British Columbia Hansard — Tuesday, June 4, 1974 — Night Sitting (30th Parliament, 4th Session)
30p 04s 740604z
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1974 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 30th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, JUNE 4, 1974
Night Sitting
[ Page 3719 ]
CONTENTS
Routine proceedings
Blind Persons' Rights Act (Bill 72). Report and third reading — 3719
Metric Conversion Act (Bill 80). Report and third reading — 3719
Islands Trust Act (Bill 112). Report and third reading.
Amendment to postpone third reading.
Mr. Curtis — 3719
Mr. Fraser — 3719
Mr. L.A. Williams — 3719
Hon. Mr. Lorimer — 3719
Mr. Morrison — 3719
Mr. Liden — 3720
Division on amendment — 3720
Division on third reading — 3720
Succession Duty Amendment Act, 1974 (Bill 12). Second
reading.
Mrs. Jordan — 3720
Mr. McGeer — 3722
Hon. Mr. Barrett — 3722
Mr. L.A. Williams — 3723
Division on second reading — 3724
Mineral Royalties Act (Bill 31). Second reading.
Amendment to postpone second reading.
Mr. Gibson — 3724
Mr. Smith — 3727
Division on motion to adjourn debate — 3731
Mr. Wallace — 3731
Motion to adjourn debate — 3735
Mr. Speaker rules out of order — 3736
TUESDAY, JUNE 4, 1974
The House met at 8:30 p.m.
Introduction of bills.
Orders of the day.
HON. D. BARRETT (Premier): Public bills and orders — report
on Bill 72, Mr. Speaker.
BLIND PERSONS' RIGHTS ACT
Bill 72 read a third time and passed.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Report on Bill 80.
METRIC CONVERSION ACT
Bill 80 read a third time and passed.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Report on Bill 112, Mr. Speaker.
ISLANDS TRUST ACT
MR. H.A. CURTIS (Saanich and the Islands): Mr. Speaker, I
move an amendment that the motion proposed by the Minister of
Municipal Affairs (Hon. Mr. Lorimer) be amended by deleting the
word "now" and substituting therefore the words "six months
hence."
Speaking very briefly, Mr. Speaker, the amendment is
proposed because of two principal factors: first, the
inadequacies of the bill as presently drawn by the Minister of
Municipal Affairs with respect to a Gulf Islands trust;
secondly, the rather surprising refusal of the Minister to act
on many excellent suggestions which were — proposed to him, not
by Members of the opposition, but rather by a group of
electoral-area regional district directors, within whose areas
of jurisdiction a number of the islands concerned are to be
found.
I think it's regrettable that the Minister chose to overlook
those amendments which were very carefully considered
and proposed to him well before third reading.
MR. A.V. FRASER (Cariboo): I just say on behalf of our party
that we certainly will support this amendment because of the
fact that government appointees on the trust are in the
majority as related to the local people, and, in effect, a
centralization of things in Victoria. We don't buy that one
little bit; we think the local people should be in the majority
and for that reason we'll be supporting this amendment.
MR. L.A. WILLIAMS (West Vancouver–Howe Sound): Mr. Speaker, we too will
support this amendment for the reasons already enunciated by the Member for
Saanich and the Islands and the Member for Cariboo. Additionally, because it
is with regret that I find the full consequences of this particular legislation
are just coming home to those people who are both residents and property owners
on the islands who are affected by the islands trust.
I believe that some delay in the implementation of this
legislation will serve an opportunity for the Minister to be
advised as to the legitimate concerns of these individuals and
to have the opportunity of considering possible amendments to
the legislation before the islands trust itself is originally
established.
There's no question that the thrust of the bill, which is to
destroy the influences of local initiative, has already been
debated. But what is surprising is to find that the
complications of the relationship between these islands and
those areas on Vancouver Island and on the mainland, with which
they are inexorably joined, have somehow or other missed the
Minister in his draftsmanship of this legislation. The
authority of the electoral area directors, the involvement of
islands within the regional district, have somehow or other
eluded the Minister in the way in which he has established the
islands trust, the authority of the general trustees and the
authority of the local trustees.
I suspect that in six months responsible representations,
not designed to destroy the concept of this legislation but to
improve it, will come forward to the Minister and he will have,
after that period of time, an opportunity of establishing an
islands trust which does what he has in mind, what the Select
Standing Committee on Municipal Affairs had in mind and what
the residents and property owners on the islands involved have
in mind as well, and that we will produce legislation which
will be a major step forward in the preservation, conservation
and future development of these segments of our province which,
as the legislation indicates, have unique qualities.
HON. J.G. LORIMER (Minister of Municipal Affairs): Mr.
Speaker, I have no intention of redebating the bill, but I
would just point out that we did have a meeting with the
representatives from the regional districts for some time. We
spent a great deal seeing what could be done to put into
legislation some of their requests.
However, it must be remembered that the regional districts
themselves were not in agreement with what should be changed.
By and large, the regional districts have different views as to
what sections needed alterations, or what should have
alteration, I might say that I have no fears about this bill at
all; it's good legislation and the people on the islands will
be very, very happy with it.
MR. N.R. MORRISON (Victoria): Mr. Speaker, I
[ Page 3720 ]
rise to support the amendment. I believe that the people on
the islands would like to have time to analyse the effects of
this bill. I think it would allow those people time to realize
the implications of this bill, and it would allow those people
who are non-residents, but perhaps summer residents, time to
discuss with the people who live there permanently what the
implications of this bill are. I fully support this
amendment.
MR. C. LIDEN (Delta): Mr. Speaker, it seems the debate had
really taken place already more than once on this whole matter,
but this bill provides for more representation by the island
people than they ever had before. It provides for the
opportunity for more input by the island people than they've
ever had before. We've gone through four years of a 10-acre
freeze on the islands. Everyone wants to see that lifted;
everyone wants to see a new direction found for the islands,
and some sort of mechanism set up to carry that out.
It seems to me that the attention that's been needed on the
islands can come from this legislation, from the islands trust.
It seems that, really, it doesn't matter how long you try and
hoist it, not everyone will agree on the detail of this kind of
legislation. But in my view it's the basis on which we can
solve the problems which face the Gulf Islands, and I'm in
support of the original motion, that it be adopted now, and I'm
against the amendment.
Amendment negatived on the following division:
YEAS — 10
Smith
Jordan
Fraser
Phillips
Morrison
McGeer
Williams, L.A.
Gibson
Wallace
Curtis
NAYS — 35
Hall
Macdonald
Barrett
Dailly
Strachan
Nimsick
Stupich
Hartley
Calder
Nunweiler
Brown
Sanford
D'Arcy
Cummings
Dent
Levi
Lorimer
Williams, R.A.
King
Lea
Young
Radford
Locke
Nicolson
Skelly
Gabelmann
Lockstead
Gorst
Rolston
Anderson, G.H.
Barnes
Kelly
Webster
Lewis
Liden
MR. SPEAKER: We now have the question on the motion for
third reading of Bill 112.
Bill 112, Islands Trust Act , read a third time and
passed on the following division:
YEAS — 35
Hall
Macdonald
Barrett
Dailly
Strachan
Nimsick
Stupich
Hartley
Calder
Nunweiler
Brown
Sanford
D'Arcy
Cummings
Dent
Levi
Lorimer
Williams, R.A.
King
Lea
Young
Radford
Locke
Nicolson
Skelly
Gabelmann
Lockstead
Gorst
Rolston
Anderson, G.H.
Barnes
Kelly
Webster
Lewis
Liden
NAYS — 10
Smith
Jordan
Fraser
Phillips
Morrison
McGeer
Williams, L.A.
Anderson, D.A.
Wallace
Curtis
HON. MR. BARRETT: Adjourned debate on second reading of Bill
12, Mr. Speaker.
SUCCESSION DUTY AMENDMENT ACT, 1974
(continued)
MRS. P.J. JORDAN (North Okanagan): Mr. Speaker, at the time
of the last debate I had almost concluded my remarks when the
Premier made his rather unseemly and hasty indication that he
wished to vacate these chambers. I adjourned the debate. I
would just like to sum up at this time. The federal government
has brought in a capital gains tax which leaves the people in
Canada and, in this instance, in British Columbia in a position
where they can no longer benefit from untaxed profits, and no
longer is any British Columbia family in a position where they
can benefit from windfall profits. Every investment and every
capital asset that a British Columbia family has today, with
particular reference, Mr. Speaker, to the relationship and the
acquisitions between husband and wife, is acquired by sacrifice
on their part, by energy and resourcefulness on their part, by
diligent saving on their part, and by, if not shrewd, indeed
thoughtful investment on their part.
At the time of the decease of one member of this
relationship between husband and wife, where the assets have
been achieved in spite or above federal and provincial taxation
on income and capital gains, for this government to continue a
programme of taxation of these assets at the death of one
partner amounts to nothing short of double taxation.
It also has an emotional factor. The state intrudes in the
relationship between husband and wife by
[ Page
3721 ]
insisting that they designate for estate tax purposes what
is yours and what you have contributed to the marriage and the
benefits of this marriage and what is mine and what I have
contributed to the benefits of this marriage.
