British Columbia Hansard — Tuesday, April 10, 1973 — Night (30th Parliament, 2nd Session)
30p 02s 730410z
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1973 Legislative Session: 2nd Session, 30th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, APRIL 10, 1973
Night Sitting
[ Page 2499 ]
CONTENTS
Night sitting
Routine proceedings
An Act to Amend the Municipalities Enabling
and Validating Act (Bill No. 176).
Hon. Mr. Lorimer. Introduction and first
reading — 2499
An Act to Amend the Mineral Act (Bill No. 144). Second
reading.
Hon. Mr. Cocke — 2499
Mr. Smith — 2499
Mr. Richter — 2502
Mr. Gardom — 2504
Mr. McClelland — 2505
Hon. Mr. Nimsick — 2507
Division on second reading — 2508
Mineral Property Taxation Act Repeal Act (Bill No. 47).
Second reading.
Hon. Mr. Nimsick — 2509
Mr. D.A. Anderson — 2509
Mineral Land Tax Act (Bill No. 64). Second reading.
Hon. Mr. Nimsick — 2509
Mr. Phillips — 2510
Mr. D.A. Anderson — 2512
Mr. Wallace — 2513
Mr. Richter — 2513
Mr. Morrison — 2515
Mr. Gardom — 2516
Hon. Mr. Nimsick — 2516
Division on second reading — 2517
An Act to Amend the Placer-Mining Act (Bill No. 169). Second
reading.
Hon. Mr. Nimsick — 2517
Insurance Corporation of British Columbia Act (Bill No. 34).
Second reading.
Hon. Mr. Strachan — 2517
Mr. Gardom — 2518
Mr. Smith — 2519
Mr. Wallace — 2520
The House met at 8 p.m.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister of Municipal Affairs.
HON. J.G. LORIMER (Minister of Municipal Affairs): Mr.
Speaker, I have the honour to present a message from His Honour
the Lieutenant-Governor.
AN ACT TO AMEND
THE MUNICIPALITIES ENABLING
AND VALIDATING ACT
MR. SPEAKER: His Honour the Lieutenant Governor transmits
herewith a bill intituled
An Act to Amend the Municipalities
Enabling and Validating Act and recommends the same to the
Legislative Assembly. Government House, April 10, 1973.
Bill No. 176 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be
placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next
sitting of the House after today.
Orders of the day.
HON. D. BARRETT (Premier): I move the House proceed to
public bills and orders, Mr. Speaker.
Motion approved.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Continued debate on second reading of Bill
44, Mr. Speaker.
AN ACT TO AMEND THE MINERAL ACT
(continued)
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister of Health Services and
Hospital Insurance adjourned the debate.
HON. D.G. COCKE (Minister of Health Services and Hospital Insurance):
Mr. Speaker, as you know I spoke for a brief time before the dinner hour. I
spoke about balance and the fact that this bill provides a new kind of balance,
an opportunity for government, an opportunity for the people, to provide a fair
balance in this industry as is required elsewhere.
Mr. Speaker, we listened with some interest to the Hon.
Member for South Peace River (Mr. Phillips) across the floor
this afternoon, reviling us with Chile and other areas in the
world. Mr. Speaker, it is just completely irrelevant. Why
didn't that Member talk about Sweden, and the way they've
mastered the production of their resources for the sake of the
people in that country.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that as a resident of this country, the kind of ideas
that are in this bill, of 50 per cent Canadian directors speaking on behalf
of Canadians — these are the kind of things that are important.
They are the same people across the way, Mr. Speaker, who
talked about this great government control in the mining
industry, but they also are the same people who talk about wage
controls. They don't mind wage controls at all. But when it
comes to talking in terms of having a balance with industry,
then they fear and are fretful — because, of course,
there is a very close relationship.
Mr. Speaker, there's an awful lot in this bill that is very
strongly in the favour of the people of B.C. and who could help
but support it? Mr. Speaker, we support it in every way.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for North Peace River.
MR. D.E. SMITH (North Peace River): Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
The adjournment at 6 o'clock and reconvening at 8 o'clock seems
to have left us with a lot of people who still believe that the
House is going back in at 8:30 apparently. Mr. Speaker, we have
a lot of empty seats. But perhaps when they come back they will
be able to tell us what happened in overtime this evening in
the hockey game, if I may be so bold as to suggest that they
may be watching the hockey game.
In any event speaking to the principle of this bill, Bill
No. 44, we cannot, Mr. Speaker, in my opinion, look at Bill 44
in isolation. If the Opposition has been trying to get any
message through to the Members on the cabinet benches, not only
in this bill but in others, it is that we do not view in
isolation the impact of Bill 44; no more than we can view in
isolation the impact of Bills Nos. 31, 19, 20, 35, 36, 42 and
It is the overall impact that these bills collectively will
have upon the economy of the Province of British Columbia which
must be taken into consideration. It is O.K. that we have to
debate these bills one at a time as the rules of the House
dictate. We are prepared to do that, to debate them one at a
time. But it must be apparent to everyone not only inside this
chamber, but to the people whom we represent, that the
collective platform and programme of the NDP, as expressed not
only in Bill 44 but in many other pieces of legislation to
which I have just referred, spells doom for the private
enterprise system in British Columbia.
By one means or another it is apparent that this Government
is determined to follow a takeover course. I don't care how the
Government decides to smoke that particular suggestion up, or
how they waffle on the matter. It is apparent that this is a
takeover session; that the bills, when they are enacted, will
give this Government power completely
[ Page 2500 ]
beyond anything that any government should have available to
them. That is why we stand in our place and bring to the
attention of the cabinet Ministers our point of view.
We don't do it to be obstructionists. We do it to try and
get through to you on the basis of the thoughts of people who
believe there is a better way to handle the affairs of the
province; that the Government is in the business of government,
not in the business of taking over all of the private
enterprise sector in British Columbia.
[Mr. Dent in the chair.]
In dealing with Bill 44 we have just moved one step further
down that road. It is obvious to me, Mr. Speaker, in looking at
this bill, that it, in one section, will have a disastrous
effect upon those people who prospect in the Province of
British Columbia.
It would be one thing if the Government could point with a
certain amount of accuracy to the fact that the prospector was
a thing of the past, that he was extra baggage as far as the
mining industry was concerned; that it was someone who is no
longer needed in the process of finding and developing new
mineral resources in the province. But the Government can't
point to that fact. And the reason they can't is that they know
that most of the major discoveries of mineral in the Province
of British Columbia have been made by those very same independent people who chose that type of life for
themselves; who have been prepared to go out into the hills and
the mountains and live a very rugged life.
What makes them do that? What makes them carry on? What
makes them meet adverse conditions and weather and flies,
mosquitoes, hot weather and cold weather? Because they have in
their veins, I guess, a feeling that somewhere there is a pot
of gold at the end of the rainbow, and that if they work
diligently and hard, someday they are going to make the one
major discovery. Fortunately it has happened enough times in
the past that we still have people who are prepared to make
those sacrifices today.
Now, what have we done to this class of individual? Well,
this bill makes their job more onerous, more cumbersome and
more expensive, if they desire to prospect for minerals in the
Province of British Columbia.
So why do we penalize them? They are the most important individuals in the
whole process. The prospector is to the mineral industry what the geophysical
experts are to the petroleum industry. They are the ones who work the area on
the ground, spend their lifetimes in the hills, as I have said, looking for
outcroppings and rock formations that have mineral potential. It is a wealth
of information and knowledge that has been gathered over a long period of time
that they take with them, as well as a prospector's hammer. And it is a desire
to find a major discovery that makes them go back into the hills year after
year.
The provisions in this bill, Mr. Speaker, put imposts upon
them that will make it very difficult, if not impossible, for
the prospector, unless he has substantial backing from some
company, to continue in his chosen field. So why did the
Government find it necessary to penalize individuals? I think
the Minister must be aware of the important part they play in
the whole process of discovering minerals. He must be aware of
the fact that they have been responsible for most of the major
discoveries in the Province of British Columbia. And while we
have a lot of technological advances today in mining and a lot
of electronic equipment, we still really depend upon the fellow
who goes out there with a pack on his back to help us find what
underlies the overburden throughout the mountain areas of this
province.
Now, it so happens that British Columbia is a province with
a tremendous area covered by mountain formations. Within those
areas we find a fair amount of minerals. But we cannot look at
that resource in isolation any more than we can look at this
bill in isolation. The fact of the matter is that many other
parts of the world are amply endowed with minerals to a far
greater and richer degree than our own province. So if we are
to develop our resources we must be expert in the field and we
must be able to do everything a little bit better than anyone
else, because we must compete on world markets for the sale of
those resources.
This bill places too much discretionary power, Mr. Speaker,
in the hands of the Minister. It allows the government to
dictate whether an individual or company can place new
discoveries in production and it dictates under what conditions
they will place those new discoveries in production. The bill
contains unnecessary production lease requirements and imposts
upon the small producers that they may not be able to live
with. It places the government in a position where they can say
to the people who are the original discoverers of a new mineral
resource or a new mineralized area, "Go ahead. Work, sweat it
out, you do all the work, you take all the risk and we'll come
to the area of development and talk terms about the partnership
we are going to form. We feel we deserve part of the
action."
They can force this into any new development in the Province
of British Columbia, because without the sanction and authority
of the government that mine will never come into production. If
the government insists upon being co-owner of the mine, they
can do so under the provisions of this bill. That is why I say,
Mr. Speaker, that we cannot deal in isolation with this bill
without looking at the whole programme that is laid out in
other bills that are
[ Page
2501 ]
before this House.
That is why, Mr. Speaker, we oppose this type of
legislation. It is discriminatory. It places in the hands of
one Minister of the Crown power far in excess of anything that
he should be allowed to wield. It makes it impossible for
developing companies to effectively compete for development
capital. Maybe that is just exactly what the government is
desirous of, because they can then supply the capital on an
equity basis and force the mine into a partnership regardless
of how unwilling the industry may be to take the government in
as partners.
They do this by legislative process. It's going to have a
detrimental effect on the mining industry. We've already seen
the results of that. It will certainly make it very, very
doubtful whether new mining ventures will come into fruition in
the Province of British Columbia. As a result it will mean lost
jobs to people who would otherwise be employed in the mining
business.
It's the type of legislation which we oppose. Because if we
look at the record of the mining industry …
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. SMITH: The message I just received, Mr. Speaker, is that
Buffalo just won. It's nice to know that the series is extended
and that Montreal doesn't have everything their own way.
That's what I'm here to tell the Hon. Minister here this
evening — a little competition is a good thing.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MRS. P.J. JORDAN (North Okanagan): We're not crying. You're
the ones who are crying. "Boo-boohoo! No one will do what we
want them to."
MR. SMITH: We're the people who intend to provide a little
competition with the government in the bills we don't like. We
are here to do a job, and I think that regardless of how the
government may view it they must realize, having had more
experience in opposition than in government …
MRS. JORDAN: They'll have a lot more, too.
MR. SMITH: …that they might be able to take a few words
of advice from the official opposition now and again on some of
their programmes.
