British Columbia Hansard — WEDNESDAY, JUNE 6, 1990
34p 04s 900606p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1990 Legislative Session: 4th
Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The
following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 6, 1990
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page 10099 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Oral Questions
Corporate-sponsored travel by hospital
board members. Mr. Clark –– 10099
Hospital purchasing policy. Mr. Clark –– 10100
Logging on the Gulf Islands. Ms. Cull –– 10100
Shortage of nurses. Mr. Davidson –– 10100
South Slocan logging dispute. Mr. Miller
–– 10101
Island Highway route. Mr. Lovick –– 10101
Flooding at Canyon City. Mr. Guno –– 10101
Crown lands Statutes Amendment Act, 1990
(Bill 5). Committee stage.
(Hon. Mr. Parker) –– 10102
Mr. Williams
Third reading
British Columbia Health Research
Foundation Act (Bill 12). Second reading.
(Hon. J. Jansen)
Hon. J. Jansen –– 10102
Mr. Perrry –– 10103
Hon. J. Jansen –– 10103
Sustainable Environment Fund Act (Bill
16). Second reading.
(Hon. Mr. Reynolds)
Mr. Clark –– 10103
Mr. Harcourt –– 10104
Mr. G. Janssen –– 10106
Mr. Peterson –– 10108
Mr. Lovick –– 10108
Hon. Mr. Richmond –– 10110
Mr. Zirnhelt –– 10113
Mr. Marzari –– 10115
Hon. Mr. Messmer –– 10117
Ms. Pullinger –– 10118
Mr. Perry –– 10120
Mr. Williams –– 10124
Hon. Mr. Reynolds –– 10127
The House met at 2:03 p.m.
Prayers.
MR. LOENEN :
Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the Premier and myself, it gives me a great
deal of pleasure to welcome a friend, a supporter and a constituent. I
would ask the House to please welcome Mr. Bob Aiken.
MR. CHALMERS :
Mr. Speaker, it's my pleasure today to introduce to the House the
president of the B.C. Tree Fruit Marketing Board from Kelowna, Mr.
David Taylor. Accompanying him is Mr. Brian Karrer from Penticton, a
member of the same organization. Please make them welcome.
HON. MR. JACOBSEN :
Mr. Speaker, it's my pleasure today to introduce to you the recipients
of the Lieutenant-Governor's foster families award. This is the first
year that this award has been presented.
These families
were chosen because they represent the very best quality of British
Columbia's foster parents. Through their commitment to fostering, our
foster families have displayed great parenting skills, patience,
understanding and compassion for the children of British Columbia. They
have cared for abused children, substance-addicted children, disabled
children, emotionally disturbed children and children who, for one
reason or another, have not been able to remain with their own
families. They have opened up their homes, they've opened up their
hearts, they've opened up the future to literally thousands of children
from all over British Columbia. Theirs is truly a special vocation.
With
us are Donald and Loraine Bartlett from Kamloops, Stanley and Gilda
Beech from Courtenay, Phil and Ronnie Braendel from Langley, John and
Marion Coltman from Kelowna, Betty Dube from Mission, Ken and Donna
Gilliland of Port Coquitlam, Allan and Angela Hatch of Victoria, Jack
and Ellen Lacerte of Burns Lake, Robert and Barenina Pohl of Chetwynd,
and Jim and Nancy Stewart of Delta.
Please join me in welcoming these very special people.
MR. HARCOURT :
Mr. Speaker, I too, on behalf of this side of the House, would like to
make the welcome not only unanimous, but equally enthusiastic. The
foster parents of this province of ours play an absolutely
irreplaceable role. The work that they do in taking care of children in
very difficult circumstances, in opening their homes and their hearts
and in helping those children is irreplaceable. No matter how many
institutions you have, you can't beat the work that foster parents do.
So our congratulations too, and welcome.
MR. KEMPF : As the Minister of Labour has
said, among the ten couples who received the Lieutenant Governor's
foster families award are a couple from Burns Lake. Ellen and Jack
Lacerte hail from Burns Lake, and Jack grew up in Nautley village, near
Fort Fraser. They have done an awful lot and should receive great
praise for what they have done for foster children, and I would ask
this House to give them a very special welcome.
HON. MR. REYNOLDS :
I would like to introduce to the House Mr. Mike Healy. Mike is a
director of marketing, media and customer relations with BART, the Bay
Area rapid transit system in San Francisco. I wish you would all make
him welcome.
MR. BRUCE : I beg your indulgence for
half a moment. Today is a very special day in Cowichan Malahat. It's
the birthday of a close friend of mine who is 106 years old, Mr. Dwight
Robinson. For those of you who can't add or subtract, that means he was
born in 1884. I spent an hour with him today just talking about a few
things, and I asked him if there was anything I should deliver to this
House. With a twinkle in his eye and a little excitement in his voice,
there were several words; however, I am unable to repeat them in the
House at this moment.
At 106 years old, colleagues, he's
keenly concerned about the environment around the world and about the
youth, and at 106 he's looking forward very much to the future. I would
ask that this House join with me in sending our congratulations to my
good friend Mr. Dwight Robinson, at 106.
MR. SPEAKER : If it is the wish of the
House, the Speaker can send a message from the House. Is that the wish
of the House?
SOME HON. MEMBERS : Aye!
MR. SPEAKER : It will be a message in
parliamentary language, which may be quite strange for some of you.
MS. MARZARI :
Would the House please welcome to the precincts the Grade 6 and 7 class
from St. Augustine's School, under the leadership of teacher Gladys
Brown.
HON. MR. MICHAEL : Would the House give a
warm welcome to one of my constituents, Joyce Johnson, from the
wonderful community of Blind Bay.
Oral Questions
CORPORATE-SPONSORED TRAVEL
BY HOSPITAL BOARD MEMBERS
MR. CLARK :
To the Minister of Health. Ms. Susan Brice, in response to questions
raised yesterday in the House, indicated that despite the appearance of
conflict she has had no problem in accepting a corporate junket from
Siemens because — as she put it — the trip was "approved by the
Ministry of Health." Can the minister inform the House by what
[ Page 10100 ]
guidelines his ministry approves
corporate junkets laid on by hospital suppliers?
HON. J. JANSEN :
Obviously the member opposite is getting his information from press
reports, and unfortunately there is sometimes a lack of accuracy in
those reports.
I think the House should be aware of the
circumstances regarding this trip. The decision to purchase equipment
which was utilized for digitization in the radiology department was
made in 1983. The process of digitization is a long one and has
resulted in state of the art in the Royal Jubilee Hospital.
The
trip the member is referring to happened in April 1986, some three
years after the decision to purchase. I have said before that I
recognize these types of situations do invite comment. We are looking
at it, and I have no further comment in regard to that situation.
MR. CLARK :
I wonder whether the minister feels that Siemens does this out of the
goodness of its heart. It clearly looks like a payoff to me, if it
wasn't in preparation for....