Mr. Speaker, I suggest that there is not only double
taxation as long as this government persists in taxing the
estates of widows and widowers between husband and wife but the
state is intruding into the emotional relationship with a
divisive force between husband and wife. In my view the
government should be collecting taxes from the living, not from
the dead. In essence, this leaves the government in the
position where they are little short of being hearse
followers.
Once again, I ask the Premier and the Minister of Finance of
the province to remove estate taxes between husband and wife in
the Province of British Columbia.
I have suggested before myself — and I will review it at
this moment in this debate because it is a new debate — that,
where there are massive fortunes involved, this money is
leaving British Columbia if it has not already left British
Columbia. That which remains in a large quantity is in a
position where the family can utilize on an
income-tax-deductible basis, the most proficient legal tax
advice and the most proficient accounting advice in order to
offer the greatest benefits to the family. But the average
family in British Columbia can amass an estate quite easily
over a lifetime with inflated and inflationary values greater
than what the tax exemptions allow.
They are at a disadvantage in not being able to take
advantage of corporate tax and legal advice in estate planning,
or accounting advice for estate planning, and certainly not on
an income tax deductible basis.
I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, that on the basis of the
present tax situation, it amounts to the state of British
Columbia advising families as to how they should invest,
because the tax-free exemptions involve so much — for example,
$25,000 in stocks and bonds exemptions, so much for the home
and so much for other assets.
If a husband and wife have built a business between them,
that business, as I have found through discussing this with a
number of people who have been involved in this situation, is
taxed by this government at its previous year's capital assets
value. Its stock is taxed on the basis of its purchase price,
although many months have elapsed, and although that stock may
no longer command that return in the marketplace.
We have many situations in British Columbia where a widow or a widower are
left with the business that, in essence, is worth approximately $80,000 to $100,000,
but on the basis of its capital purchase and the assessment by the government,
is taxed on the basis of $150,000. to $200,000. This taxation has left the widow
in a position where she not only has to try and sell at fire-sale prices, but
the taxes on the estate have left her in a position where she can no longer
meet her own needs.
It is my feeling, and the feeling of this party, that where
a husband and wife have worked together and duly paid their
taxes, and one of the partners is lost and the income ability
from that partner is lost, the other partner should not be
forced by the state to a lower family living existence.
If we take the inflationary situation in all of Canada
today, Mr. Speaker, and certainly in British Columbia, a tax
which might well seem reasonable today, leaving assets to a
widow or widower today that might seem reasonable, in two or
three years may leave that beneficiary in a position where they
have to become dependent upon the state for their daily
living.
With this in mind I suggest again through double taxation
now that there is a capital gains tax, that the state has no
right to force a surviving partner into the position where
through taxation they can no longer enjoy a reasonable standard
of living and they must, through inflation and the erosion of
their investment ability and assets, become dependent on that
state.
I would urge the Premier and Minister of Finance again,
through you, Mr. Speaker, not to wax around an issue of
motherhood that is not realistic, that in trying to defend the
rights of a widow or a widower, an equal partnership in a
marriage, in a unity, in a society that recognizes the right of
women and men to work to achieve on an equal basis, not to
suggest that in defending their right to maintain their legally
taxed assets that I am defending the rich, because this is not
my position.
But I do stand here, Mr. Speaker, to defend the right of a
couple, through marriage or through unity, to maintain their
assets and maintain a reasonable standard of living, and not to
suffer double taxation through death of one or the other of the
partners. I would be the first to stand in this House and stand
publicly in British Columbia to commend the Minister of Finance
of this province if he would recognize the situation as it
exists and acknowledge this right, and not let the state become
a divisive force on an emotional basis in a marriage in terms
of forcing partners to define, tax wise and legally, what is
yours and what is mine.
I know the Premier of this province and the Minister of
Finance has spent a good deal of his life in social work. He
has often spoken of the need of marriage counselling, the need
for maturity in marriage, and maturity in a relationship
between a man and a woman. I really feel, Mr. Speaker, that if
he sat down and thought about this, he would indeed acknowledge
that this is a legitimate point, that it is a legitimate
position for husband and wife to enjoy their benefits mutually
on a common ground, and to
[ Page 3722 ]
utilize those benefits when one of the partners is lost,
without double taxation.
MR. P.L. McGEER (Vancouver–Point Grey): Mr. Chairman, I
think the Member for North Okanagan had some excellent points.
I think double taxation is unfair, but I wonder where the
Member was in 1967, In 1968, in 1969 and 1970, because these
were times when exactly the same points were made to the
Minister of Finance and to the Member when she sat in the
cabinet.
I will say this for the NDP: they have been consistent right
down the line; they believe in double taxation. I have never
believed in double taxation. At least we haven't taken a
flip-flop. At least we didn't defend this when we were in
government…. We have never been in government. (Laughter.)
But to stand around and criticize the very thing you stood for
when you had responsibility, to my way of thinking, is
incredible hypocrisy.
I support the Member now, that double taxation is unfair.
But what I can't understand is how somebody could stand up in
this House and say these things in opposition, and defend
exactly the opposite time after time after time in
government.
I hope that when the New Democratic Party is in opposition,
which won't be very far away, that at least they will maintain
a consistent posture.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Mr. Speaker, I am still not sure of two
things: (1) whether or not the opposition parties are going to
vote against this bill — that's one. And it is hard for me to
debate when I have difficulty cutting through confusion. I
understand there is a certain term relating to religious
practices called glossalilliola that is known as speaking in
tongues. Some of the Members who are not Wesleyans or others
would understand this fundamental analysis of a certain
response to religious feeling. This Member displays it in the
sense of money; when it comes to money it's mmmlub-ablub-amblub
because we still don't know what position she has taken on this
bill. I will come back to her illogic in a moment.
Now I want to come to the former leader of the Liberal Party
(Mr. McGeer). I ask him, as a neurosurgeon, not to pose the
question to this House, "How could anybody be so hypocritical?"
because you know very well, through you, Mr. Speaker, that
science and politics are two different things. When you come in
here and ask for logic, you are asking for your own party to be
rational, and that is being threatening to one's own self, let
alone the rest of the Members of this House.
Now we don't know what they are voting against, or whether
they are voting for this bill.
MRS. JORDAN: Everything bothers you, doesn't it?
HON. MR. BARRETT: We are going to get an opportunity tonight
to put on the record for all the people….
Interjections.
HON. MR. BARRETT: I didn't want to do this in terms of
getting this on the record, but, Mr. Speaker, tonight we will
get an opportunity to put on the record exactly how they are
going to vote on this bill.
What is this bill all about? For those of you who may be
confused that the socialists are attempting to interfere with
the relationship between husband and wife, I have known no
widows who still commune with their husbands through their
banker, once he is dead.
I know no widows who are able to communicate and discuss
with their husbands their close relationship, once the poor
fellow is gone. The only ones who come back are politicians.
The only people who reach out of the grave are politicians.
When politicians are dead they attempt to anoint their sons
through the lily. (Laughter.) And that is their problem.
Other than that, when we come to the matter of taxation
we're not interfering with the relationship, because death has
ended that relationship. Politicians don't learn this, but
nature has a way of proving it.
Now, what are we talking about? The pea has been given, and
I wan a tear — at least a handkerchief. The plea has been given
by that Member that somehow we are hurting the little people of
this province. What does this bill do?
First of all, it is extending the category of special
beneficiaries of succession duty, Mr. Speaker. The hard-hearted
Social Credit government, when they were in power and passed
this original bill, had a very strict definition of "special
beneficiary" which that Member voted for. She's on record as
having narrowed the definition of "special beneficiary" when
she sat down here on these benches.
MRS. JORDAN: There wasn't a capital gains tax.
HON. MR. BARRETT: There wasn't brains to your speech. There
wasn't any logic to your speech. Now tonight we'll find out how
you are going to vote.
What does this say, Mr. Speaker? It says that a widow who
has $150,000 in cash — assets or property — is not going to be
taxed. Now will all those widows who are poverty-struck at the
$150,000 level please write me a letter? I will tell them, as a
social worker, how many widows I know who are under the
$150,000 mark who would live to be in that poverty-struck
category of over $150,000.
MRS. JORDAN: Make everybody poor.
[ Page 3723 ]
HON. MR. BARRETT: No…. Make everybody poor! We would like
to make everybody rich, Madam Member. That's the difference
between us and you. We would like to share the wealth of this
great country. How do the wealthy get wealthy? Hard work — very
good; application of capital — very good; ernest effort — very
good; also a little bit of luck, good fortune, happiness. And
some of them are very wise to choose their parents well.
Inheritance is a factor in people getting wealthy. If my
mommy and daddy were rich, and my mommy and daddy would love me
as much as I love them — even more if they were rich — then I
would do well by my mommy and daddy. But many people don't have
rich mommies and daddies.
AN HON. MEMBER: Right!
MRS. JORDAN: Cynic! (Laughter.)
