British Columbia Hansard — FRIDAY, JULY 6, 1990
34p 04s 900706a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1990 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
FRIDAY, JULY 6, 1990
Morning Sitting
[ Page
10763 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Royal assent to bills –– 10763
Private Members' Statements
Nurses' strike. Ms. A. Hagen –– 10763
Hon. J. Jansen
Pacific National Exhibition. Mr. Reid –– 10765
Mr. Clark
Training in education opportunities. Ms. Marzari –– 10767
Hon. Mr. Strachan
The Canada World Youth exchange program. Mr. Bruce –– 10769
Mr. Perry
Carmanah Pacific Park Act (Bill 28). Second reading.
(Hon. Mr. Richmond)
Hon. Mr. Richmond –– 10771
Mr. Miller –– 10772
Hon. Mr. Messmer –– 10773
Mr. Cashore –– 10774
Mr. G. Janssen –– 10775
Mr. Serwa –– 10776
Ms. Pullinger –– 10777
Mr. Bruce –– 10779
The House met at 10:02 a.m.
Prayers.
HON. MR. VEITCH :
Mr. Speaker, I'm very pleased today to introduce to this House a very
prominent German industrialist, Mrs. Rosely Schweizer. She is
accompanied by Michael Ullrich and Mr. David Herman. I would ask that
you would give especially Mrs. Schweizer a very warm welcome to the
Legislative Assembly.
MR. SERWA : Mr. Speaker, on
behalf of the second member for Okanagan South (Mr. Chalmers) and
myself, I would like to acknowledge the presence of three gentlemen
joining us this morning: Mr. Wayne Tucker, the president of Kelowna
General Hospital; Dr. Phil White, chief of medical staff at KGH; and
Hugh Fitzpatrick, chairman of the board of Kelowna General Hospital.
Would the House please make them welcome.
MR. SPEAKER :
Just prior to recognizing the next member in introductions, I would
advise all members that His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor will be here
for royal assent of bills as soon as we complete introductions, so
members may wish to stay.
MR. DE JONG : Mr. Speaker,
I'm pleased to introduce to the House this morning Barry and Cheryl
Holmes from the Central Fraser Valley constituency. They are here with
their two children and are enjoying a holiday around the Island. Barry
is currently the president of the newly created Abbotsford Social
Credit organization, and Cheryl is a highly respected medical
practitioner in the Abbotsford area. I would ask the House to give them
a pleasant welcome.
MR. SPEAKER : Hon. members, we will just take a brief break while the Sergeant-at-Arms and staff prepare for the arrival of His Honour.
His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor entered the chamber and took his place in the chair.
CLERK-ASSISTANT :
Statutes Repeal Act, 1990
Foreign Money Claims Act
International Sale of Goods Act
Conflict of Laws Rules for Trusts Act
British Columbia Health Research Foundation Act
Purchasing Commission Amendment Act, 1990
Sustainable Environment Fund Act
Park Amendment Act, 1990
Ministry of International Business and Immigration Act
Hazardous Waste Management Corporation Act
University of Northern British Columbia Act
Offence Amendment Act, 1990
Securities Amendment Act, 1990
CLERK OF THE HOUSE :
In her Majesty's name, His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor cloth thank
Her Majesty's loyal subjects, accept their benevolence and assent to
these bills.
His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor retired from the chamber.
Orders of the Day
Private Members' Statements
NURSES' STRIKE
MS. A. HAGEN :
Mr. Speaker, nurses are the backbone of our health care system, and
most of our nurses are women. In this week when we on our side of the
House have been looking at issues of concern to women, I have chosen
today to speak about nurses and the health care profession.
Today,
2,400 community and psychiatric nurses are involved in a labour
dispute. It's now three weeks old. Quite frankly, the circumstances of
this dispute have been educating me and the public about this group of
nurses — where they work, what they do, their working conditions and
their role in the health care and health support system.
always, they speak best for themselves. I want to take a moment to read
into the record this morning a letter from Judith Hodgson of Victoria
which was published last weekend in the Times-Colonist . Ms. Hodgson says:
"You'll
find us in provincial mental hospitals, community mental health
centres, forensic services, youth detention centres, some
long-term-care facilities, sexually transmitted disease clinics,
home-care programs, government offices and working as consultants. Many
of us work with people our society does not value, and thus we are
forgotten.
"We accept the challenge of keeping individuals with acute
and chronic mental illnesses, social diseases, physical disabilities and those
who have difficulty coping without support out of hospitals and institutions,
saving taxpayers hundreds of dollars each day. To the institutionalized mentally
ill, mentally retarded, organically impaired and elderly in some facilities
we provide care that promotes optimal functioning and dignity.
"'In the community we often work in isolation. Daily
we see individuals who are suicidal, severely depressed, homicidal, confused
and very vulnerable: a population at risk; a population at risk. It is stressful
and demanding work and requires excellent physical and mental health assessment
skills."
She
goes on to note some conditions of their employment. The title that the
editors have put on this particular letter is "Low-Visibility Nurses."
Indeed, I think most of these health care workers are low-visibility
people. People in my riding have added to the description of Ms.
Hodgson with great feeling, and frequently with great anger — more and more anger as I've talked to them in the last two or three weeks.
They say things like: "I feel I'm treated like a second-class person. We are invisible and forgotten."
[ Page 10764 ]
Then
they talk about how they feel about their work. They talk about caring.
They talk about being committed. They talk about the dangers of their
work and yet how they commit themselves to their patients, residents
and clients. The task of these people is important in our society; yet
I believe there are conclusions to be drawn from the circumstances we
face during this labour dispute. The conclusions suggest that in the
care of people in our communities, we have in reality a second-tier
health care system. It's a second tier for people for whom it is so
important to ensure, as the nurse whose letter I read says, that they
stay in our community with dignity, support and good health.
Why
do I suggest that this is a second-tier system? It's partly because of
how we remunerate these people, most of whom are women. How else can we
explain a difference of up to 25 percent in the wages earned by these
psychiatric and community care nurses as compared with people who work
in acute care facilities? In spite of the comparable training,
experience and responsibilities of these community and psychiatric
nurses with nurses in acute-care services, they are earning $8,000 to
$10,000 a year less than other nurses. Wage parity for these nurses is
very far away indeed.
Moreover, Mr. Speaker, the people who
are working in Woodlands, Riverview and other long-term care facilities
are in the midst of a very significant change in how we care for people
with these special needs. We're moving away from large, centralized
institutions to community care and to small facilities. Already many of
the staff at Woodlands and Riverview in my community are gone.
The
staffs of these institutions are available for new work. They are
highly trained and skilled, and they have years of experience. They are
people with years of commitment and loyalty to their work and to the
people whom they help to care for. They all say to me, very strongly,
that they have more productive and worthwhile years to contribute.
our health care system we need their continued work in the service of
health. New workplaces and new responsibilities will likely require
additional training, some refocusing of skills and perhaps some
complete change into another level where there is a high need for their
health care skills. Once again, though, these nurses feel themselves as
second-class citizens and as part of a second tier where we are failing
to recognize what they have to contribute, what they have to give in
new ways and new paradigms of health service. We are failing to provide
them with the help, support and opportunities to enable them to
continue to provide that important service for us in our community.
These people deserve to be heard. They are harbingers of a new paradigm
of health care.
[10:15]
HON. J. JANSEN :
I would, at the outset, like to agree with the comment from the member
for New Westminster that nurses are the backbone of our health-care
system in British Columbia. There are some 27,000 registered nurses in
the province, and almost 98 percent are women. The member today talked
about the important component of that group — our psychiatric nurses and our community-care nurses in British Columbia. Indeed they are a very important component.
Community
care will be increasingly emphasized in the future. I have made a
commitment that we will focus significantly more attention in the
future on delivering health care at the community level. These nurses
work in a number of different areas and environments, and they are
under a lot of stress and deal with very complicated and difficult
situations. I have had the opportunity to visit those environments and
areas that they work in. At the B.C. Centre for Disease Control I saw
their work and stress. I visited all the institutions where nurses
work, and I was able to understand from them some of their concerns.
I've
also had the opportunity to visit many of the psychiatric out-patient
facilities in our community hospitals, and I have spent a number of
nights on the street with our community nurses, understanding from them
the seriousness of some of the problems they deal with at the
community-nurse level, in terms of sexually transmitted and other
diseases among those populations in our downtown-urban environments.
have to say that I share the concerns of this lingering labour dispute.
We want to see it resolved as quickly as possible. This morning I spoke
to the director of Riverview, where we have some 750 nurses employed,
and I'm working with him to see if we can understand some of the
concerns regarding this labour dispute. Yesterday we encouraged the
parties to come back to the table, and Vince Ready has indicated a
willingness to see if we can address some of the issues as quickly as
possible. It is in the interests of patients, the public, the nurses
and all of us here to resolve this dispute as soon as possible and to
ensure that equity and fairness in terms of their remuneration is
indeed in place.
We very much share the concerns outlined
this morning and are very much interested in seeing it resolved. I have
committed myself to phoning the president this morning to talk to him
in more detail about some of these concerns and to ensure that we see
quick resolution.
MS. A. HAGEN : The Minister of
Health has spoken of his concern for this dispute. I think everyone in
the public knows that the government plays a very significant role in
its resolution. The purpose of my comments today is to emphasize how
vital an equitable and speedy resolution of the dispute is for the
immediate needs of the people served by the community and psychiatric
nurses who are presently involved in that strike.
I also
want to emphasize again the importance of this dispute as a harbinger
of the challenges we face in this field of health care. We have had
demonstrated to us throughout this dispute the two-tier system in real
terms — in terms of how we value the most important resource to the effective working of
[ Page
10765 ]
community care, the nurses in those services, and how we must take not a reactive
but a proactive stance in ensuring that the people in British Columbia who have
committed themselves over so many years to this kind of care stand tall and
well served and well supported as they move into a new system of community services.
We've
been through a mental health review. We've been through reviews of
long-term care procedures. Unless we bring into play in those fields of
endeavour the skills and talents of well-qualified people, trained to
new work — if that is necessary — and remunerated adequately so we can
continue to recruit people to work in these challenging and stressful
areas, we will have failed not only the people who are served by such
care facilities and such care workers but we will have failed a health
system that cannot survive, that will come to a slow, soggy and dismal
kind of fate if these services are not maintained.
We cannot emphasize enough the importance of this small segment of our health care service as it is expanded and as its workers — many of them coming into new fields of endeavour as a result of some of our changing values — make life more dignified and more community-oriented for people who are chronically ill.
PACIFIC NATIONAL EXHIBITION
MR. REID :
I rise in my place this morning to talk for a few moments about the
future of the PNE. I'll preface my comments first of all by saying that
I've had some discussions with Keith Baldrey, so anything that I relate
will have probably three or four people's input.
Mr.
Speaker, the Vancouver Exhibition Association, which was formed in
1907, subsequently became the Pacific National Exhibition Society in
1946. So the VNE, called the PNE, started in 1907 and is 83 years old
this year. The first fair that was convened at the current site was in
1910, making the 80-year-old fair what it is. It's not the oldest fair
in the province of British Columbia, but it is significantly aged by 80
years.
In the early days it was a five-day fair. It subsequently became a ten-day fair, and is currently a 17-day fair extravaganza.
It's currently under the management of the province of British Columbia
and its investments, which are on that Hastings Street site, and the city of
Vancouver, which also has some significant investments in Vancouver's Hastings
Park. The lease expires on that facility between the city and the association
in 1994. It then reverts to a park and recreational-use area. The changing needs
and demands of all the communities, and especially the Vancouver community,
indicate today that yesterday's interests have been served by Hastings Park.