I heard Susan Brice say on television that this trip was
approved by the Ministry of Health. Yesterday the minister said that
the boards were autonomous; Ms. Brice said that they were approved by
the Ministry of Health. Can the minister stand up in the House and say
which is correct?
HON. J. JANSEN :
Perhaps I should again clarify that the decision to purchase this
equipment happened in 1983; the trip happened in 1986. In April of 1986
I was not the Minister of Health, as the member probably knows. I will
look at all the details concerning this approval process.
said before that the board of each hospital is an autonomous board, and
a decision was made — and it was for public record — to take advantage
of the opportunities for education in terms of the digitization process.
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. Before we proceed to the next order of business and the
next question, I must explain to the member that on the issue of asking
a question of a minister about a time in which the minister was not
responsible, we know by parliamentary practice that it's out of order.
So you have to ask a policy question to do with current policy.
MR. CLARK :
A question to the Minister of Health. The standard-of-conduct policies
applying to all government employees clearly prohibit government
employees from accepting benefits and hospitality from corporate
sponsors. Does the minister think it acceptable that the so-called
autonomy of board members should extend to protecting them in
circumstances in which government employees would clearly be fired for
conflict of interest?
HOSPITAL PURCHASING POLICY
MR. CLARK :
A new question to the Minister of Health. Can the minister confirm that
the MRI unit bought for Royal Jubilee Hospital in 1988 — after the
trip, I might add — was purchased without public tender, over the
objections and protestations of other suppliers? Can he explain why
this equipment was purchased without any public tender?
MR. SPEAKER :
As I advised the member earlier, the current Minister of Health was not
responsible at that time as Minister of Health. So you have to reword
the question if you wish to use that question.
MR. CLARK :
Will the minister undertake to table in this House the documentation
surrounding the purchase of that MRI equipment in 1988 and the reasons
why a decision was made not to go to public tender?
HON. J. JANSEN :
Mr. Speaker, I have said before — and I repeat — that I am looking at
the circumstances regarding the whole purchasing policy of hospitals. I
would be pleased to make the findings of my review public.
[2:15]
LOGGING ON THE GULF ISLANDS
MS. CULL :
To the Minister of Finance. The minister has called the request by Nick
Gilbert, chair of the Islands Trust, for logging guidelines on the Gulf
Islands, "the ramblings and musings of a very confused person." Given
that the government's own internal report calls for such guidelines,
would the minister not agree that it is he, not Mr. Gilbert, who is
confused?
MR. SPEAKER : Again, question period
is to deal with the ministerial responsibility. I would think that the
question might be better put to another minister.
HON. MR. COUVELIER : The answer is no, Mr.
Speaker.
SHORTAGE OF NURSES
MR. DAVIDSON :
I have a question for the Minister of Health. One of the key problems
in our health care system is a shortage of nurses in some of the more
specialized fields, particularly in the cardiac operating room and the
intensive-care units. Can the minister advise what steps he is taking
to encourage solutions to this problem?
HON. J. JANSEN :
Perhaps the hon. member opposite is too busy stuffing his pocket with
bread-crumbs to be aware of all the press releases that have been
occasioned in regard to this issue.
I should tell you, Mr.
Speaker, there are three aspects to this current shortage in British
Columbia. One is recruitment, another is retention, and another
[ Page 10101 ]
one is training. We have recently
appointed Ms.
Bonnie Jamieson as provincial senior nurse adviser, and she is looking
at all aspects of this.
One of the most important things is
the lack of recognition by the BCNU of extra payment for those who work
in this type of category. Critical-care nursing is a category that we
in the ministry think should be compensated at a higher level than
other nursing positions.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER :
Thank you very much. Order, please. There'll be no supplementary on
this question. Enough humour for today. The member for Prince Rupert.
SOUTH SLOCAN LOGGING DISPUTE
MR. MILLER : Mr. Speaker, I hope that
doesn't mean I'm not humorous.
question to the Minister of Forests. A broadly based citizens' group in
the Kootenays is attempting to prevent a company from logging on 300
acres of private land. The weather and the ground conditions are such
that logging would seriously impact on the village of South Slocan's
watershed. Has the minister taken any action, or is he considering any
action to halt this logging?
HON. MR. RICHMOND : The answer to the first
question is no. The answer to the second question is yes.
MR. MILLER :
Further to the minister. I understand that the Forest Service has shut
down logging on Crown lands in recognition of the conditions that exist
there. Can the minister advise the residents of South Slocan when they
can expect action to protect the integrity of their watershed?
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
Soon. What do you want? He's talking about two different areas. Unlike
the party opposite — whatever they happen to be calling themselves
today, New Democrats or socialists or social democrats — we take the
rights of people on their own property very seriously. Maybe you don't,
as the actions of your members in Ottawa indicate, but we do.
MR. MILLER : Further to the minister. We
have on record the attitude of the Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr.
Couvelier) toward the chairman of the Islands Trust, who, when asking
for regulations, is treated to the buffoonery of the Minister of
Finance. The Kootenay-Boundary municipalities have been asking for
regulations to give them the ability to regulate logging on private
land for two years now, as have people on the Gulf Islands and other
areas of the province. Why has the minister not acted, given that these
requests to take action came not just last week but have been around
for two years?
MR. SPEAKER : Therefore the question is out
of order, but the Minister of Forests may wish to respond.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
I would assume from the member's question that he would act no matter
which group showed up on the lawn or blocked the hallways of the
Legislature so people couldn't get in or out of their offices. If they
demand that you take action on somebody's private property, that's all
you would need. If, heaven forbid, you should ever form the government,
all you would need was a protest group to fill the hallways up, and
you'd tell people what they can do on their private property.
ISLAND HIGHWAY ROUTE
MR. LOVICK :
My question is directed to the Minister of Transportation and Highways.
There is considerable opposition in the community of Nanaimo to the
ministry's proposed inner route — a four-lane highway that will go
directly through that community. The ministry's response to that
opposition is to issue a series of paid newspaper advertisements taking
the form of newspaper columns. Can the minister tell me whether it is
now government policy to deal with divisive issues by disguising
advocacy advertising as news?
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON :
Mr. Speaker, I would be interested in having the opinion of the member
for Nanaimo on the highway proposal for his constituency. But the
answer to his question is no.
MR. LOVICK : Sadly, the
minister hasn't done her homework, because if she had she would
discover that I have expressed my position to her and to her ministry.
However, we can't expect miracles.
Another quick question
to the minister, if I might. Can the minister tell this House just how
much this little caper in advertising cost the taxpayers of the
province?
MR. SPEAKER : I believe the question is
addressed to the wrong minister, but perhaps the Minister of Highways
could answer the question for us.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON : I can only respond by
saying that we're a very frugal ministry, and every dollar we spend is
well spent.
FLOODING AT CANYON CITY
MR. GUNO :
I have a question for the Minister of Transportation and Highways.
Yesterday my colleague from Prince Rupert and I were in the Nass
Valley, which is situated in my constituency, to assess the situation
there as a result of the flooding. As you are aware, two communities
were shut off as a result of the severe flooding.