Of course, we wouldn't mind a few of your notes on how to be
an effective opposition.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Haven't you found that out yet?
MRS. JORDAN: I think we're doing all right.
MR. SMITH: You know, I think we're not doing too badly, Mr.
Premier.
MRS. JORDAN: We never lost control of the House like you
have.
MR. SMITH: We're not doing that badly, Mr. Premier.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Would you return to the substance of the
bill, please?
MR. SMITH: I thought that that was part of the substance of
the bill. As a matter of fact, I thought I was keeping very
close to the principle of the bill, Mr. Speaker.
I don't intend to harangue the Minister for any length of
time this evening.
HON. MR. NIMSICK (Minister of Mines and Petroleum Resources) : You're
free to do it.
MR. SMITH: No, I'm not going to pull one of those types of
exhibitions and performances that we have seen when you
yourself and other Members of the government were in the
official opposition.
I just want to say this: what it boils down to, not only in
this bill but in many bills that are before this House, is that
we hold a philosophy much different from your own. In due time
the voters in the Province of British Columbia will determine
who made the right decisions. I'm sure that many people —
the 60 per cent who did not support the NDP — are as
concerned about the principle of this bill as I am myself, Mr.
Speaker. We do not intend to support the bill. We think it is
poor legislation.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Mr. Speaker. A point of order. The
opposition is constantly misleading us. There was no score
— they're back playing again. (Laughter).
DEPUTY SPEAKER: There is no point of order. Would the Hon.
Member please proceed?
MR. SMITH: At least we aren't offside, like the Government
is all night.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Offside goal?
MR. SMITH: Mr. Speaker, in all charity, I must say to the
Minister that we do not intend to support this legislation. I
must say this to you, Mr. Minister, through you Mr. Speaker:
you do not need Kierans to tell you how to wreck the mining
industry in the Province of British Columbia, because in that
respect you are doing a very good job yourself.
[ Page 2502 ]
DEPUTY SPEAKER: I recognize the Hon. Member for
Boundary-Similkameen.
Interjection by an Hon, Member.
MR. F.X. RICHTER (Boundary-Similkameen): No, but I would
like to speak again.
MRS. JORDAN: Some of your own Members want to speak.
MR. RICHTER: Mr. Speaker, in speaking to the principle of
the bill, I don't think it is unrecognized that the
Mineral Act which we are dealing with at the present
time — Bill 44 — did require some updating. It was
a subject of considerable discussion when I was Minister of
Mines. In fact the Speaker of the House, who was interested in
the prospecting and mining field, made certain recommendations
to me. Surprisingly enough, they were part of the terms of
reference that I referred to a committee of the Department of
Mines and Petroleum Resources along with the mining industry
to make a complete study of the Act and bring back
recommendations to me in the fall of 1972 so that legislation
could be promulgated and the Act could be amended as it was
needed.
There was considerable dialogue carried on between the
industry and the department and good progress was being made up
until August 30. After that period it seemed that the committee
that was doing the work was sort of side-tracked and no further
work was done in relation to studies and work that would have
resulted in the type of legislation which would have been both
to the advantage of the government and also of the industry. We
were asking for input from the outside — the beef cattle
growers industry, the mining industry and all industries
affected through harvesting of mineral resources.
In the principle of this Act there are a considerable number
of measures. There are some policies and principles there that
I think government and industry could have done well
without.
Certainly there have been a number of increases in the
assessment and fee requirements, even down to the free miner's
licence. I never could understand why they called it free
— it always cost $5 and the increase in the bill is just
about double. It is still not that devastating as the average
person can dig up the extra $5.
But it is in the field of assessment work that many small
prospectors just don't have the type of money that will be
required now to undertake the work on a unit basis, on the 40
claim unitization. Even when it comes down to possibly 20
claims it is just more money than they have to be able to put
into that type of work. Even if they hire the work done by
bulldozer, backhoe or whatever it happens to be, this is costly
and time-consuming.
The proportion of successful claims that turn into viable
mines is certainly not an encouraging percentage. It has been
worked out on the basis that about one claim in 100 becomes a
viable producer. This is a pretty wide disparity in trying to
prove up ground, spending money on a claim for two or three
years and then finding out that it is not a viable claim. While
we have had some successful prospectors we have also had many,
many people other than Bryn Brynelsen, Morris Menzies, Spud
Huestis types. These are only a few; these get recognition;
these are the successful ones. Now hundreds of other
prospectors have prospected their entire lives, but because
they have not been able to develop a property to the degree
that it becomes a producer so that they can reap some of their
rewards, they usually have to sell that property for a few
dollars in order to maintain other claims, attempting to find
that one strike which would tide them over for the rest of
their lives.
Under this new type of policy and philosophy, it looks like
a losing proposition from the beginning, in that there are so
many ways in the principle of this bill in which the prospector
loses his confidence in having some secure form of tenure. Even
though it does cost him some money and a lot of work, the fact
is that he can be denied a renewal of his lease, he can be
denied a production lease, he can be denied the continuation of
his mining if it doesn't meet exactly the requirements of the
government or if they feel that they can do a better job of
developing the mine.
Well, again, we get into the public purse on a high-risk
development project. The history of mining in the province has
not been all that bright that the taxpayers' money should be
put into such high-risk ventures.
There has been a great deal of feedback from the public and
the Press. Only today one of the principal papers of the
province came out with the headline: "Things Look Slightly
Bleak. Jobs Needed as Firms Move from BC as Finders No Longer
Keepers in High-Risk Exploration."
These of course stimulate the apprehension. on the part of
prospectors, inasfar as venture capital is concerned. They are
not ready to risk this. They look for a political climate that
is more conducive to the development of the resources. I am
confident that we are going to find a very substantial amount
of high-risk capital that would have ventured into the
province, would have remained here and now will be diverted out
of the province.
The mining companies themselves are sceptical. The European
metal market has not been good. I think it has been freely
admitted here that we are not getting the 70 or 80 cents a
pound for copper we used to get. That is a high-priced metal
right now as well as gold. We haven't had one producing gold
mine in British Columbia since Bralorne closed down after a
40-year run.
[ Page 2503 ]
So I can't see all this amount of advantage in the basic
principles of Bill 44. I think the mining companies have
studied it very thoroughly. They have made an analysis of it.
They have sought to have clarification of the intent and spirit
of the Act, and they still come up with the same answer —
that it is just not for them.
There is no question that the mining industry in British
Columbia has been a substantial revenue producer for the
province. I think the Minister recognizes this, and I am sure
the Government wants to have a strong, viable mining industry.
But I can't see, Mr. Minister, through you Mr. Speaker, that
there is any possibility of seeing an acceleration in the
mining field due to this type of legislation.
We know that there are other bills on the order paper that
will be discussed in due time. They detract from the mining
industry just as Bill 44 does — the basic principles of
Bill 44. The powers that are within Bill 44 are very intense as
far as the Minister is concerned. The appeal from decisions is
not all that great. Consequently a great deal of apprehension
is evident today, not only in the mining industry from the
standpoint of exploration and development, but from the point
of view of investment capital — risk capital to develop
the resources.
We had, only within the last year or two, a very devastating
drop in the price of copper. Some mines were operating at
probably a differential of about one cent between their cost of
production and the value they were getting for their copper.
This really is not an encouraging situation as far as placing
risk capital out for the development of mines. Some of them,
because of the low-grade ore, because of the fact that
molybdenum, which was an anomaly in the production of copper
from some of our producing mines — it was a glut on the
market, the copper itself.
Had it not been for a little gold and silver that was also
brought out through the mining of the copper, which was the
primary objective, they certainly would not have been able to
make both ends meet.
Only in this last year, when you read the financial
statement of Brenda Mine, probably one of the lowest-grade
copper producers in the mining field in British Columbia
— they didn't make any type of profit — they made a
loss. Now you can only stand this sort of a loss for so long,
and they closed down.
So the mining industry hasn't been all that lucrative, or
the contracts that they have for their metal. Unless we get
some refining, and certainly fabrication of the metal within
British Columbia, we could find ourselves one day without
markets. This is due to the fact that other countries who have
higher-grade ores have better mining costs, due to the fact
that it is not costing them as much for the production of the
product. They are getting certain government subsidies and
assistances. These in themselves certainly place British
Columbia in a very difficult position as far as being fully
competitive is concerned.
There is nothing we can do about that but to try and assist
the industry to be able to produce at a rate which will provide
them with the opportunity to compete in the open world market.
We sell based on the European metal market, and that is our
barometer of prices. Consequently we see the mining industry
today in almost a position of having a heavy cloak brought over
them to the degree that they are thinking very seriously of
cutting back on development of new properties.
Certainly they are not going to close down their existing
operations, but as these progressively are mined out, no new
mines will be coming on the scene for the years henceforth. It
takes anywhere from five to eight years to develop a producing
mine. If we run out, as we will on some properties within the
next two years, we are going to find a period of time in there
in which we will not have sufficient time to develop producing
mines.
Now what does this have to do with the principle of this
bill? The principle of this bill, because of the very strong
measures that are incorporated into the bill, leaves something
to be desired as far as the mining industry is concerned
— in seeing their security maintained, in controlling
their properties after they have brought them into production
and have the production lease.
In previous years, under the existing laws, there has been
no question in their mind but what they could move along. As
long as they met the regulations which were set out in relation
to their reclamation programmes, their recovery, the fact that
they carried out proper mining procedures, they felt a degree
of security in that they are able to work their properties and
make a contribution to society.
Now they are already taxed, and this will be discussed
further in another bill. They already bear very heavy costs
compared to other industries such as the wood industry, where
you can actually see the resource right on the ground.
Certainly the mining field is not one which you can determine
exactly. Even to delineate an ore body takes a very substantial
amount of capital and a great deal of work. And it takes the
little prospector who, in the past, through the grub-staking
fund, or on his own, or who was sent out by mining companies,
explores the various areas which would be almost inaccessible
to any other type of access other than foot-slogging it, or
packing in with their pack animals to a point from which they
work.
However on the other hand, large companies can use
helicopters, and equipment of that nature. They can explore the
outer regions and particularly the heavily-mineraled areas of
the Omineca and Atlin areas. This is done pretty much by
helicopter. But it is only a large company that can afford that
sort of
[ Page 2504 ]
exploration. The little prospector is absolutely locked
out. In the first place access is not that much to his
advantage, because distances are long, supply posts are a very
great distance from the areas that they are working; so it is
virtually impossible for them.
But there are many areas that they can work throughout the
province, and it is a very large province to prospect in, and
it is very heavily mineralized. We still need this man who is
prepared to go out and face failure after failure, and
occasionally make some success. But we need these in numbers,
so that we can locate the minerals of the province, so we can
develop the ore bodies, so we can secure the benefits in the
interests of society and government.
It is well known that government has many obligations in
which they depend on a source of revenue. If it's the mining
industry that helps the social services of the province, well
then certainly this is an area in which we shouldn't deter from
greater development.
