in early in
the Session. No reason why you can't have your legislation programme
ready. We should have a cut-off date for Bills and that automatically
every Bill be studied in Committee where the public can present their
point of view, with witnesses, and this way we won't have the last
minute legislation put through in the dying days. I hope the present
Attorney-General won't attempt what the last Attorney-General did, in
bringing something like 18 Bills in on one day, two or three
days before the end of the Session. That's a good way to pass
legislation.
Now I want to say one further thing, Mr. Speaker. Once this
Legislature prorogues, for ten months of the year Government operates
in secrecy. There is no board room in British Columbia that guards more
secrets more jealously than are guarded behind the green oak doors in
that room upstairs.
AN HON. MEMBER: Downstairs — around the corner.
MR. McGEER: It's around the corner, but as you come in it's
the one room that has the venetian blinds drawn, covers over the
window. We pass a lot of legislation in this House which has phrases
like "the Lt. Governor-in-Council may set regulations for this or for
that" and I say that Cabinet secrecy should end, that whenever you're — oh, the Minister laughs — you know it's bad enough to semi-expose to
public, but where would you be, my friend, if there were complete
exposure? Well, Mr. Speaker, I say that every Order-in-Council that's
passed should be passed in public, because when the Cabinet passes its
Orders-in-Council it's acting as an extension of the Legislature and
the secrecy that we have right in this Chamber is enough, but to carry
it on to a higher degree into that Cabinet Chamber is even worse. If
we're going to have new politics and tell it like it is then we've got
to expose public business to the public, and that means an end to
Cabinet secrecy. You can have your Cabinet caucuses with policy the way
you have a caucus of your whole party,
[ Page 31 ]
and we don't need to end that as far as policy is concerned, but when it comes to doing public business, do it in public.
Well, I want to salute the Premier, Mr. Speaker, on his return to
the Legislature and I know his great feeling of satisfaction to be back
in the hurly-burly of which he's so much a part. The Premier has a lot
of gifts and I don't think being humble in victory is one of them, but
some people have even referred to the Premier as being arrogant.
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Oh no, oh no!
MR. MCGEER: Now I know that's an exaggeration…(laughter)…
and I know the Premier hates exaggeration, and it's because it is such
an exaggeration, and I hate exaggerations too, that I want to try and
mention some of the things that just might have caused some members of
the public to develop this erroneous impression — not all but just one
— maybe he can refute them and reassure us all. But he does double
duty, and some have referred to him as arrogant as Premier, others as
arrogant as Minister of Finance. Of course, Mr. Speaker, he has powers,
and one of these as Minister of Finance — it's an unusual power, it's a
great power — as salesman.
But one of these powers is to determine what's a religious, a
charitable, or an educational institution. The Premier, no, the
Minister of Finance — you might consult the Premier on this one and ask
him whether the Minister of Finance should have these powers — because
since the time of Queen Elizabeth the First these religious, charitable
and educational institutions have enjoyed a degree of immunity from
taxation, but as it stands now in British Columbia there is not one of
these foundations that isn't severely threatened because one man, the
Minister of Finance, by
section 52 of the Succession Duty Act,
determines whether in fact they are charitable, religious or
educational. What happens is that you rob the poor of their legacy.
I want to refer to the first one — the bombshell — and this was, the
tax imposed by the Minister of Finance of $1,600,000 on the P.A.
Woodward Foundation. When Mr. P.A. Woodward passed away he left his
entire estate to that Foundation. The Foundation itself has completely
changed the picture in the field of health care in British Columbia.
It's made magnificent contributions to the Medical Faculty of our
University, it's made major contributions to schools of nursing, to the
Royal Jubilee Hospital in Victoria, to St. Joseph's Hospital right here
in this city, and it's made contributions to the Emergency Department
of the Royal Columbian Hospital in New Westminster — that one that's
referred to by some members of the Opposition as a fire-trap — but it
would be worse were it not for the donations of that charitable
Foundation. You can't build a better record than that on which to base
your claim of being charitable. It is administered by people who
receive not a penny for their efforts. They include the Chief Justice
of the Appeal Court of B.C., bankers and other people of impeccable
reputation. That Foundation itself contributes to something like 60
charities, and Mr. Woodward himself was the man who year after year
personally put the Red Feather Campaign in Vancouver over the top, and
according to the Minister of Finance this is not a religious,
charitable or educational institution.