While we
were there, an action was taken by the local PTA from the small
community of Gitwinksihlkw — which is usually called Canyon
[ Page 10102 ]
City
— to not allow their children to cross the tiny suspension footbridge.
It has outlived its life span by about three years. While we were
there, and when we crossed that bridge, the raging torrent with trees
and debris was only a few feet from that bridge.
Is the
minister aware of the situation and, if so, will she undertake to have
an up-to-date engineering study done on that to allay the fears of
these parents?
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON : I will have to
apologize. Because of the noise around me, I couldn't hear the question
properly. If you would like me to get the question from the Blues, I'd
be pleased to do that.
MR. SPEAKER : The question was
regarding the footbridge at Canyon City, if that is of any assistance
to the minister. I was barely able to hear it myself, but I am closer
to the member.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON : I would have to take
that question on notice.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Mr. Speaker, I call
committee on Bill 5.
CROWN LANDS STATUTES
AMENDMENT ACT, 1990
The House in Committee on Bill 5; Mr. Pelton in the chair.
section 1.
MR. WILLIAMS : Maybe the minister could
elaborate on what the impact of
section 1 is.
HON. MR. PARKER :
If the member cares to take a look under
section 74, he will see that
whenever there's any disposition of Crown lands, there can be a
provision for a public road. We are expanding this to include a road
allowance — or walkway allowance, as the case may be — to make sure
there is public access alongside that property in the years ahead.
Section 1 approved.
section 2.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Would the minister please
introduce the amendments standing on the order paper for
section 2.
HON. MR. PARKER : I introduce the amendment
on the order paper, to wit:
"The
minister is responsible for and may undertake, commission, coordinate
and set standards for base mapping and land related information systems
in British Columbia and for related remote sensing and survey control
functions."
I move the amendment in my name.
Amendment approved.
Section 2 as amended approved.
Sections 3 to 27 inclusive approved.
Title approved.
HON. MR. PARKER : Mr. Chairman, I move the
committee rise and report the bill complete with amendment.
Motion approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Bill 5, Crown Lands Statutes Amendment Act, 1990, reported
complete with amendment.
MR. SPEAKER : When shall the bill be read a
third time?
HON. MR. RICHMOND : With leave of the House
now, Mr. Speaker.
Leave granted.
Bill 5, Crown Lands Statutes Amendment Act, 1990, read a third
time and passed.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : I call second reading of
Bill 12, Mr. Speaker.
BRITISH COLUMBIA HEALTH
RESEARCH FOUNDATION ACT
HON. J. JANSEN :
Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this bill is to enable the British Columbia
Health Care Research Foundation to continue to operate as a statutory
corporation under the name British Columbia Health Research Foundation.
The
foundation currently awards grants to individuals and organizations to
encourage health research in our province, including not only basic and
clinical research, but research in the fields of health policy and
health promotion. It also awards scholarships and fellowships, both to
encourage newly established health research personnel in their
endeavours and to retain skilled health research personnel already
working in the province.
The foundation also cooperates In
research endeavours with organizations involved in the delivery of
health-related services or those concerned with the general health of
communities in the province.
This bill expands upon the
foundation's existing purposes to include in its mandate improving
public knowledge and awareness about the foundation and its work,
facilitating fund-raising programs and activities of the foundation and
managing funds and property in a way that will further the research
purposes of the foundation.
[2:30]
Under this bill a person donating money to the foundation will
now be entitled to a claim of up to
[ Page 10103 ]
100 percent credit against taxable
income in any one taxation year.
The
board of the foundation, which may be composed of eight to 15 members,
will continue to receive advice on grants, procedures and priorities
from the scientific advisory committee. This committee coordinates the
detailed peer review of grant, fellowship and scholarship applications
and rates projections for scientific quality, feasibility and relevance
to provincial health issues.
The conflict-of-interest
provisions of the Company Act incorporated in this bill by reference
require disclosure from a director who may be affected by a potential
research grant, scholarship or fellowship.
The annual report and financial statements of the foundation
will be tabled in the Legislature each year.
Employees
of the foundation will continue to enjoy benefits under the Public
Service Benefit Plan Act and the Pension (Public Service) Act.
Finally,
Mr. Speaker, I would like to mention that the provisions respecting the
establishment of the foundation are in fact very similar to the
provisions respecting hospital foundations of British Columbia and the
University Foundations Act.
MR. PERRY : Her Majesty's
loyal opposition will be delighted to support this bill. The British
Columbia Health Care Research Foundation has achieved an enviable
record in supporting research, which has improved the quality of
patient care in this province and has improved our understanding of
scientific issues and public policy issues relating to health.
would simply like to record my appreciation, on behalf of the
opposition, for the foundation's efforts over the last years and our
confidence that it will continue serving the public of B.C. in the
future.
We have no further comments at second reading of this bill.
MR. SPEAKER : Pursuant to standing orders,
the House is advised the Minister of Health closes debate.
HON. J. JANSEN : Mr. Speaker, I move second
reading.
Motion approved.
Bill
12, British Columbia Health Research Foundation Act, read a second time
and referred to a Committee of the Whole House for consideration at the
next sitting of the House after today.
MR. SPEAKER : The second member for
Vancouver–Little Mountain has an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. MOWAT : It's my pleasure, on behalf of
the first member for Vancouver–Little Mountain (Mrs McCarthy), to
welcome to our Legislative Assembly today some students from Eric
Hamber Secondary School in the heart of Vancouver–Little Mountain. I'd
ask the House to join us all in making these students welcome to
Victoria today.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Mr. Speaker, I call
adjourned debate on second reading of Bill 16.
SUSTAINABLE ENVIRONMENT FUND ACT
(continued)
MR. CLARK :
I'll be brief in my remarks today. Yesterday I discussed the PR aspects
of the bill, the minister's picture on the advertisements and the
horror that that provoked among focus groups for polling firms. But
today I want to deal seriously, if I can, with a few aspects of the
bill.
Essentially my concerns revolve around two aspects.
This is called the Sustainable Environment Fund Act. It creates a
separate fund. It seems to me that as parliamentarians we should be
concerned about two things: how money is raised by taxes and how it is
spent. The essence of democracy is that this place is accountable for
both those actions. Of course, the government will be held accountable
for all these tax increases at the next election.
Nevertheless,
this seems to confound to some extent those elementary parliamentary
questions, because for the first time — it appears to me, anyway — we
have a fund which has dedicated taxes. We have a fund which says that
the proceeds from the taxes will go directly to the fund. In addition
to that, we have the minister responsible for spending from that fund.
The taxes go into the fund, and the minister is responsible.
Normally
in this House we have estimates with certain votes and subvotes. The
auditor-general has been very concerned about transfers between
sub-votes. This allows the minister, through the Environment and Land
Use Committee, to spend the money in the fund on a whole range of
programs. Money can go between programs or around programs any way the
minister chooses.