It now must be served by another dynamic community, which has the potential
of producing for the agricultural component what has existed for 80 years in
and around the centre of the hub of Vancouver.
Now
with the Cassiar connector being constructed, which is going to take
part of that land away and make it less accessible, Hastings Street
being widened, the problems of the residents in the area in Vancouver
East, and the two MLAs who don't have time to spend with their
residents to find out what the real problems are. But the changing
dynamics of the area indicate to me that there is an alternative for
the provincial national exhibition — I refer to it as the provincial national exhibition.
ask the House to consider the Lower Fraser Valley Exhibition
Association's current site. It has been in existence longer than the
current Vancouver national exhibition site. It has an Agriplex, a
racetrack and a community hall. It has the Stetson Bowl, formerly the
Kodak Bowl — the finest in British Columbia. It has livestock
buildings. It has plenty of current space to utilize, and it has
expansion possibilities ad infinitum. It has parking, without any
problem at all in the future.
The 1990s are here, Mr.
Speaker, and it's time that we started to consider the agricultural
community and their needs in relation to a 17-day agricultural
extravaganza. We have the site in Cloverdale. It's the centre of the
agricultural community of the Fraser Valley. It's the showcase for
local agricultural commodities. It has the provisions for all those
participating 4-H Club members who want to come with their families,
park their little camper at the edge of the site and show off their
classic ribbon-winning animals. What an opportunity! If they try to get
into the current one in Vancouver, they're boxed out; they're told to
go and stay in Squamish, Langley or somewhere else. Don't try to park
your camper in and around the exhibition site, because it's put there
for the exhibitors; not the agricultural exhibitors but the hucksters.
Mr.
Speaker, not only do we have the opportunity of providing the site
right in the middle of the finest agricultural community in British
Columbia; we have Highway 10 access right next to the site and Highway
15, which runs right along the site. We've got Highway 99, which
dovetails with Highway 15 within a mile and a half. We've got Highway
1A, which is one mile to the north. And we've got Highway 1, which is
three and a half miles to the north. So we have all of those
international accesses. It's within four miles of the U.S. border,
where most of the participants for the provincial national exhibition
come from — the people who want to participate in agricultural
components. So I have no problem, Mr. Speaker, with us giving serious
consideration to the future site of the agricultural component of the
provincial national exhibition being the Cloverdale area.
Other
activities can continue at the Vancouver national exhibition site,
because they have got a coliseum. They've got a racetrack that's going
to be there for another three and a half years until they must
relocate. They've got a B.C. building. They've got an antiquated arena.
They have all the buildings that the province and the city have helped
to fund. They've got a community that wants a park and recreation
development there. The sporting com-
[ Page 10766 ]
plexes
should exist somewhere in the centre of the city of Vancouver. But the
population growth is now south and east. The expansion in the nineties
in British Columbia is into that super area called Surrey, which has a
population of more than 235,000 and will ultimately surpass the
population of Vancouver. On top of that, it's in an area where....
Interjections.
MR. REID :
It's going to have the racetrack, if I had my way, Mr. Speaker. I would
encourage the race track in Surrey to be expanded to a full mile track.
It has the potential to be expanded to a full mile track. My community
would welcome not only rodeos. We're not opposed to anything to do with
animals, because that's our livelihood. We're not opposed to anything
to do with agriculture, because that's our livelihood. We're not
opposed to racetracks, because that's also our livelihood — we do it in
a classy style. We currently have a rodeo. We have the second-best fair
in British Columbia. When we get the provincial national exhibition, we
will be the hub of the fairs of Canada. So, Mr. Speaker, we want to
change the name. We want to move it to Cloverdale, and we want to allow
Vancouver and all of its people to argue about what they want to have
there, in relation to park space.
MR. CLARK : Mr.
Speaker, I must congratulate the member for Surrey-White
Rock-Cloverdale, who has done a very good job of speaking for his
community and trying to attract our fair from Vancouver. However, I
must say that I support retaining the PNE at Exhibition Park in
Vancouver with its thousands of part-time and hundreds of full-time
jobs — many for people from east Vancouver. And I support the
racetrack at the PNE. I know some members are trying to remove that
facility from east Vancouver.
[10:30]
must say, as someone who has spent all his life in the city of
Vancouver, I support the agricultural component as well. For many of us
to see the kinds of livestock that are shown in Vancouver is an
opportunity we don't get very much of in the city of Vancouver. And we
very much look forward — as I did as a child growing up in Vancouver — to the fair, to experience those kinds of things that many citizens of Vancouver might not otherwise get a chance to experience.
But
I must say that the current arrangement, the current PNE, has to
change. We have now a crazy situation where we have a 17-day fair
monopolizing a valuable piece of real estate in Vancouver. Only Social
Credit wouldn't appreciate how valuable that urban site is at the
corner of a part of Vancouver. The site is surrounded by barbed wire
fence, and it's empty for 350 days of the year. There are these
dilapidated concrete buildings. It just sits there empty, and then for
17 days it comes to life. So clearly that's not acceptable. The barbed
wire should come down. Some of the buildings should go. There should be
a magnificent park there.
I think we can accommodate all of
the concerns of the people of Vancouver. We can have a magnificent park
available most of the year for the citizens of Vancouver and still have
a fair for 17 days. It might be different from the fair we have today,
but it would still have an agriculture component and still have many of
the components that exist today. On top of that, there is potential for
other facilities; the Folk Festival, for example, could be held at a
new and exciting urban park in Vancouver. We could still have an
expansion of the racetrack. We could have modern buildings and new
structures for the facilities. So I think we can have it all in
Vancouver.
Anybody who's been at that site just has to look
at the mountains, the scenery and the location of that facility to see
what a spectacular site it is. Surely, if we want an urban fair, we
want an exciting urban facility for a fair that can attract the million
visitors that we have every year for 17 days. Then we want to retain it
there and not move it way out, an hour's drive from Vancouver. It
simply won't have the same ambience, the same kind of history that we
have at the PNE. I think the PNE has to change. There's no question
about it. That site has to change — no question about it. But we can still have all of the exciting....
Interjection.
MR. CLARK :
Yes, the racetrack, an expanded racetrack. I think we can have an
exciting fair. We can have the kind of amenities for the other 300-odd
days of the year, so the citizens of east Vancouver could have a large,
green and exciting park that could be used for a whole variety of
things during the rest of the year — and have the fair grounds and the jobs associated with it as well.
I don't blame the member for Surrey at all for trying, but I completely reject the notion of moving our fair from our community — that job-generating and interesting fair that people really like in Vancouver — and
moving it all the way out to Cloverdale just because the member for
Surrey–White Rock–Cloverdale represents Cloverdale. We can have a much
improved and interesting urban experience and urban fair in Vancouver
if we put our minds to it.
The fair has to change, so I can
appreciate why the member for Surrey–White Rock–Cloverdale wants to put
his oar in now. The fair is not acceptable the way it is, but I think
that's not the direction we should change it.
MR. REID :
I certainly appreciate the opportunity to respond to that. He talks
about "our fair" being the city of Vancouver's fair. It should more
fairly be called the "Provincial National Exhibition" because we have
representatives from all the agricultural components of the province
represented in this House. And the city of Vancouver representatives
continually want to harbour the activity of employment.
If the truth were known about the 3,300 people who work at the PNE, and if the second member for
[ Page
10767 ]
Vancouver East would circulate around those people
to find out where they actually come from, he would probably find that
most of them come from my constituency. They're tired of driving
through the smog and smoke down there and crawling over that barbed
wire to get to work. They want to go out into a community where we
won't put up barbed wire like they did in 1973 when your colleague
turned that over to a group of people who put a barbed wire fence
around it. Prior to that we had a congenial city of Vancouver and
provincial compatible program until your colleague got hold of it.
turned it totally political, made it into a sham, started to get
involved and tried to dictate how it should be run. What a mess you
guys made of it in 1973. We took it over after that, but what has
happened since then....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please.
I'm sure the member is very much aware of our procedures and practices
during private members' statements and the business about being
argumentative....
MR. REID : This is not.
MR. SPEAKER : It certainly sounds like it to the Chair. Please proceed.
MR. REID :
That member must surely know that the people who want to work at a
provincial national exhibition come from communities where the
agricultural component is — out in Cloverdale, Langley and Richmond
where all the agricultural land reserve is. That's where the people are
frozen into working in agriculture. Let's allow them to have these
facilities in their own community and bring those people from Vancouver
and their money out to the little community 40 minutes away on the
freeway.
Bring them out to Cloverdale, because we have been
forced to go into that 40-minute smog, to try to find a parking spot in
those sinful corners, in the alleys and in back yards of people who
paved their back yards — you probably paved yours — in order to rent it
over 17 days. We want that 17-day component. We want you to have the
racetrack, the ice arena and the soccer field. We want you to tear down
Empire Stadium and build another one. But come on, put the agricultural
component where it belongs: out among the real people, the real farmers
and the agricultural people — right on!
Make it kind of
neat so a 4-H Club member can ride his bike to an agricultural fair
after looking after his little sheep in the field in the afternoon.
Then in the morning he pedals off to the agricultural fair for 17 days.
Bring in those people from Cranbrook so they don't have to go into
downtown sin city. They can spend some time out in nice little
colourful Cloverdale where there's a rodeo held annually, and where the
people love it. They meet congenially with other....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please. Your time has expired.
Interjection.
MR. SPEAKER : It's inappropriate to attack the home city of the Speaker.
TRAINING IN EDUCATION
OPPORTUNITIES
MS. MARZARI : How are we going to keep 'em down on the farm?
Over
the years the problems that face women in our province and in our
country have developed pat solutions which have grown and evolved
around poverty, wage discrimination and job discrimination. Women are
now being told and have been told for the last few years that training
is going to be their panacea — training and education and upgrading.
Taking
a close look at this band-aid solution, we have to remember that
training itself is surrounded and embedded in old assumptions we have
about power relationships between men and women.
While the
shiny new programs are being introduced and unveiled, certain facts
remain. Before I discuss the particular problems and barriers facing
women in training programs, let me remind the House that women are
still considered residual to the labour market in our society.
Even
while 73 percent of mothers are working full-time, 60 percent of
mothers of children under three are working full-time, women hold up
half the sky in the workplace and comprise 50 percent of the workers,
and women now comprise a good number of heads of households in our
community, we still face the fact that our community does not recognize
that these women exist in the workforce.
We can look at the
fact that only 10 percent of the needs of child care are presently
being met in our community, women's pay is still 60 percent on an
average of what men make for equivalent jobs, pensions still reflect
that 60 percent, women are still considered untrained despite years of
managing homes, jobs, children and community organizations, and women
are still devalued in their nurturing jobs, their organizational jobs
and those jobs which reflect their own experience.
The
reason our community gives is that women will get married and have
children, and they are not counted in the statistics. Despite the fact
that women are a cheap labour supply, women still are not called into
the workforce to fulfill, shall we say, the classic definition of the
law of supply and demand, which suggests that if you've got a cheap
labour supply, they will be attracted to the work force and their wages
will go up correspondingly. What happens in the case of the traditional
laws of supply and demand to women's labour is that women remain at low
pay. Women remain at 60 percent despite training.
Second
assumption: women's skills are still measured at less value than male
skills. This seems to bear itself out in the statistics that we've
compiled over the many years.