Now we could question gifts to the Heart Foundation and the Cancer
Institute. Now does anyone in this Chamber or anyone in British
Columbia seriously believe that these Foundations are not to do good
and would not qualify? How many more institutions like these are going
to feel the talons of the Minister of Finance? How about the Crippled
Children's Hospital in Vancouver? — which was started by the Women's
Institutes of British Columbia. How about the Health Centre for
Children? How about the G.F. Strong Rehabilitation Centre? How about
religious organizations? We notice two of them are exempt — Central
City Mission and the Salvation Army, so is the United Church Training
School at Naramata. But how about the Anglican Church Foundation of
B.C.? And let's talk about that pioneer Foundation, the Vancouver
Foundation, which administers so many private accounts including the
Chris Venture Fund for the education of needy children.
When do universities and colleges get the axe as not being
educational institutions? Mr. Speaker, what's been happening is that
the Minister of Finance has been driving money out of British Columbia
for years, and it all started when we recreated the tax jungles in
British Columbia by bringing in the Succession Duty Act. The result was
double taxation on people who were not citizens of Canada but residing
in British Columbia, and immediately they started moving their money
out. For those who are Canadian citizens and do live in British
Columbia they still face some double taxation, harassment by two sets
of people assessing their estates, probating their wills. There is
inevitable increases in lawyers' fees — they are really the ones who
gain by all of this.
Some of the provinces have come to their senses — Alberta and
Saskatchewan were the first to do this — not only by eliminating the
tax jungles, but by giving forgiveness of the estate in order to
attract development money into their provinces. Now the Province of
Ontario has followed suit, and we struggle along behind.
What's happening is that if we keep amending our Act, trying to
remove double taxation and inequity, we've got something as far as the
charitable foundations are concerned which is not just foolish but it's
primitive. We've got a Minister of Finance who says whether this church
qualifies and that doesn't, whether this foundation qualifies and that
doesn't, whether this medical research organization shall get its funds
or that one won't. What are these institutions supposed to do? Strike
the kind of relationship with the Government that some of our
industries have done? Is that how they get on the list? Because if they
don't, no one is going to leave any money to them. We can't have under
the table dealings in matters like this, we've got to spell out clearly
and unequivocally the criteria by which these Foundations qualify.
We've come to depend too much in British Columbia on work done by
volunteers — the Minister of Welfare knows this, the former Minister of
Welfare. They know how much you depend on organizations staffed by
volunteers and financed not by Government but by philanthropists, to
look after the poor and the needy, to support those things that
industry can't and which Government is reluctant to support — part of
the way our society functions. What's going to happen is that we're
going to slash deeply into this essential aspect of our social
operations in this Province, and I say that we've had an experiment in
British Columbia and it's been an unsatisfactory one. The Minister of
Finance should be shorn of his powers to make decisions about religious
charitable foundations. We should go farther than that. We're losing
out — it's too costly — we should get out of the Succession Duty field
altogether. We should take the 75 per cent here that we now qualify
for, it would bring us more money, not less, because it would start to
attract back to British Columbia all
[ Page 32 ]
the private capital that has left this Province as a result of these
laws. It's all hidden under the surface. You never see it, but it's
there. I know of two huge estates that have recently moved out of this
Province for this very reason. Now you say let's go ahead and soak the
rich, which is perfectly good philosophy, but the problem is, we're not
doing that. We're losing funds that we need in Government and we're
losing funds that these private operations desperately require.
(Applause)
On the motion of the Hon. L.R. Peterson, the debate was adjourned to the next sitting of the House.
HON. W.A.C. BENNETT: Mr. Speaker, I move Motion No. 1 on the
Order Paper, seconded by the Honourable Leslie Peterson, "That on
Tuesday, the 27th day of January, 1970, and on all following days of
the Session there will be two distinct sittings on each day — one from
2 p.m. to 6 p.m. and one from 8 p.m. until adjournment — unless
otherwise ordered."