AN HON. MEMBER: Why don't you quit while you are behind?
(Laughter.)
HON. MR. BARRETT: Cynic! Well, I've been accused of a lot of
things, Mr. Speaker.
But anyway, coming back to this $150,000 exemption. When we
came into power, all that the Socreds allowed for this special
beneficiary group were the wife, the father, the mother, the
grandfather, child, grandchild, son-in-law, daughter-in-law.
Now we want to add the grandchildren.
We want to give the special beneficiary category to the
grandchildren. That's what this bill is doing. We're not
against grandchildren. We love grandchildren. Now if she votes
against this bill, she's voting against grandchildren.
(Laughter.)
Interjections.
AN HON. MEMBER: Great-grandchildren.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Great-grandchildren. Not only that, she'll
be against great-grandchildren.
MRS. JORDAN: Against what grandchildren?
HON. MR. BARRETT: Great-grandchildren, Madam.
Great-grandchildren — something that this government loves
very, very much. (Laughter.) The great-grandchildren of the
rich are receiving the concern of the socialists tonight
through this bill, and that's why we want this exemption.
The bill also proposes, Mr. Speaker, to benefit small estates by allowing custody
of the property of the estate to be obtained without the necessity of probate
for administration where the gross value of the estate is under $5,000 instead
of $2,000, which is the present limit. That makes sense.
MRS. JORDAN: Big deal!
HON. MR. BARRETT: This means that small estates do not have
to be processed through the courts. It's a good move. Both are
good amendments. Now I notice, Mr. Speaker, as [illegible] has sifted
forth, more and more Members of the Social Credit Party have
taken advantage of the opportunity of slipping out of the House
rather than being caught in their seats voting against this
bill, which in effect….
HON. G.R. LEA (Minister of Highways): Doesn't affect him.
(Laughter.)
HON. MR. BARRETT: Only a millionaire really knows, Mr.
Speaker, the effect of this bill. And I don't want to name any
names.
This is a progressive step. But after hearing that Member
speak, I wonder if we should withdraw the bill and tighten the
screws down the other way.
I want to say very seriously that anybody who lives in this
beautiful province should prosper. I hope they prosper and I
hope they do well; but anybody who lives in this province has
an obligation to ensure that others in this province also
benefit from wealth.
The accumulation of wealth is not taken into the next world,
Mr. Speaker. The Succession Duty Act , as presented by
the former Premier (Hon. Mr. Bennett), was supported by us when
we were in opposition. And only in
an act of desperation did
the former Premier say he was opposed to a succession duty. He
announced that change of Social Credit policy at the time he
was in Kelowna when he announced the Kelowna Charter.
I want to tell you this: that single charter lost him more
votes than gained him votes because, unfortunately, still to
this day, there are more poor and there are more middle-income
people in this province than there are wealthy.
This is a fair tax. If there is any threat that some wealthy
people will run away from the Province of British Columbia to
escape this tax, I say shame on them. I say shame on them!
It's like the CPR when they take their boats down and
register them in Liberia to avoid Canadian taxes. That's
immoral, in my opinion. It's unethical and it's a lack of sense
of duty as a citizen. If anybody wants to leave this province
and behave like the CPR, let them go, But this is fair, and the
exemptions are fair, and this bill is widening those
exemptions.
I now move second reading, Mr. Speaker.
MR. L.A. WILLIAMS: A point of order, Mr. Speaker.
I appreciate that the Hon. Minister of Finance has moved
second reading, but when we debated this
[ Page 3724 ]
matter many, many days ago, I raised with him the question
of whether there were not other relationships equal of
consideration as well as those of blood relationships. I wonder
if the Minister has any comment to make on that.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Well, in committee stage, Mr. Member.
Motion approved unanimously on a division.
Bill 12, Succession Duty Amendment Act, 1974 , read a
second time and referred to Committee of the Whole House for
consideration at the next sitting after today.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Mr. Speaker, adjourned debate on second
reading of Bill 31.
MINERAL ROYALTIES ACT
(continued)
On the amendment.
MR. G.F. GIBSON (North Vancouver–Capilano): There's
something about Tuesday where there's Bill 31, Mr. Speaker. It
was introduced on a Tuesday, which became known as Black
Tuesday, and it was called for second reading last Tuesday.
Here we are on another Tuesday getting back to this depressing
bill.
I'm going to speak rather closely to the amendment tonight,
the amendment being that it be hoisted for a period of six
months and the reasons why that would be a good idea, with the
intention of going into more extensive remarks when we get back
to the main motion. But at this point there are a few reasons
to be cited as to why it would be a good thing to hoist the
bill for six months.
The first reason, it seems to me, is that the government is
manifestly unprepared on this bill. The bill is not only very
badly drafted, as will become very clear in committee session,
but the Minister doesn't even yet have ready — because I
inspected the order paper tonight and it's not there — a very
consequential amendment which he foreshadowed in his opening
remarks would be available to this House.
HON. L.T. NIMSICK (Minister of Mines and Petroleum Resources): I'd spoil
half your speech if I did.
MR. GIBSON: Oh, Mr. Minister, you wouldn't spoil my speech.
Even after that amendment — which is an important one if it's
what I think you're going to do — the principle of the bill is
still wrong. It doesn't change it one little bit. Maybe it
makes the speech a little longer; that's the only
difference.
Interjection.
MR. GIBSON: But the first reason for hoisting it six months,
in other words, Mr. Speaker, is that the government needs six
months to fix that bill up. It's so badly drafted, probably by
the man who is now a campaign manager for a federal NDP
candidate, which is something that's very wrong.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: You're wrong.
MR. GIBSON: That's incorrect? That newspaper report, Mr.
Minister? Thank goodness that's wrong. I was very concerned
about the integrity of the civil service when that question was
asked today. I'm delighted you can report that to the
House.
But they're going to need six months to fix it up to start
with.
Now, the second thing is that the government doesn't
understand the bill. If you don't understand the bill you
shouldn't introduce it. It's manifest from the Minister's
remarks on second reading that he doesn't understand the bill.
I'm not going to go through all of them now; I'll just refer to
a very few of them.
Listen to this, he says:
If we assume no further discovery or technological
progress, today's copper, lead and zinc resource would probably not
last through the century.
Mr. Speaker, that is a statement that shows complete
misunderstanding or our resource base in this world. The
Minister must know, if he has been keeping up with his field…. He read a book on copper that he referred me to in the
House and I'm going to try and get that book and read it, Mr.
Minister. But there are other things you should maybe be
reading. The fact that there's a 1,000-year supply of copper
for this world on the floor of the Pacific Ocean just waiting
to be scooped up. That's not going to run out by the end of the
century.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: You wouldn't exaggerate it at all, would
you?
MR. GIBSON: I try not to exaggerate, Mr. Minister. As a
matter of fact, I'll read the specific facts on that into the
record when we get on second reading.
Going on through the Minister's comments, he didn't say a
great deal before 6 o'clock on that particular date. But he did
say this. He said:
To say to the public that we must deplete this natural resource for the sake of employment is not valid.
That again shows lack of understanding and a reason for
further study by this government for six months. I don't think
the Minister really realizes that there are 15,000 men employed
in this industry and 50,000 beyond that in the indirect effect.
Beyond that, that
[ Page 3725 ]
is what underpins the economy of this whole province in at
least 20 to 25 per cent of our economy. Again, I'll have more
to say on that later, but it shows that he doesn't understand
the bill.
Interjection.
MR. GIBSON: He needs six months to study this, Mr. Speaker….
Interjection.
MR. GIBSON: He said again, in response to an interjection,
which is not exactly noted in the Blues, that it was never
lost; it was always there. He was referring, of course, to the
mineral and the fact that mineral will be lost if Bill 31 is
passed.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: No, that Member over there said, "Did we
find it?” and I said it was never lost.
MR. GIBSON: But the point is, I'd say to that Minister: try
and get some employment out of that "not lost" stuff. It's not
good enough just to have "not lost"; you have to have it
"found." Again, we'll return to that argument later on, but
it's a demonstration of how this whole bill is founded on
improper basics that have to be studied more.
The Minister goes on to say that in private company dealings
usually there's a royalty, not a share of the profit. Mr.
Minister, that's just not correct either and I'm going to quote
chapter and verse on that when we get into the main part of
second reading.
He said in justification of his 2.5 and 5 per cent royalties
- those are the little royalties, Mr. Speaker — that the
industry was satisfied with this. That's when they came back to
him with a proposal. He put a gun to their head and said, "You
go away and come back with a proposal that is a royalty because
I don't want any other kind of proposal than a royalty." In
other words, he told them to go away and say what they were
satisfied with when they came back.
Then he said — and I want to quote very specifically:
The only time you may have to leave ore in the ground is if the price of copper comes down to around that figure.
By that figure he means the cutoff
price. He says,
The 2.5 per cent and 5 per cent are the only figures that could leave a little bit more ore in the ground.
Mr. Speaker, that admission will be used a great deal later
on in this debate, that this bill leave some ore in the ground,
and it's not just those figures that do it.