Margaret Mead once put it this way: whatever men do, even if it is dressing dolls for religious
[ Page 10768 ]
ceremonies,
is more prestigious than what women do and is treated as a higher
achievement. Jane Gaskell, in a report she gave to a pay equity
conference in Toronto this year, May 10 to 12, commented on the fact
that women in the labour force have more education than men in the
labour force, even though women are paid much less. If women were paid
for their education, women would be better off.
The fact is that our community ascribes the value — and it can only be politically and powerfully defined — that
large motor strength, outdoor work, work involving large-muscle skill,
is more valuable to this community than small-motor-skill dexterity.
Even though, objectively speaking, those interactional people-skills
are considered more valuable in the management side of things, women,
whose whole experience revolves around social and community skills,
interaction and family continuity, find themselves devalued in any job
they seem to apply for.
Let's carry that through to
training programs that we have thus far evolved in our society and in
our communities. Most training programs that we have created basically
rely on putting women into a cheap labour force situation. Clerical
training is generally short — ten to 26 weeks. It generally assumes,
according to Jane Gaskell, that women already have training and only
need a little brushing up, a little confidence, perhaps, and a decent
wardrobe. Very rarely do the training skills that we provide for women
have technical skills involved in anything more than basic typing.
Managerial skills are not included in most of these short courses.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
Training
can be short, Gaskell suggested, because it depends on the fact that
women already have the skill before they walk into that program. They
have the social skills; they've raised their families; they basically
know what they're doing; and they're brushing up their technical typing
skills. No wonder the skills programs that we've created are so
problematic for women. It creates a vicious cycle for most women as
they approach the training market and the skill development market.
They have a terrible choice: they're either entering jobs that are
already depressed in terms of their value and their financial value to
the women, or they are entering jobs that because of their very entry
to those jobs might become depressed.
Several studies,
according to Gaskell, find that the percentage of females in an
occupation depresses wages even after measures of skill demands are
controlled. An interesting choice, then, for women as they approach
alternate employment and try to break down the barriers that exist for
them to enter traditional male employment roles. The barriers that
exist in many of the training programs that we have reflect these
inconsistencies and these problems.
[10:45]
DEPUTY SPEAKER : The member's time has expired. In response, the Minister of Advanced Education.
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
At the outset, I've never heard such a bunch of outdated nonsense in
all my life. Good lord! We're quoting Margaret Mead, God rest her soul.
Let's look at what's happening in the 1990s. I think really your
evidence is out of date. I think your argument is unfortunate, because
if there's anything you've said in support of women's training, you've
certainly argued against it. You say women are considered residual and
untrained. What a terrible thing to say about half of our workforce. I
just can't imagine anyone taking that type of a slur situation in
talking about women in training.
Let me give you some
evidence. Let's look at some non-traditional components, like the
university system, for example. In commerce and business administration — and these are 1985-86 numbers and have no doubt improved since this list was compiled — 45 percent of the students are women. Twelve percent of students in engineering — a very male-dominated course of studies for some years, and for some obvious reasons — are
women. That's an increase of 7 percent over a ten-year period.
Forty-four percent of the students in medicine now are women. Forty-six
percent of the students in law are women. In veterinary medicine 58
percent are women. In other words, women outnumber men in that course
of study. So I would really argue against the member's argument, and I
have to advise the House that the information we're hearing from that
member is outdated and certainly has no bearing on what is happening
today.
A high percentage of the women enrolled in
universities in British Columbia are.... In undergraduate programs
women constitute 62 percent of the part-time and 50 percent of the
full-time students. In graduate programs women constitute 40 percent of
the full-time and 52 percent of the part-time students. A recent survey
of B.C. high-school graduates revealed that while those who go on to
post-secondary education tend to come from higher socioeconomic
backgrounds, there were no significant differences in this pattern by
gender.
The other thing I'd like to talk about briefly is
the notion that women can't do outdoor work. That's nonsense as well.
WCB regulations now require that the maximum weight of material that
you're allowed to move around is something like 60 or 70 pounds, which
most healthy people, male or female, can do. Every day we notice more
and more women doing what were typically considered men's jobs, such as
being carpenters, operating heavy-duty equipment, driving trucks, all
that type of thing. It's very common nowadays. As a matter of fact, in
some instances women are preferred in heavy-equipment jobs because they
are deemed to be more reliable and take better care of their equipment;
they are deemed to be better employees in that situation. So I would
have to argue strongly against that.
I have personal
knowledge of a young lady in the airline business many years ago who
became the one of the first female supervisors in the Canadian Pacific
system. She did extremely well until her husband, who was at school at
the time, graduated and went back to work and a family came along. This
gal went
[ Page
10769 ]
back to a job with the airlines, but out of a
supervisory position. She then became one of the first females to work
in an airport in Canada. That was always seen as a traditional place
for men only. Women in the airline industry worked on planes or at
reservation offices but never worked at airports. That young lady
became one of the first female employees in the Canadian Pacific system
to work at an airport, and did very well — really a vanguard person.
I'm happy to recount that story, because we've been married for 26
years, and she's always been a leader in terms of what she does. She
has been a very responsible, non-traditional person in that industry.
can't accept any of the argument that I've heard from the member
opposite. She has clearly used outdated information and is looking at
things in the past. She is not looking positively towards any changes
in the future, but the changes are there, surely. I think continuing to
say women are considered residual and untrained is most unfortunate for
the very successful women in this province in the many non-traditional — which are actually now becoming traditional — routes of employment and job opportunities.
With
that said, I would consider the member's argument irrelevant, clearly
out of date and counterproductive in terms of what she wants to deal
with.
MS. MARZARI : I'm really glad I chose this
topic to speak to today, because the minister's reaction to my comments
is the reaction I probably expected. Therefore I think for the record
and for posterity we should put in Hansard some of the things that need to be done to rectify the situation that we face now.
The
first one is obviously that as we enter any pay equity program, we
devalue the notion that job evaluation is going to solve our problems
for us, since job evaluation is quite apparently just a part of the
power structures that already complicate matters for women in terms of
evaluation of their jobs.
The second thing we have to do is
to relate training to a much larger interconnected group of programs
and visions in which the value of women's work is given merit, and
positions of power and influence are given to women on the basis of
their work and experience. Training up women should not mean nailing
their other foot to the floor, as this government very often does as
they push welfare mothers into the position of taking in children and
providing unlicensed day care spaces.
The third thing we
have to do is educate rather than train 'em up. We have to respect
women by giving them access to college and university education which
reflects.... Give it to them in a way that they can accept, by making
financial assistance available to women over the long term — not the
short, one-year term, but over the six to eight years that it might
take for a woman who is raising children to get her education or
training.
Fourth item: affirmative action. Training happening in a vacuum is only going
to repeat the mistakes of the past. Unless we actively encourage and educate
our institutions to promote women — our universities, our colleges, our businesses,
our own government — we will not be doing women any service. We have to create
bridging in dead-end jobs and upgrading clerical workers to management when
they so choose, and in terms they can understand. We have to provide geographic
access as well as dollars to training programs that exist now so women can be
trained and educated in their own communities.
need a database that will match women to jobs, that will match jobs to
what our future needs are. Right now we don't have any numbers as to
how many women actually benefited from the famous four-cornered
agreement that we signed with the federal government.
DEPUTY SPEAKER : The member's time has expired.
MS. MARZARI : Okay. In closing, we need to treat women where they are at, in their communities, and not as trainable commodities.
THE CANADA WORLD YOUTH
EXCHANGE PROGRAM
MR. BRUCE :
Mr. Speaker, today I'd like to share with you and my colleagues in the
House a program that's been going for a number of years in Canada. It's
an educational exchange program through Canada World Youth.
think in today's age, when this world is growing very small, very
rapidly, programs like this are extremely beneficial to all of us — and particularly to those of us that live in a country such as Canada, with what Canada has to offer — so we are able to get a broader perspective of what the world is all about.
The
Canada World Youth program is a non-profit organization. It offers this
opportunity of travel and exchange to students or young people from the
age of 17 to 20 years. They're away from home for about six to seven
months. Part of the time is spent with an exchange within Canada, where
students from the countries they are going to go and visit come here.
They live together and work in a region of Canada. Then the majority of
time — more than half the time — is spent in these other countries.
The program actually works in areas in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the West Indies. When I heard about this —
because I was fortunate enough as a young fellow to do a fair amount of
travelling throughout the world and through parts of the places
mentioned here, in Africa and the Middle East — I let the graduating
students of my area know about the program and where they could find
more information if they were so inclined.
Funnily enough perhaps — from my standpoint — the
opportunity was taken up by two of my constituents: one chap called
Kevin Foster from Lake Cowichan, and another called Shane Howell from
Duncan. They took advantage of this program and had some wonderful
experiences. Kevin went to Indonesia for a period of time, and Shane
went to Bolero in Africa. Like anyone going to different parts of the
world
[ Page 10770 ]
such as where these two young fellows went, they came back with some pretty interesting and wonderful experiences.
The
way the program works is not simply that you're off on your own in some
boondoggle. There are those communication skills which are necessary to
learn because you are with other people who speak a different language.
You are in a completely different country and society to what you're
used to here in this western society.
It's not for
everybody. It can be for some a very difficult and trying time. But
these two students, Kevin and Shane, found it to be a very rewarding
time. They built some very strong and wonderful relationships with the
people they lived with here in Canada and in the homes they stayed in
in both of the respective countries that they visited.
Kevin, who went to Indonesia, found a totally different climate than what you would find in Lake Cowichan. It was very hot — 30-degree
weather. The people, like the people of Lake Cowichan, were very
friendly. The actual growth around the community he was in was very
lush. Certainly that is a similar set of circumstances in Lake
Cowichan. There was a green, vibrant countryside, and a very different
society than what he experienced at home.
His time there,
as with most of the students, was spent doing work in the agricultural
fields with the people there. They work a good portion of the day. Both
of them were involved in agricultural work in different parts of the
world. But it was quite an experience for them from that standpoint.
Kevin
was saying that, understandably, the people in his country were very
poor, but because of the richness and the fertility of the soil there
was not a shortage of food, albeit that food was considerably different
than what he was used to at home. Their diet there consisted mainly of
fish, rice, vegetables, noodles and fruit.
However, he relayed one unique little anecdote about his trip there. There's a particular fruit that grows wild. It's called — and I hope I get this pronounced correctly — durian. It's a very prized fruit. When a villager finds this fruit starting to mature — it's off a tree —
it's so rare that they actually set up a little guard-post below that
tree and wait for this fruit to ripen and fall. You don't want to walk
away from it, because somebody else may be there, and they sleep there
at night in case it falls during the night. He told me that this fruit
tastes somewhat like a mixture of sweet onion and tuna fish; it's a
little bit different. There's no durian, he found, in Lake Cowichan.
was involved in several other projects besides the agricultural one. In
this particular community they were looking to build a dam. Before they
went ahead, they had to get permission from the spirits that inhabit
the forest. Of course, they went through a ritual and a ceremony, and
they ended up having to sacrifice a chicken and say some prayers to get
the spirits to agree to allow this dam to go ahead. So he had a very
interesting time there. I'm happy to say that he's looking to go to
other spots.
[11:00]
In Shane's time away in Africa,
food was considerably different. The experience which he found
different from here in Canada was that the life pace was considerably
slower than at home. In the household of the family he was living with,
he was not allowed in the kitchen. Males were not allowed in the
kitchen at all, and they were not allowed to clean or wash their own
clothes. They weren't allowed to do anything of that domestic nature.