For example, a lot of the money that goes
into the fund is recycled money — if I can use that term — from the
Ministry of Forests for reforestation. But nothing in this act says
that the money must be spent on reforestation; it could be spent on any
range of things that the minister of the day deems appropriate. In
terms of public accountability, I'm concerned that we are asked to vote
on a bill which allows the minister a kind of slush fund with a range
of initiatives that the minister can now spend money on. Rather than
the scrutiny we normally get with line ministries, with votes and
subvotes and the debate and detailed defence of that debate that the
minister is forced to reply to in this House, we don't have those with
this bill. We have a rather general question of a fund with taxes
flowing into it — again, unique in this respect — and then money
flowing out of that fund without the accountability built into it that
we might normally expect from a minister of the Crown through a line
ministry during the estimates debate.
[ Page 10104 ]
That
causes me great concern, because it seems to me that the debate on
where money should be spent in the environment might be more difficult,
or at least the intent of the ministry might be more difficult, given
the range of initiatives that the minister can now choose to put money
into. In fact, over the year, money can flow and priorities can be
altered at will by the ministry. Again, it makes it difficult to vote
on something which gives such flexibility without accountability from
this House. That should be worrisome in terms of public accountability.
I'd
just like to talk very briefly about the new taxes in the bill, because
we know that the government said in the budget speech that there are no
new taxes. But then it says here that there are environmental levies —
so those aren't taxes — but I can assure you that British Columbians
know that these are taxes. We now have a new $3 levy on pneumatic
tires. Every time you buy a new tire for your car, you have to pay $3.
That's hardly going to solve the recycling problem in British Columbia.
We know that there is no program to recycle tires, so all we know is
that they are going to be taxed now, and the money is going into this
fund.
In addition to that, we have a $5 tax on lead-acid
batteries. A more appropriate mechanism would be a refundable deposit
system, where there was a $3 deposit required on tires, and then you
get your $3 back when you return them. That encourages the consumer to
recycle the product; likewise with batteries. What you want to do is
encourage the recycling of lead-acid batteries, so what you do — as
they've done in Ontario — is institute a $5 deposit-refund scheme,
where you pay $5 extra for your battery, but you get the $5 back when
you take the battery back.
This doesn't do that. This is a
tax of $5 on batteries. What happens if I take the battery and put it
in my garbage can? Well, it goes into the dump. That toxic waste goes
into the landfill. What is most appropriate is to have a deposit-refund
system to encourage me as a consumer to take the battery back to an
appropriate place to get a refund. That would be more appropriate. But
no, we don't have that because the intent of this bill is really to
raise a tax; it's really a tax grab. It's really a way to create a
little slush fund for the Minister of Environment to dispense on
whatever projects are the highest profile going into an election
campaign. That's the real intent of the bill. It's a kind of lottery
fund system — of course, some of this money is lottery funds.
The
guidelines on how this money can be spent are very vague in this bill.
They can be spent on a range of issues. The money is raised through
these taxes rather than a deposit-refund system, which would be more
environmentally friendly. Instead, all the money goes into the fund and
there may or may not be a recycling program for tires; there may or may
not be a recycling program for lead-acid batteries. It would be much
more appropriate to use a deposit-refund system if one wants to
encourage the consumer to recycle. But no, that isn't the intent of
this bill and never was.
We are asked to pass a
section of
the bill which deals with levies being applied on environmentally
hazardous products. That's all it says. We don't know how much the levy
will be. We have no idea what the definition of "hazardous products"
is. We could think, I am sure, of all kinds of things that we think are
hazardous products — or hazardous to our children, but I won't go into
that. It's rather vague language.
The power to tax in this
bill is rather wide, it seems to me, and the power to spend is even
wider. It leads one to believe — and it's hard to escape the conclusion
— that it really is a kind of political slush fund. If they were
serious about the environment, they would have strengthened the
Ministry of Environment rather than move it over to a little fund. They
would have a deposit-refund system on hazardous products to encourage
recycling. But rather, they want to go into an election campaign. They
thought there would be an election campaign this fall but they have
kind of derailed from that — and they want to announce again and again
that they have created a fund.
They want to wave it around.
They want to have TV ads with the minister and Eli Sopow on them — that
shadowy figure — and typing going on in the background. That's the real
intent of this bill. It's not a sustainable environment fund act; it's
a sustainable Social Credit fund act. That's certainly the intent.
has very little to do with the environment; it has everything to do
with the government's electoral agenda. It has very little to do with
recycling; it has everything to do with trying to recycle Social Credit
politicians — or in this case an old Tory politician from Ottawa.
It's
very clear that this bill is really PR; it's really moving money from
one ministry to the next. It's a kind of shell game to try and convince
people that they're born-again environmentalists. They weren't born
environmentalists in the first place, but now they want to say that
they are born-again environmentalists.
It won't work,
because the public can see through this kind of smoke-and-mirrors game.
The act is far too broad with respect to raising and spending taxes,
and we don't intend to support it on this side of the House.
MR. HARCOURT : The Sustainable Environment
Fund Act, Bill 16, is the Environment minister's equivalent of the
Finance Minister's BS fund.
is a fund that has been artificially created after reading the polls.
The Social Credit Party has looked and seen that the people of British
Columbia have caught on to the disgraceful record of actual performance
over the last 15 years of despoiling the environment of this beautiful
province of ours. It is an artificially created fund to give the
impression that this Social Credit government is balancing the
environmental balance sheet when it is running red in overwhelming
proportions.
[2:45]
[ Page 10105 ]
This shell game is contained in
section 4 of the bill, which
shows
that the closest they get to recycling is recycling old money. That's
really what it is: recycling old money — the last gasp of the FRDA and
the lottery moneys that in disgrace.... Because of the GO B.C. scandal,
the disgraceful recycling proposal that went through the White Rock
municipality, the Semiahmoo society, it has been shifted over into this
act to try and cleanse the GO B.C. funds. This act really houses those
two sources of revenue, Mr. Speaker. It's the forestry agreement, the
FRDA of $212 million that has been put from the forestry ministry....
The Forests minister was so embarrassed about his efforts on behalf of
reforestation that he shifted it over to the Environment minister, who
lost the flip of the coin to carry the can for reforestation in this
province. And it is the funds that were shifted over from the escapades
under the previous Provincial Secretary, the lottery funds of $50
million.
What we have is a shell game for a shell
department by a shell minister, who is there not out of substantive
commitment to cleaning up the environmental problem we have....
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. We must discuss the principle of the bill. The depth of
the minister's commitment, whether or not the minister is the right
person to be holding the portfolio, and all those other things are
inappropriate for discussion at this time; perhaps at another time, but
certainly not now. Now we must remind ourselves that we're in second
reading of the bill and therefore on the principle of the bill.
MR. HARCOURT :
Well, that's the point I'm making, Mr. Speaker. The principle of the
bill is not to take the environment seriously; it's to recycle old
money and give the illusion that this government is doing something
about the environment, because they're scared that the people of
British Columbia are going to catch up with them very shortly when the
next election is called. That's what we're talking about today, Mr.
Speaker.