He said other things I agree with: higher revenues are required from the industry
and so on. I'll agree with him on that. In times of great profits, it's right
that the public should get more out of that industry. But the way it happens
is very, very important.
He closed his speech by saying,
What's the difference in that tax on the oil than the incremental royalty in regard to the minerals? No difference.
Once again it shows that this whole bill needs
reconsideration for six months because it's founded on a
basically wrong premise. He has to understand that oil is
different than hardrock mineral out of the ground.
Oil is a relatively homogeneous commodity that's there. You
know how much it is and you just pump it up, as long as your
recovery costs don't exceed your sales price once you've found
it. Ore is very different from that. Ore tapers off.
Also, that export tax he was referring to at that point was
a price-control measure. I take it the Minister would agree
with it because it was a price-control measure — but not
particularly because of its economic effects — and finally, was
a temporary measure.
So that's all I'll say on that subject at this point, Mr.,
Speaker: just to make the point that the government needs more
time to understand this bill. Certainly the Minister of
Highways (Hon. Mr. Lea) needs more time to understand this
bill. I'll quote from a piece of paper he has been sending out
around his riding.
The Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources maybe
needs more time to understand this bill, too, or at least to
understand the mining industry. Up in the Interior he was
quoting the exorbitant profits of the mining industry. He went
through a long list of mines, Mr. Speaker, and he referred to
the $50 million profits at Gibraltar Mines. Then he went on,
Mr. Speaker, to talk of the $70 million profit of Placer
Development. Doesn't that Minister know, Mr. Speaker, that over
70 per cent of Gibraltar Mines is owned by Placer Development
and that their profit is reflected in Placer's profit?
There is a widespread ignorance of this industry on the
government side of the House that needs at least six months'
straightening up.
Interjection.
MR. GIBSON: I didn't quite hear the interjection, Mr.
Speaker. The Minister may want to take
part in this debate
because there is another point in his department that shows
that the government is confused on royalties in his Bill 117
which he introduced yesterday and which comes directly from a
report that said straight flat royalties are a pernicious form
of taxation and he has gone to an appraised royalty system for
the forest industry — even for the forest industry. It is a much
more necessary thing in the mining industry that costs
[ Page 3726 ]
taken into account.
The next reason for a six-month hoist, Mr. Speaker, is the
need for a committee study of the subject matter of this bill,
which is intensely complex. There is expert testimony that
should be brought before a committee of this House that will
have to be brought to this House during debate on second
reading if it isn't brought in the committee. That will be
very, very lengthy. I would suggest that the government could
save itself a lot of time by yielding to this six-month hoist
and sending the subject matter to a committee for study in the
meantime. To me it is a sensible argument.
The next reason for a six-month hoist is an advertisement
that appeared recently in The Vancouver Sun of June
"The Government of British Columbia copper task force.
"A task force has been appointed to inquire into various facets of British Columbia's copper mining
industry. This task force is to see what are the best ways and
means of getting processing of copper in this province."
Yet, Mr. Speaker, this bill makes a provision for how that
should be done. It makes an outrageously inadequate provision,
but it does make some provision for the processing of copper in
this province. That provision should be amended and upgraded.
It certainly will be, if this copper task force does its job
and reports correctly. The bill shouldn't be read until that
task force has reported.
The next reason this bill should be hoisted, Mr. Speaker…. It is perhaps not my business to show sympathy for the
government backbenchers, but they need more time to get
reaction from their constituents. The Hon. Member for Omineca
(Mr. Kelly) got some reaction from his constituents and it
sounded pretty shocking. The Hon. Member for Atlin (Mr.
Calder), whose total votes were some 640 last time, is faced
with a petition of over 1,000 signatures out of his riding
against that bill. I'll go around this province on second
reading, Mr. Speaker, and describe the difficulty that some of
these Members might have. I just want to keep their interests
at heart to that extent, just to make sure that they understand
it.
Interjections.
MR. GIBSON: More next time, Mr. Minister. I have one of the
newsletters the Minister sent out. I'll be quoting that,
too.
The next reason, and one of the very important ones, that this should be hoisted
for six months, Mr. Speaker, is that surely federal-provincial tax relations
in this country are at a new low at this stage. Governments should talk first.
Both the federal and the provincial government should talk first before deeply
invading the other's tax jurisdiction.
You know what I think, Mr. Speaker? I think the government
has no intention whatsoever of proclaiming this bill. I don't
know if the Premier has told the Minister that yet. I think
that this bill is a bargaining counter — a bargaining counter
to use with the federal government and say now we have carved
out this jurisdiction and don't you dare step in here. As I
said the other night, I'm a British Columbian; I wish the
Premier luck in carving out as much of that jurisdiction as he
can for the people of this province. But I am suggesting that
this is maybe the wrong way to go about that kind of
bargaining.
Is the Minister going to tell us when it will be proclaimed
if it is passed? Say it is passed a couple of weeks from now,
Mr. Minister, after thorough debate. We'll see. I suggest, Mr.
Speaker, that it is not going to be proclaimed. It's a
bargaining tool. That is an item that would be solved in that
six-month interval, after that federal election and after the
time for the governments to sit down and talk, as they sensibly
should, rather than destroying a lot of jobs by taxation
confrontation.
The next reason that the bill should be hoisted is that the
government does need time to study its effects. Some of its
effects are already becoming apparent but the Minister and the
government have been choosing to ignore them so far.
To you, Mr. Minister, through the Speaker, exploration is
virtually dead in the Province of British Columbia. You know
that. You know that those thousands of jobs that are normally
heading out into the hills at this time aren't going out into
British Columbia; they are going up into the Yukon and the
Northwest Territories and other parts of this country and
outside of this country. That will become increasingly apparent
as this year goes by. Six months from now, believe me, Mr.
Speaker, this government would choose not to go ahead with the
reading of this bill because the effects would be so
apparent.
Somebody mentioned earlier on that the money would be gone.
If that was all, that's one thing because money can come back.
But, Mr. Speaker, the people are leaving. The mine-finding team
in the province, that took a generation to build up, are
leaving British Columbia now. That's why I plead with the
Minister to hold this bill for another six months so he can see
the pattern developing and then pull it back.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: I don't think you mean it.
MR. GIBSON: Pull it back before it's too late so that you
don't lock yourself in, Mr. Minister.
The House Leader can adjourn this session or prorogue it — do whatever he wants — and look at the. thing six months from
now and look at the evidence that you will have on hand at that
time because the
[ Page
3727 ]
evidence is already so serious in terms of exploration — less than half of what it was last year, by the best figures we
can get. I would like to hear the Minister say something about
those figures when he closes debate on second reading or if he
is going to speak on this amendment.
The next reason why there should be a six-month hoist, Mr.
Speaker, is that it would give time to call an election on this
bill because there should be one. This is bad, bad legislation.
I would welcome the opportunity to go to any riding in this
province and on any platform in this province and fight an
election on this Bill 31. Every community in this province, Mr.
Speaker, is a mining community, whether they know it or
not.
This is the most important economic legislation of this
session. That is one thing that the Minister and I agree on 100
per cent. Bill 31 is so tremendously important that it much
exceeds the mandate that that government got on August 30,
1972. It has gone far, far beyond that mandate. You have no
mandate to bring in legislation that destroys jobs and destroys
British Columbia's future in a whole industry years after the
group on that side of the House will be gone, Mr. Speaker.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: We haven't got a mandate? You haven't got
one!
MR. GIBSON: You haven't got a mandate, Mr. Minister, to do
this kind of thing — not with 40 per cent of the vote you
haven't — no sirree. Bad, bad legislation.
Listen to that Minister, who knows that royalties are bad by
his own report and who brought in legislation to say so. Listen
to him talking on this bill. Let's hear him stand up and talk
about this bill. I hope he will.
HON. R.A. WILLIAMS (Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources):
Are you going to support the other bill?
MR. GIBSON: Which bill is that?
HON. R.A. WILLIAMS: The forestry one.
MR. GIBSON: I want to know what you're going to do with the
discretion, I'll tell you that. There's a lot of discretion in
there for that Minister. I'll lay it on the line, Mr.
Minister.
Mr. Speaker, I've just got one more thing to say. Tax profits, Mr. Minister.
Don't try and take it off the top and leave it in the ground and force high
grading. Tax profits — you know that is the solution. If you won't do that then
call an election. Or if you won't do that then hoist the thing for six months,
for goodness' sake, which is the amendment we are speaking to. Hoist it for
six months so that you can, I would say, come to your senses.
Mr. Minister, I'll look forward to hearing your comment on
that later on.
MR. D.E. SMITH (North Peace River): I think it is abundantly
clear that the NDP government is great for using cliches and
statements about how they are for the small people of British
Columbia and the great things that they are prepared to do on
behalf of the little man in the Province of British Columbia,
including the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources
(Hon. R.A. Williams) who is the architect of all of this
legislation. Let's not kid ourselves.
MRS, JORDAN: The grabbagger. Never worked a day in his
life!