There are a good number of measures within Bill 44. I feel
that it's a piece of legislation we could have well done
without at this particular time. I would have liked to have
seen a little more dialogue between industry and government
— when I say government, I mean the Department of Mines,
the personnel within the Department of Mines. I would have
liked to have seen a little more in-depth study before we
entered into any type of legislation such as we have, because
it's my understanding that should there be a fall session
— which we're led to believe that there will be —
there'll be additional amendments brought in.
AN HON. MEMBER: We'll still be here.
MR. RICHTER: Very likely we could be. I don't mind it here,
you know — it's not all that bad. I don't object to doing
the people's business — and if it takes until fall I
don't mind, because I've got nothing else to do anyway but do
their business for them.
I'm not quite so fortunate in being able to go out and visit
the mines. My successor has that prerogative now and I'm sure
that he'll enjoy it. I'm sure that he'll go out and do his bit.
He's already entered in this sort of a field as other cabinet
Ministers are. They like to ride in the silver bird and I'm
sure that it will be educational to them if nothing else.
But this particular piece of legislation — I would
have hoped that the government would have a little more time to
study it; do a little more input; possibly have had a committee
do a bit of work on this — get out there in the field and
see what could be done. See the actual operations on the
ground.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. RICHTER: I certainly broadened my spectrum of knowledge,
as far as that is concerned. I visited the Bralorne Mines
— the tunnels were 125 degrees Fahrenheit, depth 1,800
ft. below the Burrard Inlet. These were experiences. This is
what should be done. But I would like to have more Members have
the opportunity to go out and see these things.
I would have thought that if this bill had been brought in
as it is, referred to a committee and let them have dialogue
with the industry, then come back in the fall — then we
would have been able to bring in a more comprehensive piece of
legislation.
Now it's going to be piecemeal because if we come in again
in the fall and start amending this all over again, I wonder
just what advantage will have occurred in the mining industry
and to the government.
There are many predictions coming out in the Press. "B.C.'s
mining consultants predict slim months ahead." This could be.
If exploration development capital is withheld, certainly there
will be a considerable loss of opportunity for jobs —
particularly university students, and other geologists,
geophysicists and so on who would have been able to work this
summer and compile their notes and so on during the winter.
This is a very common practice.
I have to say that I personally will have to oppose this
legislation primarily on the basis that I think that better
legislation could be prepared if a committee could have studied
it. With dialogue with the mining industry — some input
from the mining industry — then I think we could have come
up with a piece of legislation which would certainly improve
the existing Act substantially. At the same time, those who
felt that the present Act was not meeting their requirements
would have had an opportunity, particularly the beef cattle
growers, to have made a contribution. Certainly I think we
would have been doing a little better job.
I have to look at Bill 44 — very honestly, I have to
look at it in this way, that it was a known fact that in the
years that I had as Minister, certainly a great deal of
contribution was forthcoming from the various Members in the
House. It was through this and other input that I set up that
committee which was doing the study and got sidetracked
somewhere along the way after August 30.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
MR. SPEAKER: I recognize the Hon. Second Member for Vancouver-Point
Grey.
MR. G.B. GARDOM (Vancouver–Point Grey): Oh, how kind
of you!
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
MR. GARDOM: How kind of you. Thank you very much. Two
witches.
[ Page 2505 ]
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
MR. GARDOM: Mr. Speaker, one thing is very paramount about
this bill. It's not going to bring down the government and it's
certainly not the last straw, but it's just another load on the
back of B.C. citizens. It's another infringement upon rights;
it's another infringement upon initiative. It's another burden,
another restriction. It's another example of the hampering of
development. It's another step, I'd say, towards the hindering
of a flourishing economy. Most of all, it's another very
demonstrative indication of the centralistic and
regulationistic, impersonal and all-governmental direction of
our B.C. socialists.
At times, Mr. Speaker, the business community and the
working community, and even some of the opposition Members
appear to be somewhat mystified as to the socialistic
direction. And they shouldn't be, because the socialists have
laid some of it down in black and white — and they're
pretty much cultists when it comes to following that which they
have written.
We find in the material that they have put out before their
entering into the election campaign last year — they talk
about an economy for people. They say that they're going to
establish this, "by establishing full public control —
full public control over our resource sector."
Good heavens, this doesn't disturb, you see, the most
powerful Minister in the government and the gentleman I suppose
most responsible for shaping some of the more dramatic
philosophies that are coming across in the legislation. But
this doesn't disturb him. This makes him content and happy. He
sort of feels like Father Christmas; but the intent of Father
Christmas was to give and not to take.
You know, if we divided society into two sorts of people,
givers and takers, I'm afraid that the Hon. Minister of Lands,
Forests and Water Resources (Hon. Mr. Williams) would fall well
within the category of a taker.
Secondly, if you just take a look at the second little bit
of cult that we have, and that's in the Waffle manifesto. And
they talk about the instruments for bringing the Canadian
economy under the control of Canada. They say, "including
extensive public control over investment and nationalization of
the commanding heights of the economy such as the key resource
industries, finance and credit, and industries strategic to
planning our economy."
So this is just a very, very clear step. This is a small
one, but again, a very clear one and just another one towards a
very firm establishment of the policies which the socialists
propose.
You know there is one thing that they're missing in, this
and that's this: that this New Democratic Party, Mr. Speaker,
came out of the last election with 40 per cent of the popular
vote. That 40 per cent of the popular vote, Mr. Speaker, was
just about a 10 per cent negative vote, and that 10 per cent
eroded very quickly after they achieved office. That brought
them down to about 30 per cent. And I would say that after the
legislation that has been proposed and not even yet passed in
this House, that they'd be awfully lucky if they were hitting
22. There's the greatest example of a runaway ship — boy
oh boy!
It's going to be very interesting to see whether or not the
general public in B.C. have a cumulative memory — perhaps
they'll never have one to the extent of the labour movement
— but if they've got a cumulative memory that will run
the better part of another three years, what indeed will be
happening come the next election? Where are all of these
fellows over there and all of the people that they happen to be
appointing to their commissions and board, what are they going
to be doing?
MR. D.M. PHILLIPS (South Peace River): Mass unemployment.
(Laughter).
MR. GARDOM: My friend from the Peace is advocating that they
should stay in because if they went out there would be more
unemployment than we have ever seen in the province before.
It's probably a very, very valid premise indeed. It certainly
is.
I think that this bill and others that are coming in this
session are going to end up being very, very early indicators
of the fact that your public acceptability is running out very
quickly. If you'll pardon the metaphor, it's running out drip
by drip and the drips are getting larger all the time.
MR. SPEAKER: A point of order?
HON. MR. BARRETT: I don't think the Member should sit down
until he at least speaks on the principle of the bill.
(Laughter).
MR. SPEAKER: Why should he be different? (Laughter).
MR. GARDOM: On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. When you were
elected you promised you wouldn't fly any more. (Laughter).
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Langley.
MR. R.H. McCLELLAND (Langley): Mr. Speaker, I just want to
say a few words in support of the miners in Langley. The health
Minister (Hon. Mr. Cocke) talked about balance, Mr. Speaker.
Well, I'd say they've got the mining industry balancing on a
[ Page 2506 ]
tightrope. It's going to fall off and you'll never be able to
put it back together again. You're wrecking the mining industry
— at least this bill will wreck the mining industry. The
people you're picking on hardest again, as with so much of the
legislation that's coming from that side of the House, are the
small miners, the prospectors and the little companies that
can't look after themselves.
The big companies can take care of themselves. They can
weather any kind of storm that happens to come up. But the
little companies and the single prospectors just don't have a
chance.
I wonder if they honestly think, Mr. Speaker, that they can
keep hitting and hitting and hitting at so many segments of
business and industry with more taxes and more abuses all of
the time without the economy falling apart? It just can't be
done.
Business and industry in this province are saying that
enough is enough. Lay off. You've done enough damage now. Back
off for a while. Take this bill and put it over until the fall
at least. Send it out to committee if you have to. Better yet,
tear it up and throw it away.
Mr. Speaker, this Government seems to be bent on a
deliberate course of causing unemployment in the Province of
British Columbia. The people in the mining industry have
already told you that there are 500 men out of work right off
the bat and that the prospects are for more over the next few
months. If that's not a course bent on creating unemployment, I
don't know what it is. You're putting people out of work in
every kind of industry in the whole province, Mr. Speaker.
What kind of terms are you going to demand from the miners
before you'll grant them a production lease? Are you going to
demand an equity in their company? Is that what you want? If
they prove out a good find are you going to say to them, "O.K.
fellas, you can have your production lease but we want our
share. We want 50 per cent of the company, we want 60 per cent
of the company"? Or do you want to just shove them out
altogether?
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. McCLELLAND: More than your share is what you want, Mr.
Minister. The Member on my left described you very well when he
referred to you as the "grey eminence" of this kind of
legislation. You want far more than your share and you're
taking far more than your share.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. McCLELLAND: It isn't red at all. It's maroon. Mr.
Speaker, I don't understand why the people on the other side of
the House would think that a company would even want to risk
their money when the Minister of Mines will hold their future
in the palm of his hand. What's the point? What's the point,
Mr. Speaker, of a government going out and risking its
hard-earned money? They take all the risks and you take all the
gravy. That's a pretty good deal.
The Minister, Mr. Speaker, said that he held meetings with
the miners. I agree that it was reported that he did hold meetings
with the people from the industry. He was telling the
truth.
AN HON. MEMBER: He did all the talking.
MR. McCLELLAND: But he sure didn't listen. He didn't listen
at all. You held meetings with people, you let them talk with
you. What's the point unless you're prepared to listen and take
some good advice from the people who know?
The new president of the mining association, Mr. Speaker,
was part of that input I suppose. He was here talking and
making suggestions. Do you know what he said, Mr. Speaker? He
said, "We just wasted our breath. It didn't do a bit of
good."
That sounds very familiar, Mr. Speaker. It sounds extremely
familiar. I can think of another piece of legislation that came
before this House — Bill 42 — in which this
Government didn't listen to the farmers. You haven't listened
to the people in local government. You haven't listened to the
people at all. If you're not prepared to listen, what's the
point of even having meetings with people? It just doesn't make
any sense.
Mr. Speaker, something else is becoming very familiar too
with this Government, because just as this Government keeps
passing punitive legislation that strikes hardest at the small
businessmen in this province, so you're striking out at the
individual prospector again, and the small mining company.
I notice, Mr. Speaker, a report in one of the newspapers not
long ago from once again the new president of the mining
association — I believe his name is Mr. Tupp. He had a
very telling point when he said that he welcomes the
government's entry into the mining business. Make no mistake,
Mr. Speaker, that's what the intention is. The government is
going to get into the mining business in a big way. They're
going to force their way in by punitive measures. When you come
to get your production licence you're going to find yourself in
partnership with the government.
Mr. Tupp says he welcomes the government into the mining business because there's
no quicker way, Mr. Speaker, of finding out the facts of life than losing your
own money. That's what you're going to do. The Minister of Mines is going to
find himself along with every other department of this government throwing money
down the drain — money after money after money. It really isn't your own money,
in case you didn't know. It happens to be the
[ Page
2507 ]
taxpayers' money. It belongs to all of us. You're trustees of that money only.