The point is that this government and the Ministry
of Environment are showing, through this act, that they are more
interested in PR to deal with their disgraceful track record on the
environment over the last 15 years. These are their words. Their
actions are to cut staff so that conservation officers cannot do their
job; to cut staff so that wildlife officers cannot do their job; to cut
funding to municipalities who are trying to clean up their garbage and
their sewage systems. They cut funding to those municipalities when
they could have been taking care of that work, changing their sewer
systems, in the down-time of the depression; this government made it
tougher for those municipalities to do it. So when I hear the
government House Leader talking about cleaning up the sewers.... He was
here then; he was part of the cabinet that cut that funding to
municipalities, so he should answer for that.
The minister, when he finally twigged upon this idea and
created this sustainable environment fund, didn't do it out of a
sincere commitment to the environment, Mr. Speaker. You'll recall that
this is the minister who in his own riding said: "Come on down and have
a crab-bake. The water is just fine." His own officials couldn't tell
him; it was the federal fisheries people who had the last word and
closed down the shell-fishery in his own riding.
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. I appreciate now that the Leader of the Opposition must
realize that he is a long way from the principle of the bill. We must
ask you at this time to stick to the principle of the bill. You may
discuss the other matters in committee on the estimates of the
minister, but not at this time.
MR. HARCOURT : Mr.
Speaker, I have looked at the principle of the bill. The object of the
bill, the object of the fund, is to provide for programs to protect and
enhance the environment and for forest renewal initiatives. That is the
principle that I'm speaking to.
MR. SPEAKER : Yes,
but in speaking to that principle, you can't bring into discussion
whether or not it's appropriate for this particular member to hold that
particular position.
MR. HARCOURT : Oh, I didn't say.... I think
it's totally inappropriate, Mr. Speaker. I am not questioning that at
all.
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. You're abusing the House at this point. I must remind
the member that the rules that we have in place are long-established
rules, and they clearly define what we can debate and when we can
debate it. It's not in order. I can read you the citation from Sir
Erskine May, sixteenth edition, but the member has already had that
read to him on a previous occasion; I won't go through it again. You
must remember that if we're going to deal with these matters, it must
be done at the appropriate time. The line of discussion that you're on
right now is inappropriate. It must be appropriate to the principle of
the bill.
MR. HARCOURT : Thank you, Mr. Speaker. With
that guidance, I am speaking to the principle of the bill, which lays
out the objects of the bill, which is for programs to protect and
enhance the environment and for forest renewal initiatives. I am saying
that the funding that's made available in this bill is recycled funding
from other departments. It is not there to renew forests; it's not
there to protect and enhance the environment. The objects of this bill
are not going to be met by the recycling of old funds. They're
certainly not going to be met when FRDA I runs out very shortly and
there isn't funding coming from the federal government to carry out the
objects and the principles of this bill.
Where was this
government in trying to establish the proper funding for the
reforestation renewal of this province? What they were doing, when they
talk about these objects, was cutting down the number of
[ Page 10106 ]
not
sufficiently restocked hectares in this province by changing
definitions and shuffling paper, not getting out and replanting the
forests. I'm pointing out, Mr. Speaker, that the minister's flimflam
bill here is not going to aid the wishes of British Columbians, which
are indeed to renew the forests and to clean up the environment in this
province. The closest they come to recycling is to recycle old funds
under disgrace.
The object and principle of this bill is to
supply funding to the round table and to the Forest Resources
Commission, which are mentioned quite prominently in this bill.
might say that that round table was the last to be established in this
country. This was the last province to get on board of the national
commitment to the United Nations report, Our Common Future ,
by Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland of Norway. They delayed and
delayed until finally the polls said: "You've got to move."
That's
what drives this government; it's PR — not the people of this province,
not a commitment to cleaning up the environment. The Forest Resources
Commission is telling this Social Credit government what they should
have known ten years ago: that they've been overcutting; that they've
been underplanting; that they've been overwasting; and that they have
been involved, as they were during the recession in this province, in
what's called "sympathetic enforcement of forestry regulations."
we now have to catch up. This bill and this fund are not going to allow
us to do that, Mr Speaker. That is exactly the reason why I say that
this fund, the ministry and this government are not committed to the
principles of this bill. It is strictly PR; it is for surface only. It
is for selling paint, selling stock, selling votes. It is not for doing
what has to be done in this province to clean up the environment and
bring about the renewable force that the people of this province want —
very clearly that.
So I say in sorrow to the staff who have
to work to carry out this bill: we appreciate your carrying the load
for many, many years in the face of indifference and hostility from a
government that doesn't care about the environment, the renewal of our
forests, the cleaning up of our waters and our air, the recycling of
garbage and the dealing with toxic wastes.
The understaffed
environmental officers, wilderness officers, wildlife officers — the
people out in the field — have been trying for many years under many
circumstances to carry out the principles of this bill with inadequate
resources and inadequate funds.
Now what they receive —
disgracefully misusing the name "sustainable environment" — are
recycled lottery funds and the dying gasp of the FRDA with the federal
government. That is not good enough to clean up the pulp mill
pollution, to clean up the overcutting, to deal with salmon streams
that have been despoiled by improper logging practices.
The
only good thing that comes out of this whole sorry political statement,
this sorry political bill that will be recycled through many government
advertisements, many more government publications publicizing only the
minister — not action on the environment — is that the people of
British Columbia are going to see through this act, are going to see
through this recycling of funding.
They are going to have a
say in the next election, and this government isn't going to like what
the people of British Columbia are going to tell them: that they want a
clean environment. They want recycling, not recycled funds.
Thank
goodness we have the fine staff that are staffing the forests and the
environment ministries in this province, because they're surely going
to be able to outlast this sorry, sad government.
MR. G. JANSSEN :
Mr. Speaker, I'm sorry to see the minister's not in the House. The
Sustainable Environment Fund Act — which we're going to discuss here,
going to debate — should actually be entitled "The Recycling Act." What
it does is recycle old dollars from one ministry to another, recycles
old programs into new.
It's like Aladdin's lamp: new lamps
for old. Maybe we should have new ministers for old, except there's no
genie that pops out of the lamp here, because the Socreds have run out
of new ideas. They've run out of promises. Therefore they're going to
recycle this bill.
What happened to the FRDA? No, we're
taking money, in this case, out of the forestry fund and recycling into
the environment fund, so that the Minister of Forests doesn't have to
face the facts, doesn't have to face the forestry companies and the
forestry workers of this province, by saying: "No, we don't have enough
trees. We'll lay that on the Minister of Environment. He's good at
shuffling one set of estimates into another."
We're going
to bring $50 million from lottery funds in order to create this
sustainable environment fund. We should be asking the minister what a
sustainable environment is. Has he identified that yet? What is it
we're actually funding? Are we going to have these lottery funds year
after year after year?
Funds that used to be used in the
communities to develop community programs are now being used to plant
trees, to clean up the environment and to clean up the mess that the
Socreds have made over the last 30 years. Now they're painting
themselves green with a brush and saying: "Look at us; we are actually
doing something, folks."