MR. SMITH: There is the power broker for the NDP, the man
with the great master plan for British Columbia. It is not the
Minister of Mines and Petroleum Resources (Hon. Mr. Nimsick)
because, after all, we know the Minister has had a long career
in public life and he won't be in these chambers for that many
more years.
But you have got a man back there who makes all the bullets
for you to fire. Unfortunately, after the time you have spent
mainly in a mining area, coming from that background, you don't
realize the irreparable harm you are doing to the Province of
British Columbia, the economy of this province and the people
whom you say you represent.
There is more to government and there should be more
responsibility in government than to try and dream up schemes
which will milk industry dry and leave no incentive for anyone
to ever invest another dollar in the province. If that is your
desire and your aim, you are certainly going down the right
path today with the legislation we have before us, particularly
Bill 31.
What is your desire? If you follow the advice and the
direction of the Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources
(Hon. R.A. Williams), you will make it impossible for mining
companies to operate in the Province of British Columbia. But
that really won't worry you, because the Minister of Lands,
Forests and Water Resources in his paternalism will take them
over. He will become the tsar of the mining industry as well as
the Lands and Forests department. At that time he will say, "We
did it because the industry was not returning to the people the
amount of revenue it should."
There is probably no industry in the province which relates
more to the individual and the little man than the mining
industry, even more so than the forest industry. For many many
years people have struggled and worked to try and find an ore
body in the Province of British Columbia. Now why do they
[ Page 3728 ]
do that?
Interjection.
MR. SMITH: Oh, poor little Cominco. Why don't you go and
plan another subdivision somewhere? Sell another island, Mr.
Minister. Go up into Prince Rupert and see what they think of
you up there tonight. You are wasting your time in the House,
I'll tell you.
MR. SPEAKER: Order! Order, please! I wonder if the Hon.
Member would kindly relate his remarks to the question of
hoisting this bill.
MR. SMITH: Yes. Thank you for those kind words, Mr.
Speaker.
The reason I believe this bill should be hoisted for six
months is that I am genuinely concerned, as many people are in
the province, that the Minister and his colleagues do not
understand the implications of the legislation they have
proposed.
It is easy and it is the thing to do to get up and make
great statements and wild accusations about the rip-off profits
of the large mining companies in the Province of British
Columbia. If you are not doing it, Mr. Minister, certainly your
colleagues. are. They look at any mining operation in the
province which is successful and say that they are making
rip-off profits.
But where do these mines start? Basically they started from
the fact that some small person, financed mainly on his own
with a small grubstake perhaps, went out and spent many years
in the woods and in the mountains, finding a discovery.
AN HON. MEMBER: How about the grandmothers on the
payroll?
MR. SMITH: Why don't you go and hire some more of your
relatives, Mr. Minister?
These discoveries resulted in some of the major mines that
we now have operating in the Province of British Columbia. But
the desire to discover a mine is inherent in a very
individualistic breed of person. Not everybody is going to go
out there. Not everyone has the ability to realize a mineral
discovery if he walked right over it and saw it laid out right
in front of him. But we do still have in this province people
who do have a knowledge of mining properties and are prepared
to devote a lifetime, scattered throughout the Province of
British Columbia, trying to find that one major discovery.
When they do, they have in the past been successful in either promoting a mine
themselves or bringing in or attracting capital. Generally, they have been compensated
for their efforts. Those are the big mines you hear about today, the ones the
NDP like to refer to so often. But the people they really hurt are the small
man, the small mining company and the industries which back up the mining industry
in the Province of British Columbia, the suppliers. They have quite a bit to
say about Bill 31.
I don't think any bill in the House has ever generated as
much mail as Bill 31. I am sure, if the Minister of Mines and
Petroleum Resources has received as much mail as those of us in
the opposition have received, he must know that there is a very
large majority of people intimately concerned about the future
of British Columbia who are opposed to Bill 31.
That is another reason why I suggested to the Minister that
if you have the best interests of British Columbians at heart
you will accept the amendment to hoist the bill for six
months. You will put the bill into the hands of a standing
committee of the House, as you have so often recommended
yourself on other pieces of legislation, and you will let that
committee listen to the people who will be most directly
affected by this bill, seek their advice, listen to what they
have to say, and hopefully come out of it with a system of
taxation which is fair and equitable to both the mining
industry as a viable industry in this province and the people
of British Columbia who have a right to share in the revenues
generated from the sale of a non-replenishable resource.
The thing that interests me most, Mr. Speaker, is the flood
of mail we have received not from large companies, not Cominco,
not any of the large mining companies in the province, but the
little people, Mr. Minister — the ones who employ a few people
in their operation and who cater to the mining industry from a
service standpoint. They have all said to me — and I am sure
they must have said this to you — that their business is in
serious jeopardy at the present time.
I would like to quote a couple of letters from people who
are in the industry, not large people. Here is a letter
addressed to the Hon. Minister, so I have a copy of the letter
addressed to him from Sproatt Silver Mines Ltd. re Bill 31.
"Our company has been active in mining exploration in B.C.
Under the threat of Bill 31 it will be impossible to
continue.
"I would like to cite briefly the merits of one of our
properties and the effect of the bill on bringing this property
into production.
"Expenditure of some $300,000 on our Silver King mine has
resulted in a proven ore reserve of 82,000 tons of 8.5 per cent
silver and 2 per cent copper. This could possibly support a 50-
to 75-ton-a-day mill with the present high prices of copper and
silver, providing employment for 30 to 40 people directly.
This, of course, would be a very modest operation but would
still inject several million dollars into the economy of
B.C.
[ Page 3729 ]
"Bill 31 appears so ambiguous, with demands so poorly
defined, that no financial institute would ever consider
talking to our company. It would be impossible for us to do a
feasibility study of the property as there is no way of
establishing base price. This precludes production permits and,
again, financial requirements.
"We do not object to a reasonable royalty but feel that we
should not be prohibited from obtaining finance and that we
should be allowed to repay capital expenditure.
"If you do not investigate the mining industry and do not
make changes to obvious errors, we can only assume that it is
your intention to do away with small companies such as ours,
with direct loss to our 1,000 shareholders."
Incidentally, Mr. Minister, I would suggest to you that many
of those 1,000 shareholders are individual people in the
Province of British Columbia who have invested in the shares of
that particular mining venture.
As we debate this motion tonight, millions upon millions of
dollars have been lost and will never be regained by people who
have bought shares in mines in the Province of British
Columbia. Through the fact that this bill has come into the
House, the shares of those mines on the stock market have
depreciated to such an extent that many millions of dollars
have been lost to people who can ill afford to lose their
investments. They're the side effects — the indirect people who
are affected by the mining industry. Nevertheless, they're
citizens of the Province of British Columbia and have as much
right to expect fair treatment as the person who individually
becomes involved in developing a mine in this province.
I have another letter here and I'm not going to read all of
it, but I think it's a good example of what can happen. It's
from Norex Mining and Development Mining Company Limited. It's
written by the individual who has promoted this mine:
"In 1965 I spent $2,000 trenching and sampling a silica and
gold property 25 miles west of Cranbrook."
It must be an area that you're familiar with, Mr. Minister,
through you, Mr. Speaker.
"The results of this work indicated the property was
uneconomical at $35 or even $70 per ounce gold. Last year when
gold reached the price of $120 per ounce, my evaluation
suggested it could be mined at a profit. I then spent about
$6,000 more stripping and sampling.
"I went over this with several geologists and engineers. In
all their opinions, I could do nothing but make money.
"Estimated time to mine and ship possible ore, three to four
months — it's a small operation.
"Profit of $1.27 million was possible if the width and
values continued to a depth of 125 feet, and indications were
that it did continue for that depth.
"Every cent I spent was my own hard-earned dollars from
tunnel contracting. The opportunity to make $1.27 million in
three to four months is the reason people spend their last
dollar and live a life of grim existence to find that one in
100 lifetimes bonanza. But 99 per cent wind up in the poor
house and are never heard of. The rare successful one is given
national news and the public and government feel the people in
mining make too much money for too little work and too small an
investment. Who can blame them? There isn't any national news
of the other 99 failures. Not even a back-page blip.
"If 100 people spend their lifetime's earnings on a
sweepstakes ticket, their profit could be far greater than that
of any average 100 people who spent their lifetime earnings in
mining. Sweepstakes earnings are not taxed; the money of the
losers leaves the country and no jobs are created. The losses
of the mining people remain here and boom the economy."
So who
should be taxed? Now that there is no three-year mining tax
exemption, the provincial and federal income tax would apply.
But Bill 31 would beat them to the punch and grab off a
windfall on the high-priced gold that turned that useless
mineral into a mineral resource. Their windfall would be, on
$109.65 gold, $366,000 to the government, leaving this
particular man with $900,000, he says. Federal and provincial
income tax on that $900,000 profit would be $550,000, leaving
this man with $343,000, still a substantial profit. Total
profit, 74 per cent, a fantastic high profit for the small
investment in time, keeping in mind that mining is the highest
risk business in Canada.