The president of the mining association also said, Mr.
Speaker, that whoever wrote this Act didn't know a thing about
the industry. It was written by a "socialist theorist." Those
are his words and he's right on, Mr. Speaker, right on. Because
the basis of this legislation is what is good socialism, not
what is good legislation or not what is good for the mining
industry. It's all based on what is good socialism.
MR. GARDOM: Old-fashioned socialism.
MR. McCLELLAND: Old-fashioned socialism it may be.
Mr. Speaker, he's not in the House at the moment, but the
Member for Oak Bay (Mr. Wallace) earlier today said that
business doesn't trust government, whether it's NDP or Tory.
Well, I don't buy that, Mr. Speaker, for one minute. I think
business will trust government if government earns that trust
and if you give them something to trust. Mr. Speaker, this
government is giving them nothing to trust and nobody trusts
them any longer.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister closes the debate.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Mr. Speaker, the last speaker said that we
did not listen. The previous speaker — the former mines
Minister — I appreciated his remarks very much. He said
there was a committee working with the industry. That committee
continued to work and it's still working towards the complete
review of the Act. So when you say that it was sidetracked, I
don't know where you've been. Somebody has been giving you the
wrong information.
When you speak of the mineral industry as a big revenue
producer to the government, I don't know how you figure it out.
When you figure out the direct revenue to the government and
subtract from that what we spend in the mining industry, we get
about 2 per cent revenue from the mining industry.
You spoke of the copper being low. When I came in copper was
47 cents a pound. Today it's up over 60 cents a pound.
Molybdenum is on the increase. When we speak of the prospector,
I've got every sympathy for the little prospector. There are
very few of the little prospectors left.
MR. PHILLIPS: There's over 1,000 of them.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: When I find some prospectors tell me
they've got 100 claims which is 5,500 acres of land, I think
that either they've got more claims than they need or they're
working in conjunction with some big company. Because most of
the prospecting today is done by air.
When you speak of Mr. Kierans, he had no input into these
amendments at all. So you might as well rest yourself there
because I have never read any articles from Kierans before
these amendments were put forward.
When we talk about equity, I remember Mr. Gibson in this
House, the former Liberal Member, when he advocated that we
should have an equity in all our forestry management licences.
He advocated that, that we should have an equity because we own
the resource, and in regards to mining, what would be wrong
with the people that own the resource having an equity? If any
one of you, or any one of us owned a mine, and it was going
to enter production, somebody wanted to put it into production,
the first thing we would ask him is, "What is in it for us?"
And we as the people of British Columbia, we want to know what
is in it for us, if we are going to let these mines out.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: It is a two-way street in this thing, and
some people believe in participatory democracy, you know, and
there is a two-way street, when you are discussing these
things. Just the same as a private individual and a company we
are discussing this back and forth. But why not do it that
way?
The Hon. Member for Victoria said that we have 14,000 men
working in the mines. We had that many two years ago, and we
produce a lot more minerals today than we did then. So actually
as a job producer, the resource industry of mining doesn't
produce the jobs that it should be producing, and with the
automation that is coming on, it takes more tonnage every year
to give one man a job.
The Hon. Second Member for Victoria was talking about the
Waffle manifesto. I've been in this movement long enough that I
could write a manifesto myself; I don't have to wait for any
professors. I don't have to wait for a professor to hand me a
Waffle manifesto. I can write a manifesto.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: I would like to get the record straight,
Hon. Member for Victoria. I'd like you to have the record
straight. The other day when you asked me about whether we had
anybody working in regard to setting up a Crown exploration
corporation, I said "No", and that was correct.
Last fall I had an interest in it, I mean I discussed the
matter about having an exploration company, because I think
there is merit to it. But at that time we were so busy, so we
dropped it. And it might come up again, so don't be too worried
if it does come up again and we have such a corporation.
[ Page 2508 ]
Then we talk about the power of government. It's the highest
court in the land, don't forget. Government has power, and you
know that. You know government here can do almost anything if
they want to. But they won't last long if they don't do the
right thing. (Laughter). They won't last long.
I was surprised at the Hon. Second Member for Victoria (Mr.
D.A. Anderson) when he talked about creaming of the mines, and
the life of the mine, and taking out the low-grade ore along
with the rich ore. That's exactly what this bill is all
about.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: All you've been doing is reading the
stories and the letters and the briefs from the mining
industry. And how would you get anything else out of it? You
wouldn't get anything else.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: And they can read sinister things, anybody
can read sinister things into anything, and I don't care what
kind of
an Act you bring up here, or a bill — somebody
can read something sinister in it. That you are really plotting
something beyond what you intend. They try and read between the
lines.
Well, I'm one of those straightforward fellows and what I
put down I intend to follow.
AN HON. MEMBER: But you won't be there forever.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: When you're going into these leases that
we're talking about, these production leases, there's nothing
in the Act and nobody mentioned it. I couldn't find anything in
the Act saying that we would stop a production lease, providing
they fulfil all these plans.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Well, what are we going to do? What are we
going to do if we don't have some regulations. If we don't have
some place where we know how they are going to operate —
then there's no use in our trying to be a government. Don't
forget that. We want some input into this, and I think the Hon.
Minister of Health was right when he said we are trying to get
a balance.
This is the first time that the citadel has ever been
breached, and it's going to be breached. The people of British
Columbia are going to have a say in the depletion of this
resource.
AN HON. MEMBER: Let's give some marks for the old days.
Interjections by some Hon. Members. (Laughter).
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Listen to the industry? I've been
listening very carefully to the industry, and the more that
they came up the more convinced was I that I am right in regard
to this bill and the production leases that are in this bill.
The more I'm convinced I'm right.
And listening to some of those long speeches today, at the
start I might have been teetering a little bit, but after they
got through the four hours I was sure I was right.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Now they talk about stockpiling ore. Is
the government going to stockpile ore? Well, I wish to goodness
we had a stockpile of a million tons about six or eight months
ago because we'd make some money on it today. So that would be
fine.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I've enjoyed this debate. (Laughter). At
least the last 10 minutes of it. (Laughter). And the
information that I got from across the way since the debate
started, I'll be able to give that consideration in the next 10
minutes. And with that I'm going to move second reading of this
bill, Mr. Speaker.
Motion approved on the following division.
YEAS — 32
Macdonald
Barrett
Dailly
Strachan
Nimsick
Stupich
Nunweiler
Nicolson
Brown
Radford
Sanford
D'Arcy
Cummings
Dent
Levi
Lorimer
Williams, R.A.
Cocke
King
Calder
Hartley
Lea
Young
Lockstead
Gorst
Rolston
Anderson, G.H.
Steves
Kelly
Webster
Lewis
Liden
NAYS — 15
Richter
Bennett
Chabot
Jordan
Smith
Fraser
Phillips
McClelland
Morrison
Schroeder
Anderson, D.A.
Williams, L.A.
Gardom
Brousson
Wallace
PAIRED
Hall
McGeer
Barnes
Curtis
Bill No. 44 referred to a committee of the whole
[ Page 2509 ]
House at the next sitting after today.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Second reading of Bill 47, Mr.
Speaker.
MINERAL PROPERTY TAXATION ACT
REPEAL ACT
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister of Mines.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Mr. Speaker, nobody needs to worry much
about this bill. This bill is the Mineral Property Taxation
Act Repeal Act. It's
an Act that was passed by the Social
Credit government back in 1957, I believe, with the hope that
they could get some taxes out of our Crown-granted mineral
claims. It went to court and it was ultra vires.
So there's no use leaving it taking up room in the book. I
move second reading of this bill.
MR. SPEAKER: Any debate?
MR. D.A. ANDERSON (Victoria): Mr. Speaker, this is the first
Act we've had which cuts a tax, even though it's an ultra vires
tax. (Laughter). We'd like to say that this is a principle that
we approve of. Furthermore, it saves paper, which is
conservation at its best.
So we hope that even though this Act didn't raise any money
and it's ultra vires and it's thoroughly useless, the principle
of cutting taxation, or at least considering it, will hit home
in the government in other taxes which hit people a little
harder. We trust that this is simply the one very, very narrow
bit of silver lining on a very dark cloud which is coming from
the Minister of Finance. We certainly approve of this.
MR. SPEAKER: May I say that was the Hon. Second Member for
Victoria, in case Hansard wondered. The Hon.
Premier.
HON. MR. BARRETT: After that speech, I want the Minister to
reconsider his position. (Laughter).
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Question, Mr. Speaker.
Motion approved; second reading of the bill.
Bill No. 47 referred to a committee of the whole House at
the next sitting after today.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Second reading of Bill No. 64, Mr.
Speaker.
MINERAL LAND TAX ACT
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister of Mines.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Mr. Speaker, Bill 64 is the Mineral
Land Tax Act .
HON. MR. BARRETT: Is it ultra vires too?
HON. MR. NIMSICK: This is the dark cloud that was just
coming up over that silver lining that he was talking about.
(Laughter).
This is a tax that we're going to place on privately-owned
mineral rights. There are 9,600 Crown-granted mineral claims
comprising about 300,000 acres in the Province of British
Columbia. In addition to this, there are over 8 million acres
of railway grants where they have the right to the
minerals.
We propose three tiers of taxation. The first one …
AN HON. MEMBER: T-e-a-r-s. (Laughter).
HON. MR. NIMSICK: The first tax would be on the total area.
It would be from 25 cents to $1. If you owned over 1 million
acres of land, you'd have to pay $1 an acre. If you owned a
small amount of land, you'd have to pay 25 cents per acre in
tax.
Within the total area there are producing areas. These are
potentially producing areas invariably surrounding production
areas. The tax on these would be $2 an acre. This is in the
Act.
Then there are production tracts. This is where there's a
producing mine. The tax in this regard, for the first year
after the Act goes into operation, would be a maximum of 12 1/2
mills. The second year it would be 25 mills. That's the highest
it can go under the Act. This is outlined within the Act.
There is an appeal board where you can appeal your
assessment, because this 12.5 mills is against an assessment
that will be designated by the administrator. It will be based
on the production of minerals. There is also tax deferment in
regard to this production tract. If a mine is operating on a
margin or at a loss, the tax payment can be deferred from year
to year by application to the Minister. It would become a debt
against the mine, but grounds for deferment would have to be
shown.
Mr. Speaker, this is the first time that we are trying to
get some return from the mistakes made many, many years ago
when we alienated great areas of our province. That's the
mineral rights. Some of those mineral rights in Crown-granted
claims are being held for generation after generation. Nothing
is done with them but they're being held because they're Crown
granted. Now we are in hopes that many of those will come back
home if they've got to pay some tax.
I move second reading of this bill.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for South
[ Page 2510 ]
Peace River.
MR. PHILLIPS: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Just a few words in
passing on this bill. I want to say that I certainly enjoyed
the Minister's closing remarks on Bill 44. They were pretty
humorous. But the smile will soon disappear, Mr. Speaker, when
the realities come home to roost and the popcorn starts to
pop.