What they're actually doing, Mr.
Speaker, is taking one set of moneys from one ministry and shuffling it
into the other ministry, because we know that the one ministry has been
a total failure. So we will give it to the Minister of Environment to
see what he can do with it and if he can actually convince the people
of this province that they're doing something over the 30 years of
neglect.
What do they do? They increase taxes on diapers.
They're going to tax babies now. The Minister of Finance in the budget
speech said there are no new taxes. What do we read? Taxes: not on
folks who are making money, the super-rich or the poor, but on babies.
A fine lesson we are teaching the diaper-
[ Page 10107 ]
wearers of this province. We're going
to tax them before they even get old enough to vote.
[3:00]
Now let's examine that $5 on every battery you buy. In the
bill it
says that a battery that weighs less than five kilograms.... In other
words, what are we going to do about flashlight batteries, radio
batteries, ghetto-blaster batteries — you should do something about
that if you know my kid — and motorcycle batteries? There are 156,000
motorcyclists in the province of British Columbia who are going to take
their batteries and throw them in the garbage. And does the minister
care? No, because they weigh less than two kilograms.
Pneumatic
tires? Cars? Sure, we're going to tax the tires on the cars. We're
going to tax them on bicycles. We're going to tax them on wheelbarrows.
Do you really think that these folks, after they finish with their
wheelbarrow and bicycle tires, are going to take them to a recycling
depot? I rather doubt it. And what have we done?
There's no
recycling initiative in this bill — none at all. We call it a
Sustainable Environment Fund Act. What's sustainable about a bill that
supplies no initiative for recycling and sets up no recycling
industries in the province? Are we going to stockpile these, like it
has been done back east? Then are we going to put them in trucks and
truck them off somewhere else?
Is there any money for
research and development? No, we're simply going to tax the product up
front, take money out of people's pockets, load the stuff in a truck
and store it somewhere until we figure out what to do with the damn
stuff. That's the government's idea of recycling. Do we actually have
any plants set up? Do we actually have any research and development
facilities?
Perhaps that's where the environment fund
should be going, so that we actually develop areas of new initiatives
and new development techniques that we can market around the world and
say, "Look, we have taken a tax and done something with it," rather
than shove it into a slush fund for the Socreds to spend before
election time because they've got such a dismal record on the
environment of this province.
What is hazardous waste? It
doesn't identify that or the PCBs and dioxins being spilled out by pulp
mills day after day. Is it gasoline that's spilling out? Is it the
exhaust from the tailpipes of cars? No. What's happening? We don't know
that, and we don't know what we are going to do with the hazardous
waste once we collect it and store it. There are PCB and dioxin sites
across this province that are getting bigger and bigger and bigger.
may want to sustain the environment, but we're doing nothing about
reducing the hazardous wastes. We're doing nothing about taking those
hazardous wastes and finding new ways of recycling them, turning them
into usable products and eliminating the threat that hangs over our
head day to day from the storage of these wastes.
There's nothing in it about sewage disposal. Washington State
disallows....
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. You can't talk about what's not in the bill. We can only
talk about what is in the bill. We went into this the other day with
one of your colleagues who wanted to discuss what she felt should be in
the bill, what can be included in the bill and what isn't in the bill.
fact, if the member wishes the Chair to be rather strict on the matter,
since there are a number of private member's bills before the House
currently tabled by your colleague from Victoria, you would find that
the entire line of your debate is out of order. Bearing in mind that
your own colleague has forced you into a corner here, I must ask you to
restrict yourself to the principle of this bill and not discuss those
matters which are before the Legislature in terms of a bill.
MR. G. JANSSEN :
Mr. Speaker, I'll try to relate my remarks to the bill. It's hard to do
that, though, when there's very little in the bill except an
environmental slush fund for the government.
Interjection.
MR. G. JANSSEN :
No, they won't bring our bills forward, because they know they're good
bills, and they know they will stand up. They will be embarrassed by
the fact that they will be forced through their indoctrination as free
enterprisers to vote against those bills.
Mr. Speaker, this
is a slush fund to sell the environment so that they can get
re-elected. They know they're down in the polls; therefore they take
money out of taxpayers' pockets and put it into a slush fund that they
can sell to the people of British Columbia through the Round Table on
Environment and Economy — $18.6 million. That's in the bill: $18.6
million so they can run around the province and give money out here and
there to build up the confidence of the people and to show that they're
actually attempting to do something after 30 years of neglect.
That
round table took 18 months to set up. After the announcement, they
said: "Finally we've got some people who want to sit on this."
Undoubtedly the people they got for the round table that they had to
search across this province for.... They couldn't find anybody with the
expertise to put on that round table. It took them 18 months to find
the appropriate people to sit at that round table, and now they fund it
with $18.6 million of public money.
The Forest Resources
Commission is another one. They set up the Forest Resources Commission
and have it going around the province looking to see what's wrong with
the forests. Thirty years of managing the forests, and they don't know
what's wrong. So they developed the Forest Resources Commission, this
bill and this act in order to fund that.
When you look at
it, it's actually a decrease in reforestation spending. It's $1.7
billion over ten years; that's $170 million a year. What was it in
1989? It was $231.7 million. That included $73.1 million for the FRDA,
which undoubtedly we'll never see a sign of because of the government's
inability to treat the
[ Page 10108 ]
forest
in a manner that will see it sustainable, and their inability to go to
Ottawa and cut a deal that's acceptable to the people of British
Columbia.
They announced that this is actually a 24 percent
increase in spending. Yet it includes in the bill $28 million to $50
million in lottery funds. Year after year, are we going to have to go
to the Lottery Fund to see that the environment is funded properly? Is
the money going to be there? Are we not going to use it for other areas?
Hazardous
wastes are in the bill. It doesn't tell us which ones they are. It
doesn't say anything about recycling programs for communities, cleaning
up landfills and contaminated soils or vehicle inspections for
emissions.
It talks about habitat and park acquisitions in
the bill. Isn't the Parks ministry supposed to be handling this? I see
the Parks minister sitting across. Have they taken some of your control
away, as they have from the Minister of Forests? Are we going to end up
with depleted ministries over there run by one superministry funded by
this act? Aren't the other ministers on the opposite side of the House
somewhat worried that their roles will be diminished? Perhaps their
salaries should be diminished according to the amount of control they
have over those ministries.
But no, we have the Environment
ministry taking on the roles of two or three other ministers over
there, dipping into the Lottery Fund in this instance, and saying:
"We're going to present a new Socred green image to the people of
British Columbia, because we're going to market ourselves as
environmentalists, something we failed to do in 30 years." You can see
that by the pulp mill pollution, the dismal state that the forests are
in and the confrontation that takes place there.
They tax
babies, tires and batteries, and they say: "We don't have any new
taxes." If they would use that tax money to develop some new
initiatives, perhaps the people of British Columbia would buy this act.
But the way it is, there is nobody in British Columbia who is going to
take the government seriously on their new commitment to the
environment.