He goes on to say:
"We mining people in Canada cried wolf many times in the
past, but the mining industry still booms. That does not say
Bill 31 is not a wolf. If it is a wolf, the people will not
feel the bite immediately, as the millions the government will
receive initially will offset the bite. But will the bite be
bearable in the future?"
I think this is the real point the man
is trying to make in the letter — the real tragedy, of course,
in Bill 31.
"Had I conducted the same mining operation this year, I
would have had to pay the government an additional $10,000 on
the net smelter returns, increasing my loss to $23,545. I would
have the feeling I was ripped
[ Page 3730 ]
off, unlike the government. I don't like being ripped off and
I would never again get into a position where I could be ripped off by the government.
"If there are many more like me in the mining business, that
$140 million royalty will dwindle away year by year, and I
don't need to dwell on the side effects to the economy. A
partial solution to that would be to set allowable production
per year before royalties to give small mines a chance to be
tested and maybe then become big profitable mines which
maintain our economy. This is a small price to pay for genuine
mine finding. The potential tax profit to the province would be
greater. I have evidence now which shows that ore mined 15
years ago would not be ore today.
"Take some action. Should some action be taken to aid the
little man and not kill his incentive with benefits to the
economy of British Columbia?"
He addresses that to you, Mr. Minister, as a question.
think that this is the whole point of the case to be made for
hoisting this bill. It is punitive taxation levelled on a very
high-risk industry in the province. There's no industry that I
know of that takes a greater risk than the mining industry.
AN HON. MEMBER: The oil industry does.
MR. SMITH: No, not even the oil industry, because if the
gentleman who just spoke out of his chair knew anything about
the petroleum industry, he would know that the expertise is far
greater advanced and the chances for success through the use of
the equipment available today are far greater in the petroleum
industry, even though the cost of development is high, than in
the mining industry because it's very difficult in many areas
where low-grade ore exists — or perhaps even high-grade ore — to determine the exact size of the body. But it's not too
difficult with the instrumentation that is available to the
petroleum industry today to give an indication of what is down
there and have a reasonable chance of success once the geology
and the geophysical work are completed.
The impact of Bill 31 has forced many companies that service
the industry to consider cutbacks, to view their operations in
the Province of British Columbia with respect to their future.
Not only that, but it's forced many professional firms to
relocate the professional expertise that it has taken them
years to accumulate to other parts of Canada or the United
States. Certainly the Minister must be aware of that impact. If
he isn't, Mr. Speaker, then he's either naive or he's not
listening to the industry or the companies that cater to the
industry in the Province of British Columbia.
Many of them have documented their problems and fears about
what will happen to their industry in this province. They've
done so in very direct words and terms. Here's a quote from a
prospector in Cranbrook:
"I am just a working man, like thousands of others in B.C. I
had hopes of bettering my station in this life. I am a
prospector. I've worked like hell for the past 10 years on my
weekends and holidays to discover no less than four new
prospects in the East Kootenays.
"The total expenditure incurred by various mining companies
in exploration work on these properties amounts to more than
$100,000. This is good for our community.
"Now you have made it impossible for me to hold my claims. I
am employed as an exploration technician by Cominco, Ltd. If
you go through with Bill 31, there will be no work for me in
B.C. with Cominco or any other mining company. I will not lose
my job with Cominco, but I will have to move to the Yukon."
Here's a comment from a man aged 57, a prospector, who mined
for 37 years, 27 of which have been spent in B.C. He talks
about finding a gold claim, and he hoped to develop it. He
can't get any finance now. Financing was arranged and then
cancelled out after the introduction of Bill 31.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Are you speaking to the amendment or to
the motion?
MR. SMITH: I'm speaking to the amendment, Mr. Minister. The
whole point of the amendment is to try and make you, as the
responsible Minister, realize the results of your actions in
forcing Bill 31 through the House with the large majority that
you have, without consultation.
[Mr. G.H. Anderson in the chair.]
Interjection.
MR. SMITH: Mr. Speaker, the Minister says that he's not
forcing anything through the House. Certainly as long as people
are prepared to debate the bill I presume that we can delay
second reading and committee stage and final approval. But the
Minister knows as well as I know that the majority in the
government benches will make sure that Bill 31 goes through.
Whether it's good legislation or bad, it's going to go through,
Mr. Minister.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Is that a prediction? Well, then, let's go
to the next section.
MR. SMITH: Let's finish it, the Minister says. Well, I don't
know why you should be in such a hurry, Mr. Minister, because
it's lousy legislation. It's
[ Page 3731 ]
going to have a very definite financial impact upon the
people who are presently employed in the mining industry, a
detrimental impact on them. In the long run it will be
detrimental to the revenue of the Province of British
Columbia.
Sure, you'll make a few short-term gains, if that's all
you're interested in, and the revenue will increase. While I
don't want to get into that until we get back to second reading
- I would just like to say, sure, the short-term might look
rosy to you and to the Members of your caucus, but I say this:
if you had deliberately set out to create economic hardship to
an industry you couldn't have found a better way.
You bring this in without consultation. I doubt that even
the expertise in your department was called upon before this
bill was drafted. I'm sure that many of the people affected by
this bill have never had any chance to discuss it with the
department. It's apparent that you have not ever taken into
consideration the impact that you are going to have on the
people who supply equipment and services in the Province of
British Columbia.
I have a letter from Northern Mountain Helicopters Ltd. They
say that their company has lost more than $60,000 in contracts
to date, and this does not include related work which major
contracts normally generate.
Obviously, Mr. Minister, it's very apparent that the Members
of the NDP are so concerned about this bill that they absent
themselves from the House…
AN HON. MEMBER: Hear, hear!
MR. SMITH: …so I move that the committee rise, report
progress and ask leave to sit again.
Interjections.
MR. SMITH: Pardon me, I move adjournment of the debate on
this amendment until the next sitting of the House.
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. I'm going to put the question
when it quiets down and we can hear it.
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: We will wait until it quiets down, then we
will put the vote. As soon as it is quiet enough.
MR. J.R. CHABOT (Columbia River): Oh, what kind of a sham
game are you playing, Mr. Speaker?
DEPUTY SPEAKER: The motion is, as I understand it, that the committee rise and report progress — that was the way you started out.
SOME HON. MEMBERS: No, no.
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: The motion is the adjournment of the debate
until the next sitting of the House.
Motion negatived on the following division:
YEAS — 11
Chabot
Smith
Jordan
Fraser
Phillips
Morrison
Schroeder
McGeer
Williams, L.A.
Gibson
Wallace
NAYS — 35
Hall
Macdonald
Barrett
Dailly
Strachan
Nimsick
Stupich
Hartley
Calder
Nunweiler
Brown
Sanford
D'Arcy
Cummings
Dent
Levi
Lorimer
Williams, R.A.
King
Lea
Young
Radford
Lauk
Nicolson
Skelly
Gabelmann
Lockstead
Gorst
Rolston
Anderson, G.H.
Barnes
Kelly
Webster
Lewis
Liden
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
MR. SPEAKER: Is there any further debate on the amendment?
MR. G.S. WALLACE (Oak Bay): Speaking to the amendment, it
seems that the debate is ranging a little beyond the amendment
to deal with the principle of the bill as well. I think that
the principle of the bill is not exactly what we are trying to
get to; we will explain the reasons why we should, at the very
least, hoist the bill for six months.
There have been somewhere in the neighbourhood of 150 pieces
of legislation introduced in this session. Anyone who is
remotely connected with the news media will know that of all
the bills introduced in this session, Bill 31 has to be the
bill which has created the greatest amount of controversy and
the greatest amount of concern in relation to British
Columbia's second industry.
We can all heckle each other and joke and have our opinions,
but I think it is very valid that the bill which has created
the greatest publicity and
[ Page 3732 ]
controversy deals with the second basic industry in this
province. That is not something we should take lightly. We
should not purely indulge in our differing political ideologies
when we get into this debate, because there are some definite
facts that I think can be put forward in this debate which bear
a little bit of examination, particularly when we are
considering whether it should perhaps be debated six months
from now.
It is agreed even by the Minister that this bill is not well
written. The Minister is quoted as having agreed that some of
the
definitions are subject to varying
interpretations. Surely,
Mr. Speaker, if there is one serious flaw in any piece of
legislation — on any subject, by any government — it must
surely be the flaw which makes it very controversial as to the
actual
interpretation of the words used in the bill — the
definitions.
Mr. Speaker, while I have the highest regard for the
Minister and find him a very pleasant, jovial friend, I have to
criticize him most severely for not only not admitting the
confusion which exists in the terminology of the bill, but he
had the gall, when he introduced second reading, to say that
after the debate is underway or over he will bring forward
clarification, or he will bring in amendments.
Mr. Speaker, if the bill is so difficult to understand
clearly by the people most intimately affected in the mining
industry, and if the Minister admits that the bill is not well
written — and we all make mistakes, Mr. Minister; that's no
great sin to make a mistake in writing the bill or to leave
certain elements of the language subject to varying
interpretations — surely we should not be indulging in this
debate at this time, at least without the clarification which
the Minister himself, in introducing the bill for second
reading, said was necessary and would be forthcoming.