MR. SPEAKER: You have heard the motion. Are you ready for the question? The Honourable the member from West Vancouver–Howe Sound.
MR. L. ALLAN WILLIAMS (West Vancouver–Howe Sound): I move,
seconded by the Hon. second member for Vancouver–Point Grey, an
amendment to this motion, Mr. Speaker. "That Motion No. 1 standing on
the Orders of the Day be amended by deleting from the last line thereof the word 'adjournment' and substituting therefore the figures '11 p.m.'."
Mr. Speaker, in my very brief experience in this House we have had
many, many occasions when the members have sat long past the time when
they were able to conduct a debate responsibly, and it seems to me we
should come to our senses this year.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable the Leader of the Opposition.
MR. BARRETT: I thank my neighbour in his foresight in
preparing the amendment to the motion. I think the member is doing a
very good service to the House and to the cause of Parliament by
proposing such an amendment. In support of the amendment, Mr. Speaker,
it must be understood that the amendment is given on the basis of
making this Legislature work better. We have seen the results of long
hours and its effect on the health of some of the members of this
House. We've also seen the effect that it has had on some of the
debates. It has not been difficult for Opposition members to have good
material, but it's difficult for the Government to sustain itself on
late hours at night. It is noticed that the Premier has found it
necessary to be absent during most of those evening sittings, and we
don't think that it's good for us to keep him away from his House for
so long a period of time. I know that the Premier wants to participate
in all the evening sessions, and if they adjourned at 11 o'clock he
would have the opportunity of spending his time with us at that time. I
want to say further, Mr. Speaker, in support of this amendment, it's in
the tone of the kind of amendments and thrusts we are trying to give to
this House to preserve Parliament. We don't have our question period,
we don't have our Hansard, let's at least have some regulated hours.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable Member for Cowichan-Malahat.
MR. ROBERT M. STRACHAN (Cowichan-Malahat): Mr. Speaker, I
join to support this amendment because in an aside the Premier said
"not last year", indicating that there were no late sittings of any
consequence last year. I want to remind the Premier that last year at
3:15 a.m. you called for discussion and debate in this House, the
Estimates of the Department of Mines for the first time — 3:15 a.m. — so don't sit there and look at the press and say "not last year",
because it was last year, as it's been every year since you were
Premier.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable the Premier.
HON. W.A.C. BENNETT: The Opposition is up to its old tactics
again, almost before the House really opens. We see this new alliance
between the Liberals and the NDP — two types of socialism — they were
both defeated in the election and the people of this Province supported
the actions of the Social Credit Government for over seventeen years,
and I want to say this, Mr. Speaker, that I hope that during this
debate we can do away with any night sittings if we get good
cooperation from the Whips and the members of the House.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. The Honourable Second Member for Vancouver East.
MR. ROBERT A. WILLIAMS (2nd-Vancouver-East): Mr. Speaker, the
Honourable member for Cowichan-Malahat dealt with one of the evening
sessions of last year. During that session we saw Parliament abused, we
saw Parliament abused by the leader on the other side of the House, and
we on this side do not want to see this overwhelming majority continue
to abuse the rights of Parliament, the rights of all the members in
this Legislature to do as we must to represent the people of our
ridings. We don't want to see this overwhelming majority working
against the people of this Province as they have done in the past. The
Minister of Lands and Forests' Estimates during the last session were
dealt with in one day. The economic base of this Province — lands,
forests and water resources — were dealt with in one day, because the
leader on the other side of the House was determined there shouldn't be
a full debate. That's the reason — that leader walked up and down the
aisles and said they were going to go all night because he didn't want
the Minister of Lands and Forests' issues debated during another day. I
expect the same thing to happen from that leader this session, when
that Minister's estimates come up, and, Mr. Speaker, I urge those
concerned with Parliament to vote for this amendment.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable the First Member for Vancouver Centre — Order Please!