He found this to be somewhat difficult to adjust to.
DEPUTY SPEAKER : Sorry, the member's time has expired.
MR. PERRY :
Mr. Speaker, I must begin by saying that I hope the member for
Cowichan-Malahat's constituent who was in Bolero, if I caught the name
of the country right.... I'm not familiar with where Bolero is.
MR. BRUCE : The community of Bolero.
MR. PERRY : I see; it's a community.
hope that he will avail himself of the chance to read Margaret Mead,
the great anthropologist, because despite what the minister of
universities said a few minutes ago, Margaret Mead is still very
relevant in the modern world. He may find something of interest to
deepen his experience.
I also want to say that it's a
pleasure to note that we have more in common with Indonesia than we
sometimes realize. Because although the Sierra Club and the Western
Canada Wilderness Committee apparently are not aware of this, the
orangutan, an endangered species in Indonesia, is actually quite common
in British Columbia.
It's a pleasure, Mr. Speaker, to
respond to an interesting statement on Canada World Youth, because I
have some personal connection — however removed — with that
organization as well. My colleague the member for New Westminster
points out that her son David Hagen also traveled to Indonesia as a
Canada World Youth scholar. As well, he had the experience of
travelling to Newfoundland and seeing how different the culture and
economic status of people is even within our own country.
I have a friend, Brenda Wemp — originally from Chase, I believe — who
traveled to El Salvador for Canada World Youth in 1979 or 1980 just
prior to the assassination of Archbishop Romero. She became
tremendously sensitized to the problems of the Salvadoran people: their
poverty, their difficulty in struggling for basic human rights and even
the fact that they face death stalking them in the street every day in
their simplest attempt to organize to protect rights that we take for
granted.
Mr. Speaker, the member for Cowichan-Malahat
pointed out that the world is growing smaller very rapidly. Sometimes I
wonder. Literally, of course, I don't think he meant that. I guess the
earth is growing smaller technically, but not rapidly. I think he meant
that we perhaps have more in common with
[ Page
10771 ]
people elsewhere in the world than we've had in the
past. I wonder if that's really true. I think that actually there's
ample evidence that the gulf between rich and poor in this world is
widening.
I think of a presentation I heard at the
Registered Nurses' Association's annual conference this year. The
keynote speech highlighted the fact that the contributions of developed
countries like Canada to Third World countries are actually far less
now than they were in the past in material terms, and that the drain of
resources from the Third World to the wealthy countries is actually
accelerating.
I remind you that every second of every day
as we debate here a child somewhere in the world is dying or is
prematurely and permanently disabled by a preventable disease. I wonder
how well we are aware of these concerns. That's one of the tremendous
values I see in an organization like Canada World Youth in fostering
and deepening an understanding of the rest of the world by young people
in this country. I'm sure that the students from Lake Cowichan and
Duncan also would have had some very moving experiences in relation to
the poverty they have seen in the two countries they visited and in the
environmental difficulties faced by people in those countries which
were described in the Brundtland report.
I know, from my
colleague's experience with her son, David Hagen, or my friend Brenda
Wemp, that the experience transformed their lives in many ways. My
friend Brenda became intimately involved in the movement to protect the
rights of the Salvadoran people and to attempt to resist the activities
of the death squads there. She went on to become a law student and to
work in immigration law defending refugees in Toronto.
I'd
like to add to the member for Cowichan-Malahat's praise for Canada
World Youth, in the hope that many more British Columbia youth will
have the chance to profit from that experience.
MR. BRUCE :
I appreciate the comments from the member from Point Grey. He was
mentioning that one of the other chaps went to Newfoundland. Shane too
went to Newfoundland. One of the other things that he mentioned was an
experience I had. He found himself in this village as the only white
experience in Tunisia, actually, after quite a long period away, for
the first time actually feeling like a minority — the language
difference, the race, the culture, the religion. It was at
Christmastime, and it finally hit home that not all the world
celebrates Christmas. It was quite a shock for me.
The
feeling and the idea of trying to live as a minority and what that can
mean can be quite an experience. Mind you, you always had that ticket
home. All you had to do was get to any airport and you were back in
North America. You had a free ride out, in a sense, or a quick turn
back. Shane relayed that to me as an experience that he had.
One little note with respect to Shane and how it went with the family that
he lived with in Malawi
The
owners of the place where he was living had a little baby. How these
exchanges and how they will be carried on in the future go a long way
by the fact that.... The family so much appreciated the relationship
between Shane and the other young chap who was living and working with
him there that they named the baby after him. So forever there will be
that understanding and friendship between the two of them.
It's
funny, at this time in Canada's development.... I can remember, back in
the seventies when we had gone through the FLQ crisis and similar
things that were happening in Quebec and the rest of Canada, that there
used to be extensive exchanges between students throughout Canada. I
think it's wonderful that we have the world exchanges, but there's no
time like now for us to again move to the aspect of reaching out to one
another in this country and instigating a series of exchanges, through
the schools and whatever other programs are available, between the
peoples and regions of Canada as a whole.
I found when I
came home from my year's trip throughout parts of the world that it was
overwhelming what this country of Canada has to offer. In fact, I
believe that Canada is the greatest experiment in the world where there
is such a mix of races, heritages and cultures that are trying to live
with a common bond, that bond being Canada. To my way of thinking,
there is no room even for discussion about separation of any form
between any regions of this country. There is lots of room for
discussion of understanding of one another's aspirations. Today we as a
country, as a whole, should be looking to further those types of
discussions.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Mr. Speaker, I call second reading of Bill 28.
CARMANAH PACIFIC PARK ACT
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
In moving second reading of this act, I just want to make a few
comments, and I will reserve some lengthy comments for when the debate
is closed either later today or next week.
Bill 28 creates
a 3,600-hectare class A park over the lower portion of the Carmanah
Valley on the west coast of Vancouver Island. It also establishes the
Carmanah Valley forest management area over the remainder of the
drainage, including its tributary August Creek.
The
Carmanah Valley Forest Management Advisory Committee is created to
advise the Minister of Forests on all matters pertaining to the
integrated management of forest resources within the management area.
The committee will comprise a chairperson and up to eight other members
representing the wide spectrum of interests in the use and protection
of resources in the Carmanah Valley.
The bill provides a
balanced resolution to a difficult and highly contentious public issue
regarding the protection of a superlative growth of old-growth Sitka
spruce trees. The ecological integrity of the
[ Page 10772 ]
spruce
grove is maintained, while at the same time forestry jobs and economic
stability in nearby communities are supported through careful logging
in the remainder of the drainage.
Provisions are made in
the bill to extinguish the timber tenures within the area of the new
park. This land is part of tree-farm licence No. 44, which is held by
MacMillan Bloedel Ltd. That part of the tree-farm licence contains
another form of tenure called a timber licence. The bill waives a
provision in the Forest Act for one year's notice to the holder before
land can be deleted from each of these tenures, thereby enabling
immediate creation of the park. Other provisions in the Forest Act
regarding deletions remain in effect.
Mr. Speaker, I move the bill be read for the second time.
MR. MILLER :
Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose the bill. The bill does not, in our
opinion, represent a solution either to the situation in the Carmanah
Valley or to the hundreds of land use conflicts occurring around this
province. The bill, in our view, is based on shortsighted political
expediency and reveals a government that is unwilling or unable to
understand the need for a rational land use planning process.
does not offer security to forestry employees, who have seen their
numbers dwindle and who are paying a very heavy price in lost jobs
because this government doesn't have the guts or the inclination to do
a proper job of forest management. It does not convince British
Columbians, who are deeply concerned about the environment, that this
government has any intention of implementing a rational land use
strategy. It offends aboriginal people, who are trying to pursue their
legitimate rights and who were not consulted on this bill.
The
bill is not a solution, and these are not just my opinions. George
Watts, the chairman of the Nuu'chah'nulth Tribal Council, said: "The
government didn't even have the courtesy to talk to us about this. This
is just another example of the government's insensitivity to the
aboriginal interests." But that's no surprise, because when you go back
in history — and not that far — when the former Minister of Forests was
asked by the federal Minister of Indian Affairs to consider aboriginal
interests before making forestry decisions, his response went like
this: "If they want to play silly little games, fine. Let them play
silly little games." When the current minister was asked about meeting
with the Nuu'chah'nulth, he said he didn't meet with them and he didn't
know if his predecessor had met with them.
Mr. Speaker,
others are equally offended. The IWA described this bill as a knee-jerk
reaction and went on to call for a proper process to be put into place.
They reject the valley-by-valley approach. MacMillan Bloedel, in its
press release of April 10, said: "This decision is based on politics."
Both the Western Canada Wilderness Committee and the Sierra Club called
this bill "a non-decision and unacceptable."
We wonder how
this decision was made and why it was made behind closed doors in the
back room. Why, if we are going to create a park in British Columbia,
do we not involve the Minister of Parks? The Park Act clearly gives
this minister responsibility. The Ministry of Parks annual report
states: "New areas being considered for park status will be evaluated
under strict guidelines prior to being designated." The minister was
not involved in this process.
[11:15]
Last
year the former Minister of Parks said that his staff had been
conducting an analysis for five or six months. He also said that he
would table it in the Legislature. Where is it? This year the new
Minister of Parks said that there was no need to undertake a detailed
study. Just as the Park Act is printed on paper, we have a paper
Minister of Parks.
Similarly, the Ministry of Forests
planning process is too narrowly focused. While Forest Service
documents state that the public and industry are saying that a
comprehensive approach to land use decisions should be developed, the
minister says he would rather fight it out valley by valley.
Group
after group, whether they be environmental, labour, aboriginal or
industry, have appeared before the Forest Resources Commission arguing
for a comprehensive land use strategy. We need to define the working
forest to guarantee an economically secure resource base, we need to
complete the system of parks and ecological reserves, and we need to
examine why other forestry jurisdictions appear to out perform British
Columbia, to provide more job security and to create more wealth from
their forest resource than we do.
I want to illustrate just
one area that was left out of this planning process. A pilot project on
intensive silviculture has produced some startling numbers on what we
can achieve at a reasonably modest cost. In the case in question, by
increasing the silvicultural investment from a base amount, which is
normally $3.51 per cubic metre of timber harvested, to $6.21 per cubic
metre — a modest $2.70 per cubic metre — we can increase the annual
harvest considerably. In this project it showed that the annual harvest
can be increased from 88,000 cubic metres annually to 130,000 cubic
metres annually, an increase of 42,000 cubic metres of timber per year.
At the same time, direct employment as a result of the program
increased by 52 jobs.
[Mr. De Jong in the chair.]
this type of intensive silvicultural regime were instituted over the
320,000 hectares of tree-farm licence No. 44, we could expect an
increase in the annual allowable cut of approximately 500,000 cubic
metres. At the same time, 500 new jobs would be created, while existing
jobs would really be secured. Mr. Speaker, these are real numbers; the
research has been done. These are industry figures that I'm quoting.
[ Page
10773 ]
The travesty is that this government has not considered the full
range of options. The travesty is that this government talks about
compensating forest companies but does nothing about providing
opportunities for working people. Let there be no mistake. If a
government action takes away a worker's job, that worker should be
compensated. But given the opportunity, working people would far prefer
work to compensation, security to insecurity. They're not getting it from this government, and they're not getting it from this bill.