Mr. Speaker, before discussing this bill, I have to say at
the outset that it's another one of these bills that's 14 pages
long. A fantastic note of explanation at the back of it says,
"This here enacts the bill…(Laughter)…and does not
become part of the bill." However, Mr. Speaker, maybe someday
when the Government introduces some of its legislation, they'll
put a few explanatory notes on it for laymen like myself.
Another thing that's familiar in this bill, Mr. Speaker, is
the right of the Minister and his colleagues to designate. This
seems to be following pretty well along the same course of all
the legislation introduced this session.
The only problem that I can see with the bill — and I
think that the Minister's probably right in respect to some of
the old treaty land and taxing. I'm not going to say that I
disagree with that. However, it's another case of while you're
getting some revenue from those lands, you're also going to
hurt the most crucial area of resource exploration by other
companies.
It radically raises charges on active explorers, whether
inside or outside of this railway belt. For example, a company
exploring on 40 claims of land in an area designated as highly
mineralized, but not necessarily producing, might currently be
paying about $400 per annum for its lease on top of its
exploration costs. Bill 64 would put this up to $3,200. Many
companies, particularly the smaller ones, could not bear this
charge for property that would still be a long way away from
producing.
So this is an area that hurts, Mr. Speaker. It also may
prevent key exploration in marginal areas. Companies will think
twice about picking up and doing work on claims that are
anything less than high grade.
Mr. Speaker, the bill also leaves the implementation wide
open to inequities. The designation of each of three types of
mineral area is far too arbitrary, Mr. Speaker. It's that great
power of the Minister again. The legislation gives the power to
the cabinet to designate any portion of the province as
ordinary mineral land, as a production area or as an active
production area. This power of designation can have a
detrimental effect on developing mines. This takes away, Mr.
Speaker, the counterbalancing forces of cost, supply and demand
as factors in the development of a land holding and inserts
instead the arbitrary judgment of a politician.
It does nothing to increase the number of claims that would
be worked under the old rules. But it will obviously
economically veto ones that might have been worked but now get
over-optimistically classified, Mr. Speaker. Ore bodies that
are marginal in a generally producing area may get punitive
treatment.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: How?
MR. PHILLIPS: Because of your power, that's how.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. PHILLIPS: No, it's not. Most companies control a range
of ore bodies whose development into mining status depends on
trends in prices and costs. The Act will …
AN HON. MEMBER: Author, author.
MR. PHILLIPS: You're looking at him. (Laughter).
The Act will penalize companies for holding bodies which it
is not yet economic to develop, but in which the company has
invested great sums of money to find and prepare. This is the
ultimate blow to the mining industry in British Columbia, Mr.
Speaker. I have to quote the secretary of the B.C. and Yukon
Chamber of Mines …
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Oh no!
MR. PHILLIPS: An
article in the paper …
AN HON. MEMBER: Who wrote it?
MR. PHILLIPS: Don't be so quick to jump. I mean, my gracious. You go
ahead and laugh. I'm quoting him when he says, "Do you think anyone will be
nutty enough to invest money in B.C. mining now?" Now go ahead and laugh,
HON. R.A. WILLIAMS (Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources):
That sounds like you.
AN HON. MEMBER: You're on the wrong bill.
MR. PHILLIPS: No, I'm not on the wrong bill at all.
AN HON. MEMBER: Sure you are. We don't give Crown
grants.
MR. PHILLIPS: As a matter of fact, I'm going to say
something good about the Government in just a few moments, or
I'm going to quote somebody who said something good about
it.
[ Page
2511 ]
HON. MR. BARRETT: Now we know you're on the wrong bill.
MR. PHILLIPS: Yes, I'm on the wrong track too. But I'm
fairly serious about this.
It's another taxation statute, Mr. Speaker.
HON. MR. BARRETT: It's on Crown grants.
MR. PHILLIPS: No, just a minute. Here's the Premier butting
in and interrupting me again because I think I've found the
truth behind this bill. That is the power of the cabinet to
designate any type of production area, to designate what the
taxes shall be. That's the …
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Wrong. Privately-owned mineral lands.
MR. PHILLIPS: I know it's privately-owned mineral lands. I'm
well aware of that. I want to quote just shortly and briefly
from an Article. It's from the Vancouver Sun dated March 30. It
was on the financial page. It says: "Mineral Land Tax Hits
Railways," which is, as I say, no problem. "Millions of
CP-CN Acres Hit by New Legislation." This
article quotes Norman
B. Keevil, Jr., executive vice-president of the Vancouver-based
Tech Corporation Ltd., who has met Premier David Barrett. He
said:
"Two of the toughest jobs in today's world are running a
mining business and running a government. Too many people in
the mining industry fail to recognize that Mr. Barrett and his
band are sincerely trying to do what they think is best for the
province."
That's what this man says. The problem is, of course, what
they think, based on their philosophy. This is where the man is
not quite right.
"For their part though, I think too many of the NDP fail to
recognize the equal sincerity and good intention of the mining
industry at large and consider it populated only by rip-off
artists."
There's the problem. Because every time the Minister or the
Premier stands up, we've got to damn business, we've got to
damn profits. This is where they're wrong.
AN HON. MEMBER: Damn rivers.
MR. PHILLIPS: Rivers? Well I wish we could dam your
river.
"For their part though, I don't think there is any need for
the industry and government to join in a fight to the death.
Instead, they could get together and work out a set of policies
that are good for the province."
That, Mr. Speaker, is exactly what I recommended this
afternoon. But they're not doing it. They bring in their
legislation in a dictatorial manner. They're not going to
listen. They're not willing to change it when they find out
what the reaction is, particularly on Bill 44.
AN HON. MEMBER: Did we come back to listen to you for four
hours?
MR. PHILLIPS: No, I'm just about finished. I said more in
that four hours than you've said in all the time you've been
sitting here in the Legislature for the last 30 or 40 years.
How long have you been here? (Laughter).
Mr. Speaker, this
article goes on to say: "What is good for British Columbia
in the long run is good for the mining industry too. At the same time, what
is bad for the mining industry will be even worse for the province."
This is from a man who is looking unbiasedly at the
government and how they're handling the mining legislation.
It's unfortunate that the Government opposite, Mr. Speaker,
does not realize this.
"Keevil suggested both the mining industry and the
government throw away the chips on their shoulders and get down
to serious, quiet dialogue."
What did I recommend this afternoon? I said there had been
animosity created by this government in the mining industry.
Don't tell me, Mr. Speaker, that there hasn't been because I've
seen it. I've listened to it.
" 'If the government doesn't like the old rules of the game,
then perhaps new ones can be worked out that are both fair and
productive.' The Tech executive said the new tax legislation
and the amendments to the Mineral Act could be set aside
for a time and the powers used for a frank exchange of ideas.
'Both the industry and the NDP might be pleasantly surprised at
what could be accomplished by this.' "
I'll make the same request about this bill as I requested
about Bill 44. There are things in this bill that are going to
be detrimental to certain mining exploration companies. I think
before you get out the big stick to beat around those railway
lands and the big companies that are in them, you should take a
real, honest and sincere look at how it's going to affect the
smaller companies as well, Mr. Minister.
I know that the Minister, being a conscientious man, will do
just exactly what I have asked him to do.
Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Second Member for Victoria.
[ Page 2512 ]
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: Mr. Speaker, this is another of the
mining taxation Acts for which no justification has been given
in terms of the need to raise revenue. The object must be
elsewhere as we have, of course, a surplus, a substantial
surplus, and if the object were to raise revenue I would like
to see at least companion legislation elsewhere reducing
taxation elsewhere.
We appreciated the Minister's previous bill, where he pulled
back on a taxation bill which, of course, had never been in
force.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: I appreciated your remarks.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: He appreciated my remarks. Well, the
irony of it is that the fellow who sits next to him, the
Minister of Agriculture (Hon. Mr. Stupich), put in a bill which
he told us was ultra vires in the House, and then asked us to
vote for it about a week ago. A very strange situation. I trust
the Minister of Mines will talk to his colleague. The Minister
of Mines is more clearly concerned with the constitution than
the Minister of Agriculture. But that's by the by.
This is another mining tax and the effect of it is to tax
minerals in the ground, as far as I can see.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: Well, it may be the only one, but there
are other things in your other legislation, Mr. Minister. I
appreciate your comments. There are other things in your other
legislation which I've commented upon which have the effect of
raising costs for companies in the mining business.
The effect of taxing people who own land and who have
minerals on that land is, of course, the exact reverse of what
we understood was Government policy when they said, "Look, if
this generation doesn't know enough about it, some future
generation will, and we don't care if it's kept in the
ground."
Now you're putting an incentive on getting it out of the
ground fast.
The Minister shakes his head. But what is the other thing
that you can read into it? What other
interpretation can you
read into this bill when on a year-by-year-by-year basis you're
taxed if you leave it in the ground. You're taxed if you don't
exploit it. If there is any other explanation for
section 4 of
this Act where it says "Mineral Land Tax" then I'd like to know
it, because the Minister certainly hasn't given it to us
now.
I'm simply delighted to see that he's picked up the bill and
is now about to read
section 4 once he turns the page and
finishes with
section 1.
The fact of the matter is it seems totally contradictory in
terms of what you've told us in the past.
You've said that it's better to leave it in the ground if
this generation hasn't got the brains to use it properly.
That's a reasonable point of view. Now you turn around and you
say that when you leave it in the ground we'll tax you. Thus,
you are making an incentive for early exploitation, because
there is no other way you can interpret such a provision as is
section 4. Of course
section 5 goes on to tell you that
once you get going in your production you won't have to pay
taxes under
section 4, under the minerals-in-the-ground
provision.
I don't really know what's in the Government's mind. It's
getting more and more confusing. They load taxes and
regulations and open-ended blank cheque legislation on the
mining industry, and items such as this one. It's totally
contradictory to what they've told us in this House and the
mining industry and the public outside this House, as to what
their intention is for this particular industry in this
province.
Mr. Speaker, we just don't see that there is any reason to
vote in tax measures of this nature when they are not explained
at all adequately in the terms of the need and when there is no
countervailing reduction in taxes elsewhere if this is to be
revenue generating tax; when the objective appears not to be to
raise revenue but to force exploitation.
So we, again, find it very difficult to accept this one.
With regret to our friend the Minister, we're going to have to
vote against it.
I would just like to give him one word of praise …
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON: I voted for your last one. Were you
relieved?
I would like to give him a word of praise when we get down
to the provisions for the Tax Review Board. There at least this
Minister appears to have heard the voices of this side of the
House when dealing with procedures before boards. "To an
extent," my Hon. friend from Point Grey suggests. That's
right. At least there is a suggestion there that procedures
should be set down not by the board itself — that's the
review board, before whom the poor people who are affected will
have to appear — but by some other body which, in this
case, happens to be the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.
It's not much of a step up, because we don't have much faith
in the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council at this stage. Much as we
like his Honour, we think he is badly advised. The point I
would like to make is that we do appreciate the fact that at
least you've got away from having the same board to whom people
have to appeal making the regulations, making the procedures
for those people who have to appeal. And that's a step up.