MR. H.P. CAPOZZI (1st-Vancouver-Centre): Having now heard
from the three candidates for leadership of the party of the
Opposition, and having had as clear as possible an indication as we
could have in this House of the aging of that party over there, when
they are not prepared to sit and do the business of Parliament, when to
earn their indemnity they want to limit the hours that they work,
already in a party perceived to be depleted in their ranks, concerned
that
[ Page 33 ]
they may not be able to match the aggressiveness that they will find
from this side, and the determination that they will find, I can
understand their reason in endeavouring to limit the amount of hours
that we are going to need in this House. I say this, Mr. Speaker, that
if we reach a stage where we will not do the work that has to be done
and over there they are getting together again, leaving again,
constantly, we're not sure at which point the two parties get together
or disappear, but I would think that it would be a shame if we reach a
stage where we are not prepared, those members who have been elected
from across this Province, to sit and do the business of this House
that has to be done, and not be concerned with limitations of hours,
whether it be 10 o'clock or 11 o'clock but are prepared to sit until
that business is done, and I urge every member of this House to vote
against the amendment.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable Member for Kootenay.
MR. LEO T. NIMSICK (Kootenay): Mr. Speaker, I, more than
anyone else here, probably know a great deal about staying up late at
night along with the Premier in discussing problems concerning the
people of British Columbia, and I, more than anyone else, know how many
nights we have spent, until 3 and 4 and 5 and 6 and 7 o'clock in the
morning. All that this resolution asks for is the fact that we go until
11 o'clock, and then if the House wants to re-convene, they've got to
re-convene. I'm very surprised, Mr. Speaker, that some of the members
on the other side who have talked to me during these long hours, and
were disgusted with operating the business of the people in such a
fashion. Many of those members will vote today against this resolution,
which would maybe give them a chance to voice their opinion in regards
to the limiting the debates until 11 o'clock. I feel that this motion
is a forward step, it's a forward step in the interest of the business
of the people of British Columbia, because you do not have good
business at 3 or 4 o'clock in the morning when everybody is tired. You
cannot function the way the people of British Columbia want, and it
doesn't matter whether you are here two months or four months. You're
here to do the public's business, and if it takes three or four months,
by only going until 11 o'clock, then let's do it. But let's do the job
properly.
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable the Second Member for Vancouver–Point Grey.
MR. GARDE B. GARDOM (2nd-Vancouver–Point Grey): Mr. Speaker,
it has been the practice of the Government to practise legislation by
exhaustion. The most acrimonious debates we have ever had in this House
have been in the tiny hours of the morning. We've considered
legislation as important as Bill 33 at 3 o'clock and 4 o'clock in the
morning, and the reason being, not by virtue of the fact of getting the
public's business done, but because the Government had been so rotten
in its programming of the public's business. If we had had our
legislation, Mr. Speaker, on our desks in time, those night sessions
wouldn't have been necessary, but the Government sits on it, and as
the leader of the Liberal Party spoke today, at times we've even had 19
Bills come in in one day. That's the reason we have ended up in the
middle of the night. Mr. Speaker, if we're going to have these night
sessions, let's ask the Government side to bring in the television
cameras after 11 o'clock, let's have them here at 3 and 4 o'clock in
the morning, and let the general public see the disgusting state that
this Assembly gets itself into. Mr. Speaker, what I'm asking for is
that we have something in here that is efficient, something that works,
and something that is business-like, and it's utter nonsense today to
suggest that people can intelligently discuss and consider the business
of the Province of British Columbia at 3 and 4 o'clock in the morning
when it is totally unnecessary. We know the reasons for it, everybody
on this side, and as the last member who spoke stated, lots of you
people over there talk about it in the coffee shop when you're enjoying
yourselves up there. Why don't you have the gumption to stand up today
and vote? No guts, eh?
MR. SPEAKER: The Honourable Member for Saanich and the Islands.
MR. JOHN D. TISDALLE (Saanich and the Islands): The member
that just sat down, the second member from Vancouver–Point Grey, I
think for the records should be corrected. If we had the time we could
go through and prove it that when he accused this side of the House,
the Government, of being delinquent in bringing in its Bills, that last
year and the year before when the Bills came in here, it was too fast
for the Opposition to deal with them, and you will find in the record
they moved adjournment over and over again, whe