Not
long ago a Socred member said that it was a matter of choice. I think
this bill clearly illustrates that choice. It's a choice between a
meaningful environment and jobs accord, and the continuation of
valley-by-valley conflict; between the achievement of economic
stability for our forest communities and the spectre of job loss and
insecurity; between a renewed future for our forests and the
continuation of the mismanagement of this administration; between real
commitment to environmental protection and a continuation of this
government's neglect; and between the lasting economic benefits of a
mutually beneficial resolution of aboriginal rights and the
continuation of economic disruption and expensive court battles. This
is a choice between a government that is prepared to listen to British
Columbians and one intent on imposing its own narrow agenda. We reject
that narrow agenda, Mr. Speaker.
HON. MR. MESSMER : I
rise in support of this bill which will create another class A
provincial park I can say that I am always pleased to work on a park
proposal with my colleague the Minister of Forests, and I congratulate
him on this initiative. I believe this is probably the first time a
park initiative has been brought forward by the Ministry of Forests,
certainly according to the people I've talked to over the last number
of years. It has been a pleasure to work with him on measures to
preserve the special features of this province. Of course, that is
exactly what Carmanah Pacific Park will do.
The Minister of
Forests had to make a very difficult decision: to define the fine line
between the economy and the environment. I've been to the Carmanah. One
of my first duties as Minister of Parks was to fly into the Carmanah.
For the first time I, too, saw the 267 Sitka spruce trees there. I
looked at the Sitka giant and was amazed as its size — I suppose that's
because I come from the Okanagan, where we have lodgepole pine, and we
harvest that. Some of them are 31 feet around and 311 feet high. I saw
the hemlock, cedar and balsam that are mixed in with the Sitka spruce.
I'm
amazed at the last speaker suggesting that these giants should be done
away with and should not be conserved for the future of our youngsters
coming up behind us. The forest in the Carmanah has an appeal all of
its own. I believe that it's the government's duty to protect this
outstanding forest, and we are protecting it.
It's also government's duty to examine the entire Carmanah Valley and
make a responsible decision on the watershed outside our park boundaries. The
Ministry of Forests has undertaken that. Some people say that the area outside
the park is insignificant because it represents only 2 percent of the tree-farm
licence, but I say that 2 percent is very significant to the 13 people who could
lose their jobs in the woodlands division of MacMillan Bloedel. It's very
significant to the 27 people who could lose their jobs in converting plants.
It's very significant to the 150 people on Vancouver Island, who stand to
lose their jobs because the Carmanah has been protected,
Don't
get me wrong. Our major concern is to protect the trees on the floor of
the Carmanah Valley. That is why I've given full credit to the Minister
of Forests for his initiative on this program. All the reports show
that the park created by this bill will give the giant spruce trees the
necessary protection. We're still waiting for a verdict, as you know,
on the rest of the valley.
We have set aside land for study
to see how it will best suit the needs of all British Columbians. In
this study we must remember that the people of Vancouver Island are the
ones who will suffer because of our decision. We must remember that our
goal is to protect the 267 trees. This protection must continue once a
park has been created. Already, because of publicity, thousands of
people have visited this very fragile forest. The Carmanah Valley
attracts visitors, as you know, from all over the world. We want people
to come to see beautiful British Columbia, but unfortunately success
has had its price. In the Carmanah the price is the damage to the
trails and the trees.
As you're aware, facilities are badly
needed. I can tell you what parks staff are doing. This summer B.C.
Parks has closed the Bonilla main road, and will improve the Rossander
Road entrance to the park. We will improve the parking-lot at the end
of Rossander Road and put up some signs to direct visitors to the
Carmanah triplets, some of the largest trees. We will upgrade the
trails for safety and build a public viewing platform to protect the
tree roots. For your information, we'll have rangers in the park seven
days a week.
We also intend to develop a pamphlet to tell visitors about the park...
MR. CLARK : No camping?
HON. MR. MESSMER : No, no camping.
...
and to develop master plans, and the process will start immediately. As
you know, they serve as a blueprint for the use of future parks and the
parks that we have. This is the way that we're sure the public has full
input into the park.
In addition to this, we will develop a
school program relating to the Carmanah. Especially because of the
publicity that Carmanah already has received, it takes us off to a very
good start. We have an opportunity here to teach our children about the
old growth in British Columbia and what we're doing to protect that old
growth.
[ Page 10774 ]
conclusion, once again I must state my support for the bill. Carmanah
will be a valuable addition to our provincial parks, and I urge every
member of this House to support the bill.
MR. CASHORE :
It was interesting to hear the comments of the Minister of Parks. One
has to ask about the roles of the Minister of Parks and the Minister of
Environment (Hon. Mr. Reynolds). Obviously this is seen as a forestry
bill, but what we have here is a problem for all British Columbians,
because we do not have a real solution.
We have a bill here
that represents shortsighted political expediency, where there was no
significant or meaningful public participation or adequate study. This
bill is not a solution.
When Solomon settled a dispute
about the parenthood of a baby between two mothers by proposing, to cut
the baby in half, history considered Solomon to be wise. But when the
Socred government puts forward a bill to resolve a symbolic land use
conflict by cutting the Carmanah Valley in half, it betrays a tired
government, bankrupt of ideas, totally out of touch with the values and
vision so necessary for the resource and wilderness planning required
to develop a sustainable future for our children.
This bill
draws an arbitrary line on a map for purely political reasons. It
carves up a unique watershed without adequate study, without full
involvement of diverse groups. This bill is not a solution; it
satisfies no one. It falls to address vital issues Ostrich-like, it
refuses to look at the global issues that must be addressed to truly
achieve a sustainable future.
Those issues have been
canvassed by the people of British Columbia in many ways. They have
been brought forward by the working people of the province, by the
industry of the province, by the New Democratic Party and by those
environmental organizations which have performed such a vital role in
drawing public attention and the government's attention to these issues.
All
of these groups have called for a royal commission to do with forestry
in this province and an inventory of the resources of the forest that
would look at that resource not simply as a fibre farm, but as areas of
unique treasure within this province where all aspects of biodiversity
must be considered. We need an inventory in this province that
recognizes the value of the timber, but also the fact that in certain
significant valleys where we have an ecosystem such as the Carmanah,
there could be a blueprint that would provide a legacy to all of
history and that would help us to understand the meaning of the true
biological makeup of an old-growth forest.
Such information is vital to the future. The decision cannot be made about
where that type of protection should be applied until we have available to us
the knowledge that would be gleaned by a proper inventory that encompasses the
entire province, an inventory that would deal with such things as wildlife values,
fishing values — both sports and commercial — tourism values and archaeological
values — the values that represent the heritage and history of the native people
of this province, values that would recognize that the wilderness is a value
in itself and that it, too, must be considered in making the decisions that
would provide for a sustainable future for our province.
have stated, in consistency with what we did when we were government
before, that the park and wilderness area of this province should be
doubled. We can also have a viable economy by going through the
planning process in a way that has integrity, with public involvement,
and that draws together all the wonderful human and natural resources
of this province into a planning process to help us decide where those
areas should be.
[11:30]
Mr.
Speaker, once that is decided, then further decisions can be made with
due haste in a way that is satisfying to the people of this province,
so they know that the environmental and economic issues have been
resolved; indeed, those issues are one and the same.
When
we think about the issues we are dealing with today as we look at this
bill, we are faced with the legacy of the kind of planning in which
this government indulges. The planning I'm referring to is
valley-by-valley and watershed-by-watershed, where it appears to be the
vested interest — indeed, the game plan — of this government to
maintain a divisiveness among the populace, which enables them to
continue to carve up the province on such a basis without ever having
achieved an overall plan.
Without an overall plan, we show
not wisdom but stupidity. Only stupidity could result in the lack of a
plan that enables us to go forward and uphold all the values that must
be recognized in land use planning in this province. This government
has shown that it does not know how to deal with such issues as
conflict resolution, public participation or assessment of the values
that must be dealt with in coming forward with an inventory. That is
regrettable and tragic for the consequences of the future of this
province.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Mr. Speaker, the people of British Columbia — workers, environmentalists, people who operate industry and especially our children — have
a stake in the future of the province. All of us want to participate
meaningfully and significantly, and the political will is there in the
midst of the public. The political will is going to make an appropriate
approach for the 1990s and beyond that truly work when it comes to
dealing with these situations.
Mr. Speaker, I have been to
the Carmanah Valley four times. I have a great appreciation for that
area. I have been to other significant areas in the province that are
being considered for preservation. There is no question that we have
some of the cathedrals of British Columbia there as part of our
antiquity, and part of that which we must consider of great value.
[ Page
10775 ]
When we consider values of old growth and the ecosystems, we must
also consider the values of such things as endangered species. This
government has not demonstrated that it has done studies, for instance,
that refer to the marbled murrelet and other potentially endangered
species. These studies do not exist. This government had the
opportunity to prepare the work quite some time ago, and they were
quite happy to sit by and leave that to the company, instead of going
forward and preparing that work itself.
In conclusion, I
would like say that we must consider the fact that young British
Columbians have expressed their concern for the future of the
ecological diversity of this province. They have expressed their
concern for their ability to participate in the process. We are calling
for a process that does not divide this province watershed by
watershed, but that looks to the future, the values and the interests
that must be dealt with in order to have a comprehensive and workable
plan.
MR. G. JANSSEN : Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose
this government's inaction in dealing with another valley. Again this
government is putting shortsighted political expediency over a genuine
desire to resolve land use conflicts in British Columbia. It is time to
resolve the conflicts by dealing with the process of decision-making.
Right now no such process exists Rather, this government seems to
encourage natives, environmentalists, labour and companies to engage in
confrontation, whether in the Carmanah, Clayoquot Sound, the Tsitika,
the Stein, the Cariboo and so on — in valley after valley, watershed
after watershed. This government has followed the legacy of previous
Social Credit administrations and has fostered distress and conflict in
valley after valley.
What has the government done to bring
about a resolution? Let's look back at the record. In 1988 this House
was told: "Carmanah is adjacent to Pacific Rim. Let the feds deal with
it." The former Parks minister said no decision would be made until the
parks branch had completed their study. No study was ever forthcoming.
The minister's own foresters have to rely on company figures to
determine the value of the Carmanah, because this government has no
inventory of the trees there — and, for that matter, no inventory of the forests of British Columbia.
Both
the Sierra Club and the Western Canada Wilderness Committee call this
plan unacceptable and a non-decision. George Watts of the
Nuu'chah'nulth Tribal Council says this government didn't even have the
courtesy to call and ask if the natives had an interest in the
Carmanah; yet Carmanah is identified in their land claim. In fact,
Carmanah Indian Reserve No. 6 is located less than a kilometer up the
beach from Carmanah Creek itself and was occupied as late as the 1920s.
The village of Ucluelet, in a letter to the minister on April 30, expressed
disappointment with the Carmanah decision, and the decision did not take into
consideration past planning and studies. "The trend in past decisions leads
us to believe that the land and employment base for our community, if not the
whole province, is threatened," says Ucluelet.
MacMillan
Bloedel, the holder of TFL 44, on April 10 said: "This decision is
based on politics, not on good forest management...and certainly not on
economics." In the words of the company's land use manager, Stan
Coleman: "If these kinds of things continue — land use decisions from a political rather than a forestry perspective — I wonder what's going to happen to the rural communities on Vancouver Island."
The
IWA local 185 from Alberni: "If this type of knee-jerk reaction
continues throughout Vancouver Island and B.C., there will be a lot of
people out of work.... A proper process has to be put in place for the
province."