[ Page 2513 ]
Apart from that there is not much to be said in favour of
this Act, although we have read it very carefully. We would
like in the Minister's summing up a far more detailed
explanation of why the revenue is needed — if it is a
revenue statute. If it is not, why is there this deliberate
attempt here to force production early when the Government, and
in particular the Premier, have been making statements which
are quite contradictory to what is the purpose of this Act?
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Oak Bay.
MR. G.S. WALLACE (Oak Bay): Mr. Speaker, this party opposes
Bill 64 for basic reasons that we've mentioned in relation to
other bills.
First of all we see no need for this kind of tax. If there's
any doubt that it is a revenue-producing Act, the figures which
have been released to the media by the Minister show that it
should raise $12 million to $15 million in 1974 and $20 million
to $25 million in subsequent years. That's a substantial amount
of money.
The other basic principle on which we reject the bill is the
sweeping power to designate, in sections 2 and 3, for
production areas and production tracts. It's really
unbelievable that you can designate an area or a piece of land
which is deemed to contain or possibly contain minerals. This
seems to us a very sweeping power, simply a form of taxing the
particular owner of the land, the private owner of the land,
with the mineral rights.
So these are the basic reasons we oppose the bill: there is
no need for this tax money in our present economy; secondly,
some of the sections give complete power to the cabinet to
designate land.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Boundary-Similkameen.
MR. RICHTER: Mr. Speaker, this particular piece of
legislation is most distasteful to myself because I think it is
very poorly titled. I think that this Act should be known as
the "Confiscation of Crown Granted Mineral Claims." You didn't
repeal any confiscation legislation.
We will likely have an amendment to that effect when the
time comes in committee. However, it is the instrument and an
implement which will be used by the government to acquire
possession of titles to Crown-granted property. It is not
unlike a former bill that has had second reading in this House,
and that is Bill 42.
I question the legality: however I could be wrong because I
am not a lawyer. The Minister said Bill 47 was ultra vires.
You're dealing here with railway lands which were acquired by
the railway for certain undertakings from the federal
government. I question the authority that the province would
have in relation to those mineral rights under the railway
lands. However, that remains to be seen when the time comes
— certainly the legislation as it stands in relation to
the titles.
These titles were acquired in a way not dissimilar to those
under the pre-emption legislation and homestead legislation
that grants to land were acquired by proving the land up in the
past.
These mineral properties were granted a title by the fact
that they did so much work to acquire the title to these
grants. Then they didn't receive them free, in any fashion
whatsoever, because they had to pay taxes on them.
Consequently, they were not a form of tenure in which if the
taxes lapsed they lost their properties.
Now we have freehold tenure too. We have a number of types
of tenure of mineral lands. I just wonder how this legislation
is going to affect the other types of tenure.
The legislation is obviously aimed at such organizations as
Cominco, who have a Crown grant of mineral claims, the Kaiser
Coal Mines, the CPR and many other holders of Crown grants of
mineral claims.
Now it isn't always feasible to develop a mineral claim in
light of the fact that the metal market may not warrant the
development of it. You are adding additional taxes to those
already on the land, such as the school tax, land tax, regional
district tax, hospital taxes, library taxes — you name it
— sales taxes as far as equipment is concerned if they
are developing the property.
You're going to have the mineral industry, the Crown granted
properties, loaded with so many taxes it will be obvious that
you will be in possession, which is the ultimate aim of the
socialist government — to control all the land. That is
their philosophy, their socialist philosophy. This is the way
they feel — they can control the people once they control
the land.
In my own mind I can't see any fairness in bringing in such
a tax as this against properties that have been acquired over
the years. Granted, they may have been handed down from
generation to generation, but many pieces of agricultural land
and other properties have been handed down from generation to
generation when a title in fee simple was held by the original
family or some of the generations that followed.
[ Page 2514 ]
I don't know how a mining industry in the Province of
British Columbia can survive. Every particular segment of it
has been hit in one way or another. Certainly, if there was any
encouragement to be given to the mining industry, I would have
thought that because of its contribution to our economy, it
would be encouraged rather than deterred and discouraged as is
being done in Bill 64.
There is so much that could be said about this piece of
legislation. There has been so much comment by economists, by
the general public who understand the mining industry, and by
the professional people in the mining field. I might just quote
from one accounting firm who have made a study of it. They
title it "The Mineral Tax Act" and they say:
"The Mineral Land Tax Act is an extremely bad piece
of legislation in that the taxpayer is not informed as to how
much of his holdings of Crown-granted lands are to be taxed,
under which system of tax rates and which of his minerals will
be subject to taxation.
"The Lieutenant-Governor will designate the areas within the
province that are to be taxed as mineral lands, production
areas or production tracts. An administrator, to be appointed
by the government, will determine the value of a mine prospect
or claim or resources on the basis of the designated mineral
content, or deemed content, and the value placed upon the
designated mineral designated by the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.
"There is no appeal against the assessment other than to an
appointed review board. Tax costs to individual mines,
prospects, claims, or just land held under Crown grant cannot
be estimated until the regulations are published."
And this is obvious, again, that we have the lack of
legislation or regulations to guide the industry in exactly
what is happening.
Now, another firm — and it's not a mining firm —
concerned with this land tax made a radio programme on April 2,
and they stated this about the B.C. Mineral Land Tax
Act;
"On Friday, the new B.C. Mineral Land Tax Act came
into our hands for the first time. It is labelled Bill No. 64
and was introduced to the B.C. Legislature on Thursday.
Normally, we wouldn't comment on the tax bracket to any extent
on a bill of this nature because of its application to a
limited segment of the community.
"However, on Friday we reacted with immediate disapproval
because of the way in which the law was formulated, not because
of the tax the law was imposing. On more careful study over the
weekend our immediate reaction seemed more than justified.
"The problem is that the bill delegates most of its taxing
authority to others, so who is going to be taxed and by how
much will not be determined by the elected Members of the
Legislature. As we see it, the bill can tax any lands other
than Crown land where any mineral is or may be situated."
That's pretty broad and I think there is an error there in
their
interpretation of the bill because it is aimed at
Crown-granted land.
"It seems to us it would apply to almost any privately-owned
land in B.C. because of the words 'where any mineral may be
situated.' "
Now this might be right on a farm. At one time my family
owned coal rights on an area in Princeton; with the conveyance
of title, those rights were relinquished some years ago. But
this is a case where it is agricultural land — that was
its use — and as far as the mineral was concerned, no
production was made of that mineral because it didn't have the
quality with which to make it a viable undertaking to
extract.
"If an order-in-council is issued — by the way, this
does not require any further approval of the Legislature
— any such land can be designated to lie in a production
area. In that case the tax to be levied would be much more
severe.
"To take an example, if a B.C. farmer or rancher with 100
acres is considered to own land on which a mineral may be
situated, he will pay a tax under the bill of only $25 an acre
for a total of $25 per year."
However, that's in the Act …
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Twenty-five cents an acre.
MR. RICHTER: For a total of $25 for a hundred acres, that's
right.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: That's if he owns the mineral rights.
MR. RICHTER: If he owns the mineral rights.
[ Page 2515 ]
That's the example that's given.
"However, if he is unfortunate enough to be located in an
area designated by an order-in-council to be a production area,
this tax will jump to $2 per acre for a tax of $200. In
addition to this tax of $200, an administrator will have the
right to determine the value of the designated mineral land,
and based on this value a further tax not exceeding $25 per $1,000 value will be levied. While this further tax has a limit,
the actual rate of tax is to be set by an order-in-council.
"It is probable that this new tax statute will only be used
to tax a very few individuals and companies in B.C. But
nonetheless, the principle of elected representatives passing a
taxing statute which could be applied on a broad basis by the
administrator's whim is incorrect. The taxpayers already bear a
substantial burden of taxation in one form or another. It is
not too much to expect that any further tax asked for should be
specifically set by the Legislature, not left uncertain, subject to administrative manipulations."
These are the fears of people who own land. These are the
areas in which the greatest amount of concern is being shown at
the present time.
Certainly, if I owned title to a mineral claim and the time
was not right to develop that claim, I would feel very
disturbed that I would not have the opportunity to develop that
in due course when the mineral market was right. But to bear a
substantially higher tax on that because of designation —
and this again is the principle that was in Bill 42. It is by
designation in which the title to this property could pass on
to the government, which is the ultimate aim under this type of
legislation and under the philosophy of the socialists.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. First Member for Victoria.
MR. N.R. MORRISON (Victoria): Mr. Speaker, I rise in
opposition to Bill 64. As I understand it, by definition this
Act applies to mineral lands and excludes Crown-granted land
and some land used in railway operations. But the specific
reference to right-of-way, station ground, yard or terminal of
a railway shows to me the intent is to get at the CPR and the
CNR operating in British Columbia.
[Ms. Young in the chair.]
It also applies to mining companies who own their own land
in fee simple, rather than through ordinary mineral claims. And
the main substance of this Act in its many references to
orders-in-council and regulations yet to be issued — and
that's one of the things that concerns me — the
orders-in-council and the regulations which are not spelled out
in the Act.
Again, in this Act the government has the power to
designate, and the rate of tax is subject only to the overall
limit of 25 mills, which is 2.5 percentage points of the
designated mineral land. As I see it, therefore the Government
has a choice whether the tax will be substantial or very
small.
We have
an Act where the tax is actually undeterminable. I
don't know how you're going to figure it out. The rate of tax,
namely the mill rate, is not spelled out. The tax base, that is
the assessed value, is impossible to determine.
This Act gives the government very broad taxing powers. Most
of those powers are delegated to regulation within this Act
— again, another possible blank cheque for the
Government. It could, if it wished, impose taxes so onerous as
to result in confiscation of mineral rights and mining
properties.
As I understand this Act, the assessment is mailed on May 1.
In that assessment there will be information as to which parcel is taxed and how that parcel is to be assessed and how to
appeal the assessment. That is to be mailed out by May 1. But
if you wish to appeal the assessment, you must reply not later
than May 15. In that reply you must give complete reasons for
the appeal.
I think this is an extremely short period of time. At most,
it is 15 days. In reality, with mail being the way it is, it's
probably something in the neighbourhood of 10 or 11 days, in
which they must get the assessment and they must reply, and
they must reply in full. I think that this is clearly
insufficient time. Slow mail reduces that time period, as I
said. As a matter of fact, this is a great deal shorter time
than is generally granted in most other taxation statutes. Most
other statutes allow at least 60 to 90 days for reply.
If they choose to appeal, they appeal initially to a board
which is established by the Government. It can consider
questions about fact and about law. But if he chooses to go
beyond that board, he can appeal only to the supreme court and
only on questions of law raised before the board.
Another item which I'd like to bring to your attention is
the interest. There is a charge of 9 per cent on unpaid taxes.
I believe that this is an excessive interest. I don't know of
any other tax interest in B.C. which charges 9 per cent. I also
want you to notice that if you do by happenstance overpay,
again no interest will be paid to the person on the
overpayment.
[ Page 2516 ]
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. MORRISON: Well, I think that it's a little unusual to
see a 9 per cent interest charge on unpaid taxes.