MR. PETERSON : I didn't think I would
have to get up and speak in favour of this bill, because I thought the
NDP opposition would support it. I'm extremely surprised. In fact, I'm
astounded that they would come up with this almost nauseating rhetoric
dealing with something as important as the commitment this government
is making in terms of this Sustainable Environment Fund Act.
Listening
to the Leader of the Opposition, I couldn't believe what I was hearing.
Here is a man who is wandering around the province telling people and
giving lip-service to the environment, but when it comes time to stand
up in this House and support a solid, affirmative action that our
Minister of Environment is bringing in for our consideration, what does
he do? He stands up and tries to make a political football out of an
extremely important issue to British Columbia. I think that is
absolutely unforgivable.
Where is the responsibility of
that man when it comes to the environment? It's strictly political
rhetoric that he's dealing with. He doesn't care about the environment.
All he cares about is his and his colleagues' personal political
ambitions. He'll say anything he wishes anywhere in the province, but
when it comes to producing, when it comes to supporting something that
is meaningful, what does he do? He stands up and hands....
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. I have tried to explain to members all afternoon that we
are in second reading of this bill, and we must therefore discuss the
principle of the bill and not really concern ourselves about what other
members may have had to say or what their motives are at this
particular time.
It's an interesting bill. There are
several things to discuss in it. There is quite a broad range available
for members. The Chair would be most pleased if some of them would
actually skate occasionally into the principle of the bill. It would
assist the Chair and perhaps the rules of the House.
I ask the member to continue on the principle of the bill.
MR. PETERSON :
Well, Mr. Speaker, I really do appreciate your comments. You're exactly
right. However, my problem is that when I listen to that drivel from
over there, it gets me off track. I do apologize to you, Mr. Speaker.
This
bill shows the commitment of the Social Credit government to the
environment. It shows the commitment of our Minister of Environment. It
shows the real commitment of all of us to solid affirmative action.
just wanted to say that I totally support it. We know this bill will
produce the effect we want: that is, to sustain the environment which
is so critical to all British Columbians. I want to compliment our
Ministry of Environment for bringing it in.
MR. LOVICK : I was sitting here listening to
the debate that has unfolded thus far....
Interjection.
MR. LOVICK :
There seems to be some muttering from the other side of the House to do
with the posture I assume as I stand. I wonder if there is a point to
it. Is there some point to that? Or is it rather the case that the
muttering, as is typical from that side of the House, is simply inane
and filling in time?
I await your instruction, Mr. Speaker,
on whether I am supposed to address what is muttered across the way
or.... In any event, let's proceed and try to talk about the principle
of this important bill — this important measure.
I was
saying that I had been listening carefully to what had gone on thus far
and had also spent a little time reading what had been said about the
measure, and it struck me passing strange and curious indeed that the
other side hadn't been responding as quickly
[ Page 10109 ]
as I would have expected, given what I
think have
been some pretty damning and devastating criticisms offered from this
side. I would have thought that those who support this measure would
have leapt to their feet and seized the opportunity to say something.
am happy to see that the second member for Langley (Mr. Peterson) did
indeed give a response. It's a speech we have heard on many occasions
from that particular member, and I just want him to know that it is
improving in quality, and with another five or six renditions it will
get really quite good. It's entirely out of order, but it nonetheless
has a certain amount of passion, which we appreciate.
the principle of this bill — this thing called the sustainable
environment development fund. The principle of the bill ostensibly is
to take steps to ensure that we do indeed have a sustainable
environment and a sustainable economy as part of that environment. Who
would argue with that?
[3:15]
I wrote some time ago — in a paper I delivered to a conference
about the need for an environment-economy integration. That is a
phrase, by the way, that comes from Bill Rees, professor of planning at
the University of B.C. He has done some really good pathfinder kind of
work in this area, suggesting to us that what we consider as
economically viable — using old measures and old yardsticks — is in
fact not economically viable.
What we need to do, rather,
is rethink our approaches entirely. We need to think about an economy
in which old constructs like free goods — air and water and resources —
are no longer recognized as free goods but rather are recognized as
very precious and indeed rare goods that therefore have to be priced.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
It's
the kind of approach to economics and environment that requires some
pretty radical thinking. It's the kind of radical thinking enunciated
by a professor like Lester Thurow at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology. Thurow is one of those brilliant economists who probably
four out of ten times is absolutely marvellous in what he has to say,
and probably six times out of ten what he has to say is absolutely
impractical and probably irrelevant. But he is sometimes right.
The kind of thing that Thurow has talked about — and I think
it is something that we in this chamber who are committed to a
sustainable environment ought to consider — is this. "Take, for
example," says Thurow, "the example of the Brazilian rain forest."
Everybody recognizes that as a very fragile, unique ecosystem — unique
on the planet — a system, moreover, that affects and influences all of
us on this planet. The problem is, we can't do anything to exploit that
particular forest. It won't grow back. It's the product of a unique
combination of circumstances and climate and resources. There's nothing
we can do to exploit the resource.
What
then do the people who live there do, the people who rely on the goods
of that environment for their own sustenance and their own
sustainability? The answer they have found — those poor people in that
country — is to cut down the forest for wood or to clear the land for
harvesting purposes. In short-term economic thinking it makes perfectly
good sense; it's entirely understandable. The tragedy of it is,
however, that in the long term they are committing suicide.
What
do we, as human beings, have to tell those individuals? Do we say to
them: "You must starve to death because you can't cut down the rain
forest"? Or rather do we say to them: "All of us assume a joint
responsibility for the preservation of that forest"? If we do assume
that responsibility, then we have to put our money and our resources
where our mouths and our principles are.
That translates,
according to Thurow — this economist — into a system whereby all the
rich nations of the world ought to pay a levy or an annual tax to the
people of Brazil so they will not have to cut down the rain forest.
This is just one example. But that's the kind of radical, innovative
thinking that we have to use if we are serious about sustainable
environment.
You don't have to be a scientist or know about
entropy and the second law of thermodynamics or anything like that to
recognize that you can't continue to exploit finite resources as if
they were infinite without having to pay the price. That's what young
people know, because they have seen the price we are paying. I'm happy
to note there are some young people in the chamber today. Those are the
folks who are telling us that no one generation has the right to
exploit the planet as if there were no generations to come. That's what
a sustainable environment model endorses, embraces and accepts.
the paper I referred to a few moments ago, I said that I had tried to
reconcile economy-environment integration, the phrase I borrowed from
Professor Rees. I don't claim any great success in having achieved the
reconciliation. What I know, however, is that makers of public policy,
including Ministers of Environment, have an obligation to grapple with
the problem. Every decision we make today must be made in the shadow —
or the light, if you prefer — of Brundtland. What Brundtland's report
did, you'll recall.... The common rendition of that was the United
Nations report called Our
Common Future .
All Brundtland really did, if I can put the matter rather bluntly, was
to pull together some information that had been a-building and
a-collecting for a lot of years. She put it together in one short,
readable book, and happily that book had the effect of galvanizing
public opinion and making governments throughout the world, in both
rich and poor nations, both north and south, respond to the crisis.