If that isn't one good reason to hoist this bill for some
length of time until we get it properly drafted and rewritten
so that at least we can all agree on what the bill actually
says…. For example, Mr. Speaker, if you cannot agree on what
the bill actually says or if the Minister admits that it could
be easy to misinterpret what it says, then surely we can't
really have any kind of intelligent debate in determining the
likely accurate financial effect on the industry.
As I understand it, there is no general agreement — or
perhaps one should say no precise understanding — as to what the
Minister means by "gross value." This super-duper royalty that
we are talking about is based on the difference between gross
value and basic value.
If I have missed a clarification which the Minister has given in the last day
or two, then perhaps that is my misunderstanding. But I think that the Minister
considers the definition in the bill to mean net smelter value, not gross value,
and that the royalty will not be calculated until the overhead costs of transportation
and smelting and refining have been deducted from the value.
Interjection.
MR. L.A. WILLIAMS: That's not what the bill says.
MR. WALLACE: That's not what the bill says, Mr. Speaker. The
Minister, by interjecting, has just exactly put his finger on
the kind of confusion and misinterpretations, or varying
misunderstandings, which are existing in the mining industry at
this time.
Beyond that, we have again another reason to hoist this bill — basically because of the very great importance of this
industry to British Columbia. It would be disastrous and, I'm
sure, regrettable. I'm sure that the Minister himself knows
this. But if, by chance, his confidence is misplaced and this
bill does have punitive and disastrous effect on the mining
industry, I'm sure the Minister will be as sorry as anyone else
that he didn't perhaps take time to reconsider how accurate or
inaccurate the figures are upon which he has based the
legislation.
MR. GIBSON: For his own sake.
MR. WALLACE: Yes, as the Member for North Vancouver–Capilano
mentions, Mr. Speaker: even for the Minister's own sake. We are
really trying to help the Minister too, though in the political
process opposition Members who try to help Ministers are
frequently looked upon, from a psychiatric point of view…that we should ever be so stupid as to try and help the
Minister. But we seriously do feel that the Minister has got
himself in a box, because the bill is not well written, it's
confusing and it's subject to variable
interpretations of the
definitions affecting a very important industry in British
Columbia.
Again, one should not just make general statements. I like
to be specific. When one reads the Vancouver Province on
Thursday, March 7, it is quite clear that there is a tremendous
difference of opinion as to what exactly the financial impact
of the bill will be on the industry.
The divergence between the Minister's figures and the
figures produced by the industry after they have had time to
digest the bill or to try and digest the bill…. I personally
think that the industry got a duodenal ulcer trying to digest
this bill. I quote from the
article of March 7, Mr.
Speaker:
"The Minister pointed out Wednesday that he had used
55 cents as a rough price, not an actual calculation, merely to
illustrate the way the Act would apply. He said he did not know what
the exact figures would be."
Here we are, Mr. Speaker, bringing in very far-reaching
legislation involving millions of dollars of tax revenue,
royalty revenue, from the
[ Page
3733 ]
second-most-import ant industry in the province. When the
industry tackled the Minister and asked him to be more specific
as to the exact effects of the bill, the Minister said that he
was just using rough figures — rough calculations. He didn't
really know exactly what it would be.
Mr. Speaker, that seems to me to be a pretty irresponsible
approach for such a very important portfolio in general and
this bill in particular. Furthermore, in the same
article it
continues:
"All of this presupposes the Minister is correct in assuming
a 70 per cent price for 1974. However, Nesbitt, Thompson and Co. which, if realized,
would dramatically disprove the Minister's figures in the other direction."
So we have two specific, documented situations where there
is confusion as to definition…. And there is more than
confusion when we begin to try and pin down, what the financial
effects are likely to be on the industry. One of the reasons
there is this confusion on the financial aspect seems to relate
very clearly to two things: the confusion in the definition
section, and the discretion allowed to the Minister in the
bill. This is another reason that the bill should be
hoisted.
The discretion allowed to the Minister in selecting the
basic five-year price is open to varying
interpretations
too.
In general, the bill is written in such a way that through
section after section, the kind of discretion that's given to
the Minister, again when he's already shown that the bill is
difficult to understand where there are specific figures quoted…. I think when you put these two together, no wonder the
mining industry is worried, confused and uncertain as to
exactly what this bill is going to do.
I started off my remarks by making it very plain that if the
government doesn't realize that out of 150 pieces of
legislation this is the one which has created the greatest
furor for some of the reasons I've mentioned, yet it is so
determined to bore ahead regardless of many valid points which
have been made, points which would make a wise man stop in his
tracks and reconsider…. I always think the real sign of
wisdom is the sign where a man is willing to stop in his
tracks, although he thinks he's right, he feels sure he's
right, but that little thought just goes through his mind — my
God, maybe that other fellow has a point.
I've got more points to back up my argument, but the points I've raised, very
quickly in summing them up, are: the tremendous controversy, the second most
important industry in the province, the fact that there's tremendous difference
of opinion as to what the bill means, as to what the financial effects will
be on the industry, and several others that I'm about to mention. But three
or four to start with, I think, should make a wise man stop in his tracks an;
just say to himself, well, I don't know, I still think I'm right but maybe,
just maybe, these guys have some merit in their argument.
I don't think there's any doubt, Mr. Speaker, that there
will be a short-term financial gain. But one other reason I
think this bill should be hoisted is the obvious fact that when
you read about the mining industry, and the comments from the
mining industry, there is always a considerable gap in the
mining situation between legislative action and investor
reaction. Certain mines are into production and obviously they
have to continue, There's no way that they would either want to
or could economically stop production or cut back production
beyond a certain point in their development. So it isn't the
kind of legislation where you take the sales tax off clothing
for example; one day the tax is there and one day it isn't and
it's a very clear cut change of situation the day after the
legislation passes. It is quite clear in the mining industry
that there is a gap between the actual legislation and the
consequences which can follow from it.
Just because the degree to which mining development and
exploration has diminished in recent months…. I agree with
the Minister, I think he made the comment that it had been
declining before Bill 31 was introduced. Mind you, Mr. Speaker,
that could have two
interpretations, too. Some of the
legislation you've brought in already, Mr. Minister, would
hardly inspire confidence in the investors in the mining
industry.
Just to be very specific again in what I'm saying, I would
just read into the record the 1973-4 report of the B.C. and
Yukon Chamber of Mines:
"Only one new mine opened in 1973 and currently no major
mines are in the development stage. Increased quantity of
production in 1974 is not anticipated. Any increase in value of
production is contingent on a continuation of current high
metal prices and the economic well-being of mineral consuming
nations, notably Japan.
"It is estimated that 1973 mineral production in the Yukon
will exceed $135 million compared to $102 million in 1972. It
is further estimated that production in the Northwest
Territories will exceed $145 million in 1973, compared to $124
million in 1972."
Interjection.
MR. WALLACE: Well, that may be so, Mr. Minister, but these
are some of the facts that the mining industry has pointed out.
It mentions the serious problems that are arising because of
restriction on the flow of capital. I wonder why that's
happening. There has to be a reason. People put their
[ Page 3734 ]
money in certain investments, certain provinces or certain
countries because they expect to get a good return on their
money. If we have some sector, mining or what-have-you, in this
province where the investment is declining, one has to look for
a reason. On this side of the House we think the reason's quite
obvious. There's a serious drop-off in exploration activity and
uncertainty as to the future of the industry.
Anyway, exploration in 1973 went down from $38 million to
$26 million — I think other Members have read some of these
figures out. The fact is that there is a diminishing amount of
money being used in the exploration and development of mines in
this province already.
The Minister and others have tried to make out the argument
that it's only the great big mining companies that are really
concerned about this. I won't repeat the kind of letters that
the Member for North Peace read a moment ago, but it is a fact
that we've all got lots of letters from very ordinary, non-rich
people, like the people the Minister of Finance was talking
about earlier on a bill to do with succession duties. Lots of
very middle-income ordinary people who are very concerned not
only about whatever investment they have or whatever pension
they may be living on, but the fact that the industry also
provides jobs.
I'm sure we've all had…I know all the other Members and
the Minister…. This particular letter, for example, starts
off: "I am a geologist employed by an international mining
company." I don't know how many letters we've had that start
off by saying that they are either a geologist or a mining
engineer, and it's becoming increasingly difficult for these
people to sustain employment in this province.
Now do we want to be driving out of the Province of British
Columbia all these highly skilled and well trained people?
Should they go to the Yukon or Montana or Peru or wherever it
is that they can find employment to utilize their highly
qualified skills? That's another argument which I think we
should produce and put forward in considering hoisting the bill
for six months, because if this depressing effect on the
industry continues to grow, there's little doubt that many
highly skilled professional people in the mining industry will
have to leave British Columbia to obtain continuing
employment.
MR. FRASER: It's gone, it's gone already.