When we get to the penalties for failing to pay, this
becomes really very serious. If the tax is not paid, then all
work may be stopped until the tax is paid. If the tax is not
paid by August 1 of the year following the year in which it is
assessed, then the mineral lands may be forfeited. They're
forfeited 90 days after publication of forfeiture notice in the
Gazette, but without any requirement of direct
notification to the party concerned. The minerals and the right
to take the minerals are then forfeited to the Crown. I believe
that this is a very short period of grace with respect to
unpaid taxes. To me, it certainly smacks of confiscatory
intent.
If the tax is levied, it also forms a lien and a charge upon
the property. The lien apparently does not have to be
registered. It will apply not just to that particular piece,
but to all mineral lands owned by a particular owner. This
unregistered lien on all properties will, I think, make
financing of mines very difficult, particularly when you're
dealing between mining companies and between other parties who
might want to be negotiating with them. There's no way that
those liens can be properly searched and recorded. It's
extremely difficult for them to know whether or not there are
liens there, particularly without notification.
Again in this Act we find these strong powers of search and
seize. Any person authorized in writing by the Minister may
enter any land, any premise or place and inspect any property,
including books, writings and other documents. These are very,
very strong words again. He has the power to seize those books
if he feels an offence has been committed. Furthermore, he may
require the owner or persons in charge to give all reasonable
assistance and answer all proper questions. He may also,
apparently, enter the offices of an accountant, private
businessman, private home, whatever, for the purposes of
enforcing this Act.
I think that these are extremely broad powers in view of the
limited application of this Act.
The Government has two courses open to it in the event of
unpaid taxes. First of all, by July of the same year in which
taxes are levied they may seize all goods and chattels
belonging to the owner in order to satisfy the taxes and
interest thereon. Secondly, they can wait until August of the
year following and, in effect, seize all the mineral lands
belonging to the owners.
In view of the possible prohibitive taxes which could be
levied, the danger of outright confiscation of property
contained with this Act is obvious.
AN HON. MEMBER: Who are you quoting from?
MR. MORRISON: This is my own, thank you. I'm not quoting
anybody.
At this time many mining companies will not be affected
because, as I said, this Act only applies to property which is
owned in fee simple. But presumably, similar legislation is to
be enacted with respect to mineral claims on Crown land. The
uncertainty and the ominous overtones of this Act will do
nothing to encourage the mining industry within this
province.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: The Hon. Second Member for
Vancouver–Point Grey.
MR. GARDOM: I'd like to make a few short points here, Madam
Chairman.
Dealing first of all with the dollars and cents, we see from
the statements issued under the hands of the Minister that
there is eventually an anticipated $25 million tax revenue.
There is no indication from the Minister as to where that's
going to go. There's no indication from the Minister as to why
that is necessary. This is just another example of the
overtaxing direction of the New Democratic Party.
Secondly, the Premier has often stated in the province that
he wishes to do business with industry. I think that's baloney.
What it seems that he wants to do is business against industry.
This was certainly very clearly indicated in the remarks of the
Minister of Mines when he spoke a little bit earlier
tonight.
We see three great powers of designation here. First of all,
there's the power of the government to designate pretty well
anything as a mineral, to designate any part or the whole of
B.C. as a production tract. That's almighty control. There's
not any appeal against a governmental decision there to any
board. There are fantastically wide powers of designation.
It's totally a control bill. I think it could well forecast
the death knell of the private-sector miners and perhaps
tax-bleed them out of existence. We've seen an example of the
power of this government to attack and economically emasculate
an industry. That's the insurance industry. You've done that
without any compensation. You've put them right out of business
by snapping your fingers. Insofar as this bill is concerned, it
seems that you could well be contemplating a slow death for the
mining industry in B.C.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister closes the debate.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Madam Speaker, when I wrote this bill up I
didn't figure there would be too much discussion.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
[ Page 2517 ]
HON. MR. NIMSICK: That's why I didn't put too many
explanatory notes at the end of the bill. But don't forget that
this only applies to privately-owned mineral rights. There is
land right on this island, part of the E&N land, where they
sell the surface rights and keep the mineral rights. They
charge the people who bought that land because they're using
the land over top of the mineral rights.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair]
These people will be taxed for their mineral rights, and why
shouldn't they be? If a farmer owns land that has mineral
rights under it and he owns the mineral rights and if he
doesn't want to pay for those minerals rights — there may
be no minerals under them but he has the rights — all he
needs to do is to revert it back to the Crown.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
HON. MR. NIMSICK: No, I won't. The people will. That's all
he needs to do. As I say, there's a lot of land in the province
where the surface is owned in one case, the mineral rights are
owned in another, and they're paying nothing for the mineral
rights. Why shouldn't they pay? This is the first time in
history that we're trying to get at these mineral rights that
are owned privately and mostly by large companies.
I move
second reading of this bill, Mr. Speaker.
Motion approved on the following division:
YEAS — 32
Macdonald
Barrett
Dailly
Strachan
Nimsick
Stupich
Nunweiler
Nicolson
Brown
Radford
Sanford
D'Arcy
Cummings
Dent
Levi
Lorimer
Williams, R.A.
Cocke
King
Calder
Hartley
Lea
Young
Lockstead
Gorst
Rolston
Anderson, G.H
Steves
Kelly
Webster
Lewis
Liden
NAYS — 15
Richter
Bennett
Chabot
Jordan
Smith
Fraser
Phillips
McClelland
Morrison
Schroeder
Anderson, D.A.
Williams, L.A.
Gardom
Brousson
Wallace
PAIRED
Hall
McGeer
Barnes
Curtis
Bill No. 64 referred to a committee of the whole House at
the next sitting after today.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Second reading of Bill No. 169, Mr.
Speaker.
AN ACT TO AMEND
THE PLACER-MINING ACT
HON. MR. NIMSICK: Mr. Speaker, this Act is
An Act to
Amend the Placer-mining Act . It's more of a housekeeping
Act than anything else to conform with the amendments to the
Mineral Act .
At the present time, if you go placer mining, you have to
have a miner's certificate. It's defined in the
Placer-mining Act as well as in the other Act. Now we're
just using the one Act to define a free miner's certificate.
Eventually, we hope that when the review of the Mineral Act
is finished, the Placer-mining Act will be a
Section
in the Mineral Act .
I move second reading of the bill.
MR. SPEAKER: Any debate? Are you ready for the question?
Motion approved; second reading of the bill.
Bill No. 169 referred to a committee of the whole House at
the next sitting after today.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Second reading of Bill No. 34, Mr.
Speaker.
INSURANCE CORPORATION OF
BRITISH COLUMBIA ACT
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister of Highways.
HON. R.M. STRACHAN (Minister of Highways): Thank you, Mr.
Speaker.
This is a very simple, non-contentious bill. The House has
already made a decision, Mr. Speaker, which makes it mandatory
that this bill pass the House to implement a decision already
made by the House that there be put into operation a
government operated automobile insurance scheme in the Province
of British Columbia.
Having already made that decision, the House is now being
asked to …
AN HON. MEMBER: There's third reading.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: All right. In principle, the House has
made that decision. In principle, they're being asked to
endorse the machinery in the establishment of the company, the
Crown corpora
[ Page 2518 ]
tion which will administer that automobile
insurance scheme, along with any other responsibilities that
may be placed upon that corporation by the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.
The Insurance Corporation of British Columbia which will be
established under this legislation is empowered to engage in
the business of insurance and re-insurance in all its classes,
both inside and outside the province, but only with cabinet
approval for each specific class, as well as to operate plans
of insurance authorized under other Acts, including an auto
insurance plan.
This bill, Mr. Speaker, simply sets up the machinery for the
establishment of the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia.
But insurance in its broader aspects involves something more
than the payment of money after the occurrence of a loss. The
Insurance Corporation is an instrument of the province and must
concern itself with changing needs, with the prevention of
losses and with the welfare of those who have suffered
losses.
This is an area of social consequence that until now the
insurance companies that have been in operation, generally
speaking, have not concerned themselves with. This is part of
the changing needs of society, that we do have insurance
companies that will involve themselves with this broader
field.
To this end, the bill confers upon the corporation, the
necessary powers to conduct research, surveys, the promotion of
health and welfare, rehabilitation, safety and the reduction of
risk. Of major importance and of far-reaching effect to the
residents of B.C. Is the provision of the bill relating to
investments.
The Insurance Corporation of British Columbia would at all
times be the holder of substantial reserve funds. These funds,
generated in the province, will be utilized in British Columbia
by the corporation for economic development and the furtherance
of the interests of residents of British Columbia.
We expect it will be one of the major insurance corporations
of Canada. We expect it will fulfil a great need in the
province. I've indicated to you that this vehicle is necessary
for setting up of the automobile insurance plan already
endorsed in principle by this House. I indicated publicly that
the school boards of the province have been asking the Minister
of Education to find some way of helping them provide a better
measure of insurance protection in the fire field and this
corporation will be able to do that.
Mr. Speaker, as I indicated earlier, this is a housekeeping
bill. (Laughter). It is not contentious; it is necessary and
fulfils a social and economic need in the Province of British
Columbia. I have great pleasure in urging second reading of the
bill now.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Second Member for Vancouver–Point Grey.
MR. GARDOM: Well, it was very interesting to hear the way
the Hon. Minister delivered his address tonight. It reminded me
a little of Dame Judith Anderson as he Lady Macbeth'd the
insurance industry.
We don't have any right to sue the Crown in the Province of
B.C. We don't have a Human Rights Act. There are not any laws
for fair expropriation. There are not any laws to provide
compensation for any individual that suffered from the very
heavy hand of a government that will totally emasculate a
lawful business, a non-polluting business, and a taxpaying
business. And the Hon. Minister talks about it being a
housekeeping bill.
I'll say it's a housekeeping bill! It's a death-house bill
for the insurance industry in B.C. I think the fairest thing to
do is for every Member in the House to stand up and bow their
heads and have two minutes silence for the agents and the
insurance adjusters and the hundreds of people who work for
these insurance companies.
If you think the thing that you are doing is correct, why
not go ahead and provide compensation for losses?At least have
the gumption to permit these people to have their day in court
against you.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
MR. GARDOM: "Not this bill," my foot! it carries out
the other bill and you know it. What you've done to this
industry is exactly the same thing that Castro did. He denied
the right to the court.
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Oh, oh.
MR. GARDOM: That's true. All right, let these people have
their day in court. Are you in favour of that? If you are in
favour of seeing that the people who have been sent down the
garden path by this legislation can have an opportunity for
legal redress, that's one thing. But just to go ahead and
emasculate this industry and not give them an opportunity to
have that is another.
And furthermore, why not give them the opportunity to
compete? How does the Minister of Highways think that he knows
all of the answers for this particular industry and it's his
heaven-given decision to go ahead and prevent any of the people
who wish at least to say to the general public, "We can do a
better job than the government and we want to be able to do
it"? They'll be paying their taxes and they'll be employing
people and they just want to have an opportunity to be engaged
in a lawful avocation in a democratic society. And you say
no.