We have virtually everyone in British Columbia — natives, communities, environmentalists, workers and the companies — opposing this plan.
Let's
look at the job loss that will be generated by the company's decision.
In 1987 dollars, the annual government revenue from the allowable cut
in Carmanah is estimated to be $4.3 million. That's $2.4 million to the
province and $1.9 million to the federal government. Three hundred
direct, indirect and induced jobs in the Alberni region are due to the
Carmanah, and aggregate earnings will be $2 637, 440 annually. That
breaks down into 32 direct logging jobs at $47,780 average, for a total
of $1,528,960; 68 direct milling jobs at $43,392 average, for
$2,950,656; 80 indirect and induced jobs at $32,968 average, for a
further $2,637, 440; and other jobs in the province that will generate
$6.6 million, inclusive of the $2.6 million in the Alberni region. Over
$11 million of annual income is generated due to the inclusion of the
Carmanah in the cut of TFL No. 44.
Job loss in Alberni has
been extreme: from 6,000 jobs in 1979 down to 4,000 jobs today. Housing
prices in Alberni are an average of $46,000 — a decrease. The
population decreased 1 percent last year. We must talk about
compensation for the workers laid off and compensation for the
community, which will suffer dramatically from this government's
decision.
Everybody agrees that the big trees must be
protected, but if this government were truly interested in saving large
trees, it would have looked at including Cathedral Grove, which has a
quarter of a million people visiting it every year. For over 20 years
the government has not made a decision on Cathedral Grove, privately
owned by MacMillan Bloedel, where they do not need permission to cut
the trees, where they could go in tomorrow....
MR. SPEAKER :
Hon. member, second reading is the principle of the bill, and the
principle of the bill is to deal with Carmanah, not to deal with other
areas of the province. I must ask you to be relevant.
MR. G. JANSSEN :
The government moves to preserve the Carmanah Valley to the exclusion
of other areas of British Columbia where more people visit. Everybody
agrees that the big trees must be protected, but this decision does not
bring in a plan
[ Page 10776 ]
that
is comprehensive, that satisfies everyone and that takes into
consideration all those people in this province. Therefore we will
oppose this bill.
MR. SERWA : It's a real pleasure to
rise today to speak on the philosophy and principles of this bill, a
very interesting proposal showing the government's continuing care for
a balance in decisions on the resources of this magnificent province.
The
British Columbia forests are a unique resource in our province, and
they're a source of our exceptional lifestyle. In terms of revenue,
they're certainly the mainstay of our provincial economy. They also
offer a host of recreational opportunities. I'm very pleased with the
decision to create a major provincial park in the Carmanah Valley
because, as has been said so often this morning, the large trees are
unique and very special, and we must maintain the protection of the
diversity of the environment in order to protect the unknown.
There
is an enormous task in protecting and managing the recreational
resources of British Columbia as well as the forests. The government
has made a very strong, sound, well-reasoned proposal in this
particular case. As part of the debate here, I think it's very
important to see where the other guys, the members of Her Majesty's
Loyal Opposition, are coming from. It's part of the philosophy and the
principle of the bill, but in the process of debate, one has to
determine where these individuals are coming from and what they really
care for. All too often they are looking for press. That's a major
concern of that group of individuals. They're not concerned about
anything except press and the lust for power.
The Carmanah
decision was a well-reasoned compromise between the necessities of
aesthetics and economics. It supported the philosophy of the Brundtland
commission that ties the economy and the environment as integral to
each other. Half the region has been dedicated to an enormous
provincial park, and half has been given qualified approval for
logging. There are very strict approvals necessary for that logging
procedure. Certainly the hydrology of the area is the major concern for
the type of logging activity that will take place. I know that our
major forest companies, in this particular case MacMillan Bloedel, are
certainly qualified to log in sensitive areas and do an outstanding job
of logging.
I recognize that this particular decision has
thrown quite a monkey-wrench into the gear train of Her Majesty's Loyal
Opposition. That group of opposition members has for a long time, since
they have not had any power in the province of British Columbia,
accumulated an inordinate amount of special self-interest groups. They
are a party that without any qualm supports a wide variety of
diametrically opposed groups. As long as they don't have power, this
seems to be quite acceptable and agrees with their philosophy of
fence-sitting. There is certainly an uncomfortable coalition between
the unions, which are certainly the fuel and the source of funding and
manpower for their political aspirations, and the greens, the part of
the NDP party that purports to care. It's a fairly recent innovation,
Mr. Speaker, that they propose to care about the environment.
[11:45]
Interjections.
MR. SERWA :
No, no, the principle of the bill that I'm alluding to is very
important, because I'm getting to that. But first of all, in the course
of debate we have to show what axe is being ground — if you'll pardon the very poor Shakespearean pun — by the NDP.
The
NDP green party indicates that the decision was a cop-out, and at best
a delay. Okay. This was the NDP caucus meeting, and the meeting was no
sooner over than the greens were publicly declaring an intention to
push harder than ever for the party to adopt preservationism.
Preservationism: I don't think I heard the member for Alberni (Mr. G.
Janssen) say anything about that. But the green party and those urban
areas where the NDP get their support are very concerned about that.
think the party has to recognize that their money and a lot of their
muscle-power and manpower comes from the International Woodworkers of
America. What are they saying now? They're saying the same thing that
their hon. leader says: "We've got to sit on both sides of the fence,
and hopefully we'll muddle through."
You have to see
clearly where these people are coming from. They have no objectivity
when it concerns the philosophy and principles of this particular bill.
The logging is to be stymied by an environmental protest. Certainly the
IWA is at distinct odds with the preservationists. What do some of the
members of the IWA have to say about this? What is their position with
the philosophy and principles of this important bill?
David
Haggard, first vice-president of the IWA Local 1-85 in Port Alberni,
said: "If all the areas that are under dispute in our local area are
settled the way the Carmanah was settled, we'd see about a 40 percent
reduction in our membership." What does a 40 percent reduction in their
membership do to the party coffers and the opposition party that is
trying so desperately to assume the reins of power and become
government? Here they're faced with a decision, and it has created a
dilemma in that party.
Mr. Haggard is infuriated by the
government's decision to study the half that was left for cutting
before any cutting could be done. The Carmanah has already been studied
to death. Earl Foxcroft, president of Local 1-85, remains confident,
however, that the New Democrats have no intention of going
preservationist. His impression of the policy convention led him to
believe an NDP government would have put far less forest aside for
parkland.
Where do those people stand who are calling for
11 percent of the provincial area of the province of British Columbia
to be parks? I don't think we would have lost any jobs, because the NDP
would have found other areas for us to cut. Greens in the NDP would be
horrified, of course. They would certainly
[ Page
10777 ]
be horrified because, believe it or not, they had a different impression of that caucus.
You
wouldn't believe it: a very absolute and very important decision, and
two different parties had different concepts. How could you get that
from a fence-sitting party? I don't know how that happened.
What
did Mr. Hersog have to say? They took what Mr. Harcourt said at the
convention to mean that he would not log the Carmanah. What about the
jobs in Port Alberni, Mr. Member from Port Alberni?
The Leader of the Opposition said he would not log the Carmanah. But — you wouldn't believe this — the
Leader of the Opposition has also said he would preserve it all for
parkland. It's whatever is convenient. So there you are. You can have
it all logged, or you can have it all parkland.
Mr.
Speaker, what do some of the members who have a vital interest in the
philosophy and principles of this bill have to say? The hon. member for
Alberni was asked what would happen. He was asked what the NDP would
have done in the Carmanah. "Without studies," he replied, "I can't say
what the party would have done."
Would it have permitted
any logging at all in the Carmanah? "Not necessarily," he replies.
However, the former jeweler and watchmaker says he believes that over
time, the NDP could have found a solution that would have preserved
jobs. He was sure of that.
He wants more studies. Some of
them are saying the thing has been studied to death; he's calling for
more studies. Where do they stand on that? I heard the hon. member for
Prince Rupert (Mr. Miller) just say the decisions were made — believe it or not — behind closed doors. After all these studies, he's saying that the decision was made behind closed doors.
Guess what group here in the Legislature of the province of British Columbia opposed the bill that we put forward — the
referendum legislation? Who do you suppose opposed having the people
involved in decisions? You bet. It was the people who lust for power,
and who know better than anyone else.
What is the member for...?
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. Perhaps the member could relate all of this to the
principle of the bill which we're currently dealing with. I've listened
carefully — well, not that carefully, but I have listened — and I haven't heard very much of it that relates to the principle of the bill.
MR. SERWA :
Thank you very much for your direction, Mr. Speaker. I'm certainly
coming to that. I wanted to establish, before I went on with the
philosophy and the principles of the bill, the importance for those
listening and those who will watch the TV commentaries and read the
newspapers to know specifically where this biased argument and this
fence-sitting is coming from. I have to establish that foundation
before I continue on the philosophy and the principles.
I will say only one more thing on that. What did the member for Prince Rupert
say on this? He said he would like to see more timber rights given to small
business entrepreneurs, and I think we would have to agree. He would like to
see more value-added products, and I think I would have to agree with that.
He's correct that it would mean more jobs, and I have to agree with that.
This government has always been committed to creating jobs in the province of
British Columbia.
But
he says: "But as far as logging the Carmanah is concerned, I've never
ruled it out. As for preserving it instead, the concept of the park is
not a bad idea." So there you are, hon. Forests critic: you can have it
either way.
Mr. Speaker, this particular bill is well
deserving of the entire support of the government of the province of
British Columbia. It's entirely deserving of the support of all of the
members of this Legislative Assembly. It is good legislation. It is a
well-reasoned, reasonable process which protects old-growth fir at the
same time as protecting jobs. None can do it better. I give a great
deal of credit to our government, which has had the wisdom and the
sense based on solid reason to make such an objective decision.
MR. SPEAKER :
I presume the second member for Nanaimo will make the appropriate
correction. It is spruce that we're dealing with and not fir.
MS. PULLINGER : It is indeed spruce that we're dealing with. Yes, that's right.
Like
my colleagues, I rise in opposition to this bill. I'm happy to say that
my opposition is supported by environmentalists, native peoples and
forest workers. We all know that the opposition stems from the fact
that this bill in no way represents any kind of real solution to the
Carmanah question or to any of the other land-use and resource-use
questions facing us in this province. This bill perpetuates the
shortsighted approach of this government that prefers to deal with land
and resource-use issues valley by valley and watershed by watershed.
This government in this bill does nothing to slow or stop the
increasing conflict around this province over forest issues
specifically. It does nothing to give British Columbians the badly
needed, long-term, comprehensive land and resource plan for this
province.
As well, the process involved in coming to this
decision has been terribly flawed. People in this province have made it
abundantly clear over all sorts of issues like the Tsitika, the
Carmanah Valley and the Chilcotins that they want a voice in
decision-making. They're tired of top-down decision-making by this
government and this cabinet based on its own political priorities,
which this clearly is. It's an opportunists' bill that is shortsighted
and designed to meet political ends, not environmental or forestry
ends. On those bases I oppose this bill.
This bill also
shows that this government is seriously out of touch with British
Columbians. Above all, this bill and the scheme on which it's based
illustrate one thing, this government is seriously out of touch with
the aspirations of all British Columbians who desire a new approach to
the contentious
[ Page 10778 ]
forestry
and land-use-conflict issues facing us and dividing us. Over three
decades of successive Social Credit governments have mismanaged our
forests to the point that these....
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Successful.
MS. PULLINGER : Not successful — successive.