MR. WALLACE: I've already alluded to the uncertainty, or at least the
diverging opinion as to what the exact financial impact will be on the industry.
Then just to put the lid on the whole uncertainty, we have Mr. Turner's budget
which suggested that royalties payable in the mining industry would no longer
be considered in the calculation of federal corporation income tax.
MR. FRASER: The Liberal and NDP are still in bed
together.
MR. WALLACE: Now, I'm delighted to know that that budget
brought about the downfall of the Liberal government. So
there's some….
Interjection.
MR. WALLACE: I'm just busy restraining myself.
At any rate, Mr. Speaker, although we will have a different
party ruling the country nationally after July 8, we do have
the fact that this kind of philosophy exists nationally. I
think the amount of uncertainty which exists in respect to this
kind of taxation legislation at the federal level is just one
more area of concern for the mining companies in British
Columbia, and the mining companies all across Canada.
It seems to me that this is just yet one more uncertainty of
a very substantial amount, we're not talking about peanuts. If
the royalties that are to be applied against the mining
industry through this bill are then no longer tax deductible, I
think the Minister would agree that places the mining industry,
not in financial difficulties, but at this point in time they
don't know where they're at in attempting to set up budgets and
determine how much they should be spending in the next six
months or 12 months on further development and exploration.
I'll refer in very general terms without intruding upon
legislation just introduced, but I think that this very
government has shown that kind of consideration for federal
legislation in its attitude to the study of the old timber
leases — the bill just introduced yesterday or today.
Therefore if, in trying to develop taxation policies in
relation to the biggest industry, the first industry in this
province, in considering that industry you take into
consideration federal tax policies, for goodness' sake why not
apply the same kind of consideration in respect to the mining
industry? It is just as vital that the mining industry should
have some idea what the federal tax position is in order to lay
their financial plans ahead for a year, as it is for the forest
industry.
I think we frequently hear from the Minister of Finance and
Premier (Hon. Mr. Barrett) in particular, how wonderful a thing
it is to be consistent in this House. He berated the Member for
North Okanagan (Mrs. Jordan) tonight for her inconsistency.
HON. MR. BARRETT: That wasn't the Premier, that was the
Minister of Finance. (Laughter.)
MR. WALLACE: Anyway, I think this is another reason to
justify our argument that this bill should at
[ Page 3735 ]
least be delayed for six months, that there is tremendous
uncertainty as to the possibility of federal taxation changes
which will further seriously affect the feasibility or
otherwise of development by mining companies.
You know, Mr. Speaker, another reason that I think we should
hoist the bill is that the Minister says, "Oh, well, if the
price of metal drops, we'll stockpile the ore."
MR. FRASER: Kooky idea.
MR. WALLACE: Which happens in my view not to be a very good
suggestion, but if there is that kind of uncertainty in the
Minister's mind then maybe the proposals in this bill could
result in real financial difficulties for the companies. I know
the Minister can't guarantee the prevailing prices of metals.
I'm not suggesting that for a moment. But by admitting that the
need might arise to stockpile the ore because they can't sell
it is, in itself, an admission that the Minister realizes some
of the potential dangers with which this bill is fraught. While
I did some research in relation to the Minister's comments, the
information that I could uncover was that there was precious
little of stockpiling of ore in the Depression which is what
the Minister asserted, and if he's got better research
information than I have, maybe he should give us some specific
facts and figures.
The statement was made that stockpiling occurred in the
Depression. I would like to know if it did, to what extent, and
how many jobs did it preserve?
Perhaps more important, Mr. Speaker, again the fact that the
Minister is even talking in terms of possibly stockpiling ore
and comparing it to the days of the Depression is a thoroughly
negative and depressing line of thought in itself. This
province is buoyant and has all kinds of potential for more and
more development, more jobs, more wealth by the use of our
natural resources. But you can kill the goose that lays the
golden eggs, Mr. Minister. You most assuredly can. This kind of
wealth which constitutes such a vital industry in the province
is not just some source of endless revenue that the government
can go on draining in the way in which this bill makes it
possible for the industry to be overtaxed.
As I said earlier there is a very important principle to us
involved here, which we will debate later. We even think that
your whole system, or the method by which you extract the
money, is wrong. We'll talk about that later. But even if for a
moment we were willing to accept the royalty approach, which we
are not, but if we were, there are all these reasons which I
have tried to outline.
I'm not trying to be funny, or pompous, or smart-alecky when I say this. I
seriously think that these are some pretty sound, valid reasons why it would
be a good idea to look at this bill again six months hence.
Why do we say six months hence? The reaction which has
occurred, and I think the Minister would agree, has been very
vociferous and very strong and very prolonged. The Minister
smiles, and again I know that he is just thinking of Cominco
and all the great big profits which we are always having quoted
to us, but we've tried to point out that there are a lot of
ordinary people involved in the success of the mining industry
and in the continuing employment which it provides.
One of the figures I had quoted to me by one of the mining
sources was that the livelihood of about 100,000 people is
involved in terms of those people employed, their families, and
the secondary and tertiary nature of employment in association
with the mining industry. Now I can't vouch for the exact
accuracy of 100,000, but if it is anywhere close to that we are
dealing with a segment of people in British Columbia which is a
substantial percentage.
The Minister said that in previous years, previous
generations, we took the ore and we left the ghost towns. I
certainly don't feel that is either the goal of the opposition
parties or the goal of the government, but the fact is that if
taxation is punitive or if the risk which the investor is
taking is further increased, then I'm sure we can make the
point very clearly that there are lots of other places where
people can invest their money without putting it in mining. I
think the question of investment in mining has been made very
plain over and over again, that it is a very risky industry in
which to invest money. It makes it quite clear that this
particular bill simply increases the degree of risk and
increases the doubt the investor has as to what return he will
get on his capital.
So the six months would provide a very useful period of time
to do certain things. And the Minister knows very well how
difficult it is during the session of the Legislature to
adequately carry on other serious discussions and negotiations
when he's dutifully here in his place in the House every day,
and when we are having night sittings and committee meetings
and many other responsibilities. But once the House adjourns,
if ever (Laughter), it would be a much more satisfactory and
simpler plan to follow if the Minister would hold either
meetings or public hearings before either a special committee
of the Legislature or the committee of the Legislature on
mining.
Interjection.
MR. WALLACE: Well, Mr. Speaker, it's getting late, and I'm
tired, so we'll adjourn this debate until the next sitting of
the House.
I move adjournment of this debate until the next sitting of
the House.
[ Page 3736 ]
MR. SPEAKER: I don't think the motion would be in order in
view of the fact that there has not been an intervening
proceeding since that motion was already moved. I would have to
call upon the next Member to speak.
MR. WALLACE: Well, I'll just complete my….
AN HON. MEMBER: Ask for leave of the House.
MR. SPEAKER: Well, the only suggestion I can have is the….
MR. WALLACE: Why don't I just shut up quickly? (Laughter.)
I've only one more point to make, Mr. Speaker. I think this is
quite a valid point, though. We've all been here for weeks and
months and we're all getting tired, and we're a little edgy,
and I try to say this from a clinical point of view that we are
all more likely to make mistakes. It's like being in the
operating room when you are tired. I think that six months to
give the Minister and his advisers time to reconsider, to give
the mining industry an opportunity, not in an atmosphere of
anger and bitterness that seems to be existing at the present
time, but when we've all had a chance to cool off a little bit,
if the Minister would take this….
HON. MR. NIMSICK: I'm not hot.
MR. WALLACE: Oh, you were pretty hot the other day. I think
you did an excellent job when you introduced second reading.
But anyway I promised to stop speaking quickly, and I just feel
that these points I've made, together with the fact there would
be so little to lose by at least knowing if your opinion is
unchanged six months from now, that you had covered all the
avenues of approach which I think are pretty vital when you are
dealing with such an important industry in this province and
when such substantial sums of money are concerned.
After all, this is an open government, Mr. Speaker. We hear
the point made many times that this is an open government, and
one of the most open ways to govern is to take controversial or
serious matters to committee and to the public.
I feel that in the light of all the correspondence that
we've had from, as I say, many ordinary citizens who have some
investment in mining or who have employment through mining,
that it would be eminently good common sense to hoist this bill
for six months and carry out some kind of further assessment of
the real impact of the bill in conjunction with the mining
industry, in conjunction with the economists and financial
analysts.
If that were to be done, not only would the financial impact
be more accurately known but the Minister could presumably
rewrite those sections and sentences and phrases which seem to
be causing so much difficulty in
interpretation.
For all these reasons, Mr. Speaker, I'm sure I've convinced
the Minister — he's in his best humorous and jovial mood
tonight. I'm sure I've convinced him. Maybe he has a statement
to make to the effect that he is going to hoist the bill for
six months. I sit down in great expectation.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Mr. Speaker, I would like to move
adjournment of this debate until the next sitting of the
House.
MR. SPEAKER: I think it could be done with the leave of the
House.
Leave granted. Motion approved.
Hon. Mr. Barrett moves adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 10:50 p.m.
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