It's a pretty darn stinking thing, in my view, that you can't at least let
these people have an opportunity to have their day in court or go ahead and
have the conscience to bring in effective legislation so they can receive compensation
for loss.
[ Page
2519 ]
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for North Peace River.
MR. SMITH: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Dealing with the
principle of Bill No. 34, Insurance Corporation of British
Columbia Act , it is fairly obvious that for the government
to move into the field of car insurance they not only had to
have
an Act to cover the specific field of car insurance but
they needed a vehicle that would be all-encompassing to provide
for the base company or corporation, one of whose powers will
be to enter into the car insurance field.
Since we debated the principle of auto insurance in Bill No.
35 without having had the opportunity to debate the principle
of this bill first, when it should have been debated first, we
will deal with it this evening.
The objects and principles of this bill give the government
of this province the power to enter into every and all types of
insurance business. It's a type of bill that if exercised to
its fullest will not only wipe out the auto insurance industry
in the Province of British Columbia, it will wipe out all the
general insurance industry as well.
It could even go so far as wiping out all of the life
insurance companies in the Province of British Columbia,
although that would be a pretty big task to take on all at
once.
But let's just take a look at the powers that are outlined
in the bill. In its function the corporation has the power and
capacity to:
"(
a) subject to the approval of the Lieutenant Governor in
Council, to engage in and carry on, both within and without the
Province, the business of insurance and reinsurance in all its
classes;"
"The business of insurance and reinsurance in all its
classes."
That means that you can move into the general insurance
field, marine insurance, fire, casualty, the auto field which
the other bill covers, and the life insurance field.
You specify auto insurance as clause (
b) of
section 5 of the
bill so there's no doubt in the minds of the people who read
this bill exactly what you intend to do in that respect.
It also gives you the power to enter into the business
of,
"repairing any property insurance; and salvaging and
disposing of by public or private sale any property insured and
acquired under a contract by which the corporation may be
liable as an insurer."
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. Member. I would ask the Member not to
refer to specific sections of the bill — that comes under
the committee. But it is permitted to deal with the broad range
of the subject in general as long as you don't read out
sections of the Act.
MR. SMITH: O.K. I won't quote verbatim from the Act. But it
is difficult to deal with this type of a bill in principle
without referring to the intent of the bill and the intent is
spelled out in fairly specific terms. But I'll refer to them in
general terms.
MR. SPEAKER: If you steer away from mention of Sections I
think you might quell the savage breast.
MR. SMITH: We'll debate in principle the idea of whether the
government of the Province of British Columbia should enter
into all the insurance fields that you are permitted to enter
into under this bill. I would hope that is permissible as the
principle of the bill that is before us.
It not only gives you the power to enter into all classes of
insurance but it also requires those people who are agencies or
authorities of the government or over whom you have control, or
whom you make loans to, or whose bonds you guarantee, or who
are in any way connected with the Province of British Columbia
and doing business with the government of the Province of
British Columbia, to purchase their insurance from the
government-operated monopoly.
It was bad enough, Mr. Speaker, for the government to set up
the auto insurance business on a monopoly basis without
allowing competition, without really taking into consideration
the effect that such a move would have on all the individual
insurance agencies in the Province of British Columbia
operating in the auto field and in the general field. But even
that percentage of their business which is now represented by
the general field is being infringed upon by the principles of
this bill.
Most general agents that I have talked to tell me that from
50 to 70 per cent of their entire volume of business was
written in the auto field. Some of those agents will be
retained, I presume, as agents to act on behalf of the
government, although the rates of commissions have not been
spelled out. So they will have an opportunity, at least for a
while, to retain part of that business.
But with this vehicle, any day you choose and any time you
choose, you can move into the other areas of the insurance
fields which they have occupied for years and completely wipe
them out, not only out of the auto field but out of the general
and the casualty field as well.
You also provide in this bill a requirement for those
corporations or institutions doing business with the government
to purchase their insurance from that new corporation. While
the government has not really said in definitive terms just how
far they move into this general insurance field, when that bill
is passed and becomes law, you have all the power you need to
move in any direction that you wish. Not only that, you have
the power to force anyone who does business with the province
to do business with your
[ Page 2520 ]
insurance corporation.
If there was ever any doubt in the minds of the people of
British Columbia as to the ultimate aims of the NDP, they
should no longer have any doubts. It's certainly spelled out in
this bill. It's a type of legislation that for no good reason
and without any mandate you have decided to put into force in
this province. If it was your desire to go strictly into the
auto insurance field, you could have used the one bill. You
didn't need two bills. You didn't need the Insurance
Corporation of British Columbia Act . It could have all been
included under the one bill.
Since you feel that you had a mandate to go into the auto
insurance business when you were elected, because you
campaigned on that basis, you could have entered that field.
But the day you decided to bring this bill into the House, you
exceeded any mandate that you ever had in the Province of
British Columbia. No one should forget, Mr. Speaker, that this
government has no mandate to go into all the general, casualty,
marine, fire, theft and life insurance fields, from anybody in
the Province of British Columbia — not even from the
people who supported you, who must now have grave doubts as to
what your real motives are.
It's the proposed type of legislation that every small
businessman and every homeowner in British Columbia must view
with a heavy heart. They can see that while the provincial
government has provided certain benefits, they now have the
power to move into all the fields of insurance and not give the
individual a choice as to whether they wish to do business with
that corporation or not.
In reading this bill, Mr. Speaker, it would seem to me that
even those people who receive a homeowner grant in the Province
of British Columbia would be required, if the government goes
into the general insurance business, to buy their fire
insurance and the insurance on their houses from the Province
of British Columbia. So by the implementation of this
legislation, you force the people of British Columbia to do
business with your Crown corporation; in the same way that
you're going to try to force the mining industry to allow you
to become equity shareholders in their business; in the same
way that you're going to try to force anyone who does business
with the government to become unionized, whether they wish to
do so or not, even the small contractors.
Let no one think that the intent of this bill is to set up
auto insurance and auto insurance only in the Province of
British Columbia. The bill is designed to eliminate the private
insurance business and those companies that do business in the
Province of British Columbia. It gives you unlimited authority
to invest money as you see fit. It gives you the authority to
set up corporations. It gives you authority to wipe out a
segment of business that you have no quarrel with.
Mr. Speaker, it's the type of legislation that those of us
in the official opposition will not support. That doesn't come
as any surprise to the government, I'm sure.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. SMITH: But only those people who are not only socialists
but very left-wing socialists would ever support that type of
legislation and wipe out a segment of business in the province
that has done yeoman service to the people of British
Columbia.
We'll probably not find out exactly what the plans of the
government are under this particular Act until after it's
passed. Some day we'll wake up and see an announcement in the
paper that the Province of British Columbia has just
incorporated an insurance company called the ABC Company or
whatever to provide general insurance in the Province of
British Columbia.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. SMITH: That's a good name for it.
It is an unhappy day for British Columbia to see this type
of legislation come before us. I don't know of anything good
that I can say about the bill because of the ultimate intent of
this type of legislation. We have no intention of supporting
it, Mr. Speaker. We know that the government, with their
majority, will ram it through the House. We know that within a
specified length of time the Act which allows this corporation
to be set up in the Province of British Columbia will be used
to take over the private insurance industry in this province,
not only the auto insurance industry.
That's the intent. That's the purpose of the bill. We do not
support it, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Oak Bay.
MR. WALLACE: Mr. Speaker, I'm sure it will come as no
surprise to the House to know that we also oppose this
bill.
Interjections by some Hon. Members.
MR. WALLACE: Oh, you got me right there. I must admit, Mr.
Speaker, that at this time of night it gets tougher and tougher
to get really excited. (Laughter).
Mr. Speaker, we oppose this bill for several basic reasons.
We don't believe that government has a place in the private
sector, particularly if it is not on a basis of fair
competition. If we have this government insurance bureau having
the advantage right off the bat of not paying income tax, then
I think you can
[ Page 2521 ]
hardly say that it's competing with the private
sector, who do pay income tax.
Interjection by an Hon. Member,
MR. WALLACE: Well, I don't accept that, Mr. Minister. I'm not suggesting
that the private companies are blameless either.
Let's put it this way, very clearly: this party doesn't feel
that the way to solve the shortcomings of the insurance
business is for government to get in the business. We feel that
there can be better ways. We just don't feel that government
does a good job of operating business. It tends to be
bureaucratic and impersonal and heavy-handed. We still
believe …
Interjection by an Hon. Member. (Laughter).
MR. WALLACE: Mr. Speaker, I obviously have my second string
out tonight, with respect to the Hon. Mayor from Saanich. I
really appreciate a little bit of support. Where was I?
MR. SPEAKER: You were clutching your wallet. (Laughter).
MR. WALLACE: No, it's on this side.
Among other things, we notice that this bill includes powers
of expropriation. The Minister shakes his head and looks all
upset but it's right there in the bill. There again, we see the
government seeking more and more power. This kind of bill is
indicative of the general trend we see in so much of the
legislation.
As I've said many times, we're stating our point of view,
the government's producing its policy and we leave the people
of British Columbia to make the choice. But I think the people
should always be clear as to what the two sides of the House
stand for. This government — at least I give it credit
that it makes its position very plain. It's sincere in its
beliefs. With respect, we're quite sincere in our beliefs.
We just believe that government doesn't have a suitable role
in competing with the private sector. We don't feel that that
is the role of government. We feel that the role of government
is to supervise and to discipline abuse in the private sector
by regulation or otherwise. But for the government to enter
into competition with the private sector because it believes
that there have been shortcomings in the private sector, we
feel is not the way to solve some of the problems in the
insurance business.
I've already stated that it's unfair because of the taxation
situation. We are also unhappy because this bill can compel
anyone or anybody or business doing business with the
government to accept the government insurance. I think it
should be made very plain, as the former speaker mentioned,
that there is no doubt whatever about the wide range of
possibilities under this bill.
In other words, the government is saying that this bureau
can indeed enter into any or all fields of insurance, and the
same kind of authority which exists in the proposed automobile
insurance could in time creep into other fields of fire,
general and life insurance.
We also feel that this means that in many cases the consumer
may finish up having no choice but to deal with government. The
kind of monopoly we have in the automobile insurance is no more
acceptable to us in general fields than in automobile.
The final point that we would like to make is that in many
of the areas where the government might well intervene, we're
not aware of any real need. We will not accept that this is the
one and only solution to deal with the behaviour of those
private companies which the government says have been rip-offs
and so on. We strongly believe that the function of government
is not to compete but to supervise. If there is unfairness to
the consumer, we feel that there are many ways in which the
government can function. But we do not believe that in mining,
or timber, or insurance, or in any other function in society,
the answer is for government to get into the business and
compete.
I've already said this afternoon that there's something
unique about dealing with government, whether you're just a
little man going to the government office to do business, or
whether you're a company trying to conduct a viable enterprise
and deal with government authority at some level. Dealing with
government is dealing with a very unique body that has
unlimited power. We don't feel that that unlimited power is
suitable to be introduced into the private business sector of
this province.
Mr. Williams moves adjournment of the debate.
Motion approved.
Hon. Mr. Barrett moves adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 11:00 p.m.
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