...to
the point that these conflicts have become ever more intense and
disruptive. Social Credit has abdicated responsibility for the
stewardship of British Columbia's resources.
Staffing and
funding cutbacks have destroyed the capability of our Forest Service
and make it impossible to judge with any kind of accuracy the
sustainability of current harvesting levels or the adequacy of
restocking and silviculture programs. I would suggest there's good
reason why the government won't look into those things. The
government's neglect has led to wasteful and environmentally damaging
logging practices. Those have resulted in unnecessary destruction of
fish and animal habitat that has resulted in erosion and alteration of
drainage patterns and the creation of ugly scarred landscapes in some
of our more scenic areas, which, as we're all well aware, is very
damaging to the tourism industry.
Recent articles in some widely read international publications such as Outside magazine, the New Yorker and National Geographic
show that British Columbia is getting an international reputation for
such wasteful and irresponsible practices. That too is damaging to the
tourism industry — our second-largest industry.
Studies
also show that in British Columbia we lag far behind other forest
jurisdictions in the amount of employment and value-added for each
cubic metre of wood cut. We could do much better.
MR. SPEAKER :
Hon. member, I must interrupt you as I've interrupted others. This
debate would be appropriate during estimates or at another time, but
debate has to be directly related to the principle of the bill. I have
not heard anything in some time that's related to that. The general
area of forest practices and forest management in the province really
isn't appropriate at this time. There will be another opportunity in
this session.
MS. PULLINGER : It's very clear that
this bill is based on political opportunism and is intended to meet
political goals rather than environmental goals, native people's goals
or the goals of better forest practice. There's no question that this
is not an environmentally sound bill. Let's not forget that the Forests
ministry's evaluation released at the time the decision was made — and this is directly relevant to the bill; this is the basis on which the decision was made — said:
"Detailed ecological classification has not been done for the portion
of the Carmanah Valley that is outside the proposed reserve." It also
made clear that the strategy for preventing windthrow damage to the
lower and middle valley has not been shown to be effective.
[12:00]
The
minister's report, on which this bill is based, shows that hydrological
work does not incorporate floodplain mapping or take proper account of
erosion hazards. The same report shows that data on wildlife habitat
are 13 years old and haven't been updated. It shows that a
comprehensive recreation plan has not been prepared for the area. An
accurate cost-benefit analysis is not currently possible, due to the
absence of data. In short, the homework hasn't been done. It's not
environmentally sound, and it's a bad bill.
Mr. Speaker,
the other thing concerning the principle of this bill is that there is
a better way, and British Columbians are calling for a better way. I
would say that British Columbians are way ahead of the government on
this bill. Across the province those with a stake in our forests are
unanimous in their conviction that there is a better way and that
fundamental changes in our approach to forests are urgently needed.
For
instance, the IWA recognizes an urgent need for sustainable forest
practice. They're not happy with this bill. The Wilderness Tourism
Council of British Columbia stated that forest tenure policies dating
from the 1950s, can't accommodate growing tourism values. This bill
doesn't address that. The Outdoor Recreation Council of B.C. has
stated: "It is becoming increasingly necessary to plan for the use of
forests for the social, economic and environmental well-being of the
province's citizens. Without this holistic context, the well-being of
B.C.'s citizens may be sacrificed." Obviously they're not happy with
this bill.
Both the Sierra Club and the Western Canada
Wilderness Committee have actively promoted a systematic approach to
doubling B.C.'s unique system of parks and wilderness. This is not
systematic; it's ad hoc. They've expressed their opposition to this
bill.
A year-long study by the natural resource management
program at Simon Fraser University has confirmed that our parks and
wilderness areas can be doubled without serious long-term harm to the
forest industry, but the Forests minister considers this idea
irresponsible, and it's not addressed in this bill.
MacMillan
Bloedel's chief forester has stated: "With the issue of allocation of
timberland resolved, many of the others will appear simpler to resolve.
Without any overall plan for land use... he current level of
confrontation and uncertainty...is making it difficult to attract the
investment of a globally competitive industry."
Even the
vice-president of Fletcher Challenge has stated: "British Columbians do
not believe we're adequately managing their forests or that the
Ministry of Forests is effectively protecting the public interest."
There are other forest companies. The Council of Forest Industries has
stated similar things.
Canadian Pacific Forest Products has
stated: "The only way to resolve the confusion that has put British
Columbia's forest industry in crisis is to develop a management system
integrating the economic, environmental and emotional values of the
forest." This bill is ad hoc. It doesn't address those concerns.
[ Page
10779 ]
The Association of B.C. Professional Foresters has called for a
comprehensive provincial land use strategy, improved inventories,
increased public involvement and more local participation — all things that this government consistently refuses to do.
The
Cariboo Lumber Manufacturers' Association has recommended the creation
of forest boards to oversee planning in all forest-based regions.
MR. SPEAKER :
Hon. member, again we're getting into the estimates of the Minister of
Forests. You see, we can't talk about what isn't in the bill, or what
you would have put in the bill had you had the opportunity, or what
other people think should have been in the bill; we can only talk about
what's actually in the bill.
I know that when I'm in the
Chair members get a little exasperated because I try and enforce the
rules as they have been adopted by this House; but those are the rules,
and I must ask you to stick to the principle of the bill. You may
be speaking from a text prepared by someone who was assuming I wouldn't
be here today, but unfortunately that's not the case. So please proceed
in order.
MS. PULLINGER : We would never assume that you wouldn't be here, Mr. Speaker.
What
I'm arguing is that this bill is of an ad hoc nature, and therefore
it's a bad bill. It does not meet the needs of the people of British
Columbia. It's a flawed bill, both in its process and in its intent or
effect.
The report of the Carmanah Community Committee
recommended a number of things in relation to the bill, and obviously
that was part of the decision making process.
All of the
conclusions are things that we on this side of the House, the New
Democrats, have advocated, have asked for and are committed to. The
government, in this bill, has refused to acknowledge these things; for
instance, a process such as the New Democrat Premier of the Yukon, Tony
Penikett, has had to deal with land use. This bill is simply an ad hoc
bill that cuts the Carmanah Valley in half, on an arbitrary line,
without appropriate studies. As I have stated already, no comprehensive
inventory has been done, as this report on the Carmanah suggests ought
to happen. The process is flawed; it hasn't involved that.
well, we need a change in forest practices. That issue isn't addressed
in this bill. It is in fact skirted around. It appears to be simply
buying time.
In conclusion, I would like to say again that, like my colleagues and like so many groups in this province — environmentalists, natives and loggers — I
am opposed to this bill because it is simply a political bill and does
not meet any of the needs of our land or resource use in British
Columbia, or the Carmanah Valley question.
MR. BRUCE : Today is an interesting day, and I think it's a good
day for British Columbia. What we're talking about here in this bill is
the creation of another class A park for the people of British Columbia, and
indeed, the people of Canada. The Carmanah, as everyone in this House knows,
is a very special and unique valley. The area set aside for a park will preserve
it for all time for the people of this country and this province.
I'm
a bit surprised that the opposition would oppose this bill, in that we
are talking about the creation of a park. When one goes to the Carmanah
and gets down in the lower valley and walks through those big trees — as I know many of my colleagues on both sides of the House have had the opportunity to do — it is truly a wondrous experience. There's almost a romantic feel to walking through the forests of Carmanah.
will have a considerable impact on many people within the community of
Cowichan, Vancouver Island and British Columbia as a whole. Even today,
literally hundreds of people are coming from afar to visit my community
and go through to the Carmanah to see the park itself and the giant
trees. Already we know that the Ministry of Parks is working to come
through with a comprehensive plan for the services required for the
visitors. From that standpoint, I can see in the long term — and, indeed, the short term — significant
economic values to the community as a whole. The fact that people have
recognized the Carmanah as a major attraction and that we in Cowichan
have embarked upon an ecomuseum concept — the baseline story being forestry and the fact that this is really our heritage forest — will go a long way to attracting many more people. Today is a good news story.
Here today we are debating a bill creating another class A park — a very large park of some 3,592 hectares — for
the people of British Columbia, and for the life of me, I can't
understand that the opposition would rise in this House and speak
against such a bill. Albeit, I'm sure there are concerns of other
aspects of forestry management. I know we'll hear from them during the
debate that will ensue throughout those estimates, but why would they
stand today and oppose such a bill? I think it's a question that has to
be asked, and one that has to be answered by the opposition sometime
between now and the next general election.
I had some
concerns about this bill, about the size of the area being set up as a
park, and I would imagine that you could ask literally hundreds of
people — certainly everyone in this House — their opinion of how it
should or shouldn't be, and all of us would come back with some
variation as to the size and description of the Carmanah park. But in
the final analysis, a decision has to be made. I think it's interesting
that when we talked about land use and environmental problems, the
member from Port Alberni talked about trying to develop a plan that
would make everyone happy, that would satisfy everyone. As much as we
would all like to achieve that, and as ideal as that may be, in reality
it doesn't happen. We could plan and plan some more and continue to
plan, and even after years and years of
[ Page 10780 ]
planning, whatever was brought forward would still have its detractors.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
The
NDP is known to like to plan. There's nothing wrong with planning, but
when planning gets to the point where it's really a means of nothing
more than standing off a decision, you will bring the province to a
grinding halt. It was truly time for a decision to be made. This
government and this minister have made a decision. In the main it's in
the best interests of all the people of British Columbia.
could speak quite strongly about specific groups within my community
that oppose this because the area being preserved is too large. I could
speak in the same vein with people who oppose this legislation because
the area being preserved is not large enough. However, the fact is that
this legislation sets out another class A park for the people of this
province. It sets out a process for what we will do and how we will
deal with the remainder of the Carmanah Valley. This legislation has
attempted to please as many people as possible, knowing full well that
when it was brought forward, it would not please everyone. But you
know, the opposition continues to harp on the fact that this is a
political decision. It's funny enough that here in this Legislature
political decisions are made. If it were simply made on the basis of
economics, a completely different decision would have been brought
forward. But that's what the political role does. It tries to balance
out those decisions, those thrusts that need to be done — one from a business point of view and one from a social point of view — and
it's kind of that element of politics. So indeed it is a political
decision; there are no two ways about that. Every decision in this
House is basically a political decision.
It's interesting
to note that within the makeup of the opposition, and perhaps this is
why they have not come clean.... I've not heard what the opposition
would do, and I would like to know. Would they actually have logged
more of the Carmanah? Are they saying that the area that has been set
aside...? Are they against this bill? Are they against the creation of
this class A park because it's not large enough? Are they saying that
the 3,500-plus hectares is not a large enough park as it affects the
Carmanah Valley? Should it have been 4,000, 5,000 or 7,000 hectares?
How many hectares would they like to see as a park?
Or do
they think the park being created is too large? Is it that the 3,500
hectares is too large a park? Is it that the opposition, my friend for
Port Alberni, the second member for Nanaimo (Ms. Pullinger) and others
would prefer to see a smaller park? Is that what they were about? Would
they like to have seen 2,000 hectares, 1,000 hectares or 500?
AN HON. MEMBER : All of the above.
MR. BRUCE :
All of the above. What is it they were looking for? Or are they
opposing this bill because they have problems? They have problems when
one of their main supporters — and my colleague from Kelowna brought this forward — when we talk about the IWA and the concern it has, and quite rightly so.... The concern that the IWA....
[12:15]
Interjection.
MR. BRUCE :
No, no, the jobs that are necessary for the survival and the stability
of communities like Port Alberni, Cowichan, Chemainus, Port Hardy and
Port McNeill — it goes on and on. Almost 95 percent of the communities
that are found in the province of British Columbia are dependent upon
the forestry sector, and dependent upon government making decisions in
spite of the fact that not everyone will be happy. You know as well as
I know that there will not be a case where everyone is happy with the
decision. Maybe the opposition is voting against this bill not because
the park is too big and not because the park is too small, but because
they have a problem with their own organization on what the decision
should have been. I suspect that if a figure such as the president of
the IWA, Jack Munro, were to come forward as strongly as he did in his
comments on the Carmanah, the opposition — the NDP, the socialists — would have a problem with any decision on the Carmanah.
Jack
Munro, on the Dave Abbott Show on January 9, had a few important
comments about the Carmanah. Jack fully appreciates the need for
community stability Jack says we have to be able to log in parts of the
Carmanah. Nobody wants to cut down those big trees, and clearly that's
what we're saying here. But we have to make up our mind. Listen to
this, my colleagues in the opposition: we have to make up our mind. Are
we going to have communities like Port Alberni or not? Are we going to
have elected representatives who are prepared to stand up and make a
decision based not on special interest groups but on the well-being of
the majority of the citizens of British Columbia?
I can
well understand why the NDP have problems standing here in the House
and supporting this bill. It's not because they have problems with the
idea that it's a good bill; many of them would love to support the fact
that the Carmanah Valley is a class A park and that it's a good park
for British Columbia. Many of them would like to stand up and say that
they want to oppose it because it isn't large enough and that they
should preserve the entire Carmanah Valley. But if they did that, cart
you imagine what Jack Munro would have to say? Can you imagine what the
thousands of workers of the IWA would have to say when there are
thousands of families that are dependent upon the forestry sector and
their ability to work in their communities and to keep their
communities alive? Do you know what they would have to deal with if
they were to stand up and say that? So they don't. But they stand up
when we talk about this issue, and all they've got to say is that
there's something wrong with the process. It's the process;
[ Page
10781 ]
it's not the decision. There wasn't enough consultation. There wasn't enough study.
Let
me tell you about the consultation. We have had consultation up and
down Vancouver Island and throughout this province dealing with the
Carmanah. We've had consultation from the people across this country of
Canada, never mind just the people in British Columbia. We've had
consultation from people throughout North America and from around the
world as to what should happen with the Carmanah. How much more
consultation should we have? Should we wait until we discover life on
Mars and see if there's somebody there who we should consult with? Who
are we going to consult with? What happens when half of your supporters
don't want the park being created and the other half of your supporters
want the whole thing created? How do you make a decision? God help us
in this province if the socialists ever become government. There will
never be a decision made in this province, my friends.
They
talk about a political decision being made. As I mentioned to you,
let's face it, it is politics. Let's listen to some of the reasons they
had at their latest convention dealing with the whole issue of the
Carmanah and the concern that the green wing of the NDP wanted to have
a moratorium placed right across the entire Carmanah.
Here's
what Larry Kuehn had to say. You all know him: the former president of
the BCTF, involved in Solidarity and, of course, an NDP activist. This
happened at their regional convention in June '89. Let me quote Larry:
"Harcourt made an impassioned" — yes, it really was — "plea to the
delegates not to pass a resolution calling for a moratorium on logging
in Carmanah." Do you know why? According to Larry, Harcourt claimed
that passing the resolution would upset a portion of the party's
constituency and — hear this, my colleagues — threaten the party's chances in the next election. Now who is being political, my friends?
The government comes forward with a good park plan, a plan that's going to satisfy all people of the province —
not special interest groups, but all of the people. But what does the
opposition do? They plead with one another: "Don't bring this through,
because you're going to upset a portion of our supporters, and it might
threaten our chances of becoming government." I've heard from a number
of opposition members here that this is a political decision. Of course
it's a political decision: it's made by politicians. But it's made in
the best interest of most of the people of British Columbia, not
special interest groups. That's who they represent; they only represent
special interest groups.
Where do they stand, Mr. Minister? Does this legislation that's been brought
forward not create a big enough park? Should it have been all 7,000 hectares?
I'd like to hear from the second member for Nanaimo (Ms. Pullinger) and
the member for Alberni (Mr. G. Janssen): should it all have been park? Can I
go back to my people in Lake Cowichan and say: "Doggone it, the reason
those guys in the opposition are against this is that they want to make the
whole thing a park. They don't care about your jobs. They don't care
about the future of your community. They don't care about the stability
of Vancouver Island. They just want to make it one huge park"? I don't
know, because they haven't told me. Should I be going back to the other
side — the other groups, the environmental groups — and saying: "The reason
these guys voted against this Carmanah legislation is that the park wasn't
large enough; it had to be a great big park"? You'd go back to the
logging sector and say: "The reason they didn't vote against it was
that they wanted to log the whole thing." What other conclusion can you
come up with? It's one or the other: either the park isn't big enough,
or the park shouldn't be there at all. It's one or the other. They have
not yet enunciated what they are opposing.
The best I can hear from their opposition to this park is process: there wasn't enough consultation, Mr. Minister — the
hours and hours of input from Ministry of Forests staff, the open
houses that were handled by MacMillan Bloedel and, yes, my own
committee that I chaired throughout my community. I took the initiative
with the different leaders in my community and went around my community
to find out what my community wanted. Did the member for Alberni do
that? Did anybody else do that? Why didn't you do that? That's our way
of participating. I put my report and my recommendations to the
minister and said: "Mr. Minister, this is what we would like. See what
you can do to make the most of what we've got from our recommendations
and draw it through with your legislation." I'm pleased to say that a
fair amount of what came from that committee is included in this
legislation.
It's incredible when they go on about this
whole issue of a park or not a park. When we talk about land use
management decisions, what would ever happen if the NDP — the socialists — became
government again? Let the people of the province of British Columbia
understand that if the NDP ever became government again in this
province, it would come to a grinding halt, and it would not have a
future, as we have for the people of British Columbia.
hear about all this consultation and how you develop consultation and
compromise, and how it is when we talk about an issue like the Carmanah
and try to reach a decision that's best for the majority of people. Do
you know what that is, my friends, when you try to reach a decision
when there are opposing and different views? Usually it's a type of
compromise. But my friend here from Alberni stood up in this House and
is opposing this legislation. Yet in the Alberni Valley Times on April 11 — just a couple of months ago — he
said, after talking about consultation and all the rest, that it's in a
sense a compromise that we can log half the valley, hopefully. What's
wrong with that? It seems to me to be a fair statement. But why not
stand up and say: "I live in a community in Port Alberni that is
dependent upon the forestry sector. I have moms, dads, kids, schools,
hospitals and all that make up that community and which are dependent
on the forestry sector, and we've got to keep it alive."
[ Page 10782 ]
can understand the merits, uniqueness and heritage values of the
Carmanah, and it's got to be preserved. In the broad sense, somehow
we've got to work out that compromise so we can have both the logging
jobs and those heritage valleys.
It seems to me that I
could stand up and say to Mr. Minister: "It should have been 2,000
hectares,"or "It should have been 6,000 hectares." But let's face it,
what we have is a compromise that is good for all of the people of
British Columbia, not just the special interest groups.
stand up. It's a great day for British Columbia and for Canada. It's
another beautiful class A park and a remarkable stand of trees that has
been saved because this government made a decision.
Interjection.
MR. BRUCE :
What would they have done? After what we've had now.... We've had
months and months, almost years, of discussion about the Carmanah. What
would they do? We would have more studies. On and on it goes, and
that's what they're all about.
But maybe, my friends, we
can actually find out where the opposition actually stands. The Leader
of the Opposition had a few comments a while back. Maybe if we listened
to what he had to say, we could actually find out where the opposition
stands on this issue. If he was here, he would tell us, I'm sure. I'm
sure he would say to us: "Read my lips." But since he's not here, and
since we can't read his lips, maybe I can read into the record where I
think the NDP, the socialists, actually stand on the issue of the
Carmanah.
Interjections.
MR. BRUCE : Can
I quote to you, my friends? I'm sure you would like to know. I'm as
confused as you are as to where they stand. Let It be clear. The people
of the province need to know where the NDP, the socialists, stand when
it comes to major, hard-decision issues.
This is the Leader
of the Opposition speaking: "I want to conclude by saying to Claude
Richmond: 'Claude, don't you issue a permit to log the Carmanah.' I
want to say to you who have read this motion and don't see the M-word
in it.... You don't see the word 'moratorium.' Read my lips. Do not log
the Carmanah." That's where they truly stand.
The opposition — the NDP, the socialists — don't
care about the IWA. They don't care about the moms and dads, the
schools and the hospitals, the mortgages and the family life. They
don't care about the community stability that's inherent in this.
"Don't you log the Carmanah." Let it be clear: that is where the NDP,
the socialists, stand. The people of Vancouver Island and throughout
this province in communities dependent upon the forest industry, who
make up 95 percent of this province.... If you ever elect a socialist
NDP government, you will shut down this industry, because when it comes
to issues that are hard to deal with, they won't log it. That's what
the Leader of the Opposition said.
Let me reinforce that a
bit so that we understand he's not only one. Here's another member of
the federal House, Svend Robinson, speaking to the convention on the
compromise resolution. Let me read this to you: "We are not planning
policy based upon reading people's lips." There seems to be a problem
between him and the Leader of the Opposition. "We plan policy on the
wording of resolutions that are adopted at this convention." So they
woo for a compromise.
[12:30]
Let me go on. This was all part of that debate. Adrienne Peacock, a member of the green caucus of the NDP — dealing
again with the issue of the Carmanah and where the opposition actually
stands, said: "I think the Carmanah should be saved and that we should
be ready to bite the bullet and say: "We're going for preservation.'"
Now listen to this. "I feel enough studying has been done for the
Carmanah. Preserve it all." That was part of the green caucus on the
Carmanah.
Let us come back to a man that understands the
need, the aspirations, the will of the little guy, the community
stability. Let us come back to what he had to say. Let us come back to
that man Jack Munro, who has been a great British Columbian and done
much for the province of British Columbia. Let's hear what he had to
say after all of this, in the same debate. As they talk about more
studies — and you can just see Mr. Munro standing there at the
convention. I would love to utter the words that he probably included,
but they've been cleaned up. Would you like to hear what Jack Munro
says? He said: "We need another study on the Carmanah like we need a
hole in the head." That's Jack Munro.
Yet members here
continue to say: "Process; more studying; Mr. Minister, we need more
study. Don't make a decision. Can't we stand on the picket-fence a
little bit longer?" Does it really matter what happens to the
livelihood of the people in the communities that are dependent upon the
forestry sector? Does it really matter what happens to their livelihood
or what happens to their communities? I'll tell you that as long as I'm
a member in this House, I'll fight for that working man; I'll fight for
that IWA member; and I'll fight for his job. If nobody bloody else
will, I will and so will this party; so will this government. It's the
little people of this province who make this province tick. It's the
little people who live in those little communities — Port Alberni, Lake Cowichan, Chemainus, Crofton and the rest —
that built this province. It's those IWA workers, those loggers, those
woodworkers. We're not going to leave them out in the cold. We're not
going to leave them out there. We're not going to walk away from them
because we can't make a decision. We are going to represent their views
and their wishes in this House.
Shame on the opposition!
Shame on the opposition for standing here and opposing this particular
legislation. After they have tried to say over the years that they
represent the working man, the little man, they
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