What
I said, beyond the fact that we all live in the shadow of that, is that
what we have under the heading sustainable development is literally an
idea whose time has come. That phrase, as I know many members of this
House well recognize, comes from the French philosopher-writer Victor
Hugo. The full
[ Page 10110 ]
line,
of course, was: "Greater than the might of armies is the force of an
idea whose time has come." The notion is that you can't stop it. You
can't stand in the way of an idea whose time has come.
The
problem, however, is that governments can step aside from the idea
whose time has come. They can pretend to be rolling with the strength
of an idea whose time has come rather than embracing the idea. Sadly,
that is what is wrong with this bill. That is what is fundamentally
wrong with this bill and the principled error in the bill.
The
bill is talking about creating a special sustainable environment fund.
Well and good insofar as we recognize that sustainable environment
matters and that it will cost money to do that. The problem, however,
is that the bill doesn't anywhere embrace the concept that gives it
justification. It doesn't anywhere address the notion of sustainable
environment and what it means and what it entails. It's not good enough
to simply say that a sustainable environment will be the product of
recycling. Lord knows, this bill does a lot of recycling. As my
colleagues have pointed out very adroitly and effectively, this bill
recycles money from the forestry resource development agreements. It
also recycles money from the lottery grants branch.
recycles money, and it even puts the money into a good place. It also
reuses ideas and reuses money — money that, in some cases, has already
been spent, I suspect. Nevertheless, that's about as far as the
commitment to sustainable development really goes here.
have a couple of the famous four Rs of environment and sustainable
environment built into this measure — but only a couple. The other two
important measures aren't touched here, and this bill is flawed in
principle in that it says nothing about our lifestyle, nothing about
our approach, nothing about reducing what we do.
That's
what's wrong with the principle; it's gatekeeper legislation. It stands
at the end, and says: "We're going to punish folks for what's already
happened." It's a heavy-handed "We'll zonk you if you aren't doing what
you ought to be doing."
Thus we have, for instance, the
situation of the so-called special green taxes, or consumer taxes, that
unfortunately seem to be skewed almost entirely toward consumption,
rather than toward investment — i.e., toward those who are
the
producers of the pollution.
We estimate, on the calculus
we've done, that the fund represents an added $18.5 million in taxes on
consumers and, sadly, a corresponding $2.0 million from industrial
polluters. The balance is wrong.
What's wrong with the
balance especially is that what we need to do is to put the emphasis on
lifestyle, on producers. We can do that in a couple of ways. We can use
negative techniques in terms of taxation, but we can also talk about
incentives to decrease industrial pollution.
Sadly, I don't think this government has measures of that
kind, and sadly, this particular bill — this principle — ignores that
construct of sustainable development for the kinds of reasons I have
been articulating. We need to talk about reducing our use of finite
resources. We need to rethink our assumptions.
That
brings me to the fourth R of rethinking. That's what sustainable
development also involves necessarily: a rethinking of our approaches.
Our predicament as a species — and I think all of us who've thought
about it for any length of time know it — is that we all accepted more
or less literally what we read in Genesis. Genesis told us that we were
created first, and that we would have dominion over all living things
and even "over every creeping thing that creepeth" — if I can remember
my Scripture well enough to quote that chunk.
The problem
is that we have embraced that notion of a conquering relationship to
the environment, of regarding the environment as simply so much raw
matter to be pushed around, to be exploited, to be shaped to our
wishes, that we have developed an entire culture and society in which
the centrality of mankind as toolmaker, shaper and technocrat is
perceived to be our highest destiny as a species.
What we
need to do — and the evidence is overwhelming — is to rethink that
assumption. Can we, in any way, any longer assume that we can indeed
have dominion, or that we should have dominion? Rather, what all the
studies have shown in the last 20-odd years, what the science of
ecology has taught us, if nothing else, is that we are part of an
interconnected system and that we aren't the only, or even necessarily
the most important, player in the system. Rather, we're a part of it,
and we need then to co-exist with others. We need to function with our
natural environment, as well as with the environment of other living
forms.
As I say, we all embrace the concept of sustainable
environment. Nobody denies that for a moment. The concept we embrace.
We also recognize we need to spend money. Sadly, though, this bill
seems to amount to a recycling of existing moneys. It's not new money.
Worse, it does not appear to provide us at all with any sense of what
sustainable environment and sustainable development really mean and
ought to require from us.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Mr.
Speaker, I just want to say a few words on this bill, maybe to
straighten the record out a little after we heard the ravings of the
Leader of the Opposition and the member for Alberni (Mr. G. Janssen)
getting up and mouthing the same words we heard from his leader.
was an interesting lecture from the second member for Nanaimo. It was
very difficult to disagree with. I've read some of the same works he
quoted from. I too have paid particular attention to the Brundtland
report, and I've read the book that came forth from that report, Our Common Future .
It's a book that everyone today should read. It should be "must"
reading in the schools.
[3:30]
But I also point out what is so often overlooked when people
quote Ms. Brundtland and her report.
[ Page 10111 ]
She put tremendous emphasis on the
environment and
how it was linked to the economy. She mentions it several times in her
book, and I don't have any of the exact quotations in front of me. I
hadn't even planned to speak on this bill; I didn't think it would be
necessary. But since some of the things that have been said, I think we
should straighten the record out.
Ms. Brundtland says very
explicitly that you cannot have a healthy environment without a healthy
economy, or vice versa. She says that many times. In fact, she even
points out some of the countries that have very sick environments, and
it's because their economy is sick. To paraphrase her, she says it's
very difficult to be that concerned about your environment when your
prime concern is what you're going to have for dinner tonight — if
anything. That's exactly why we pay particular attention to the balance
between the environment and the economy. You cannot have one without
the other.
One needs only to look to countries in eastern
Europe where we're finally realizing the devastation there to the
environment. When we talk in this bill about a Sustainable Environment
Fund Act, it is because we have the wherewithal to do it. Those
countries which have had an economic disaster for the last 45 or 50
years have not been able to pay attention to looking after the
environment, even though they probably wanted to. Even though many of
the good citizens in those countries knew what they were doing to their
environment, they were powerless to do anything to clean it up.
The
factories and smokestacks in those countries — and I've been in a
couple of those countries.... The factories spew out sulphur from the
very poor-quality coal that they use, to the point where the buildings
are deteriorating, the forests are dying and the people are breathing
air that no human being should have to breathe. In fact, I sincerely
hope now that they've taken a first step to economic freedom that they
can find the wherewithal to clean up the environment over there.
heard the other day that the bill to clean up the environment in
eastern Europe will be somewhere in the neighbourhood of $200 billion.
I don't know where they're going to find that money, and I hope over a
period of time that they can do it.
So we on this side of
the House take very seriously the environment, the sustainability of
our economy, the forests, all of the industries and how they interact
with the environment, despite what you might have heard from the member
for Port Alberni and the Leader of the Opposition.
We don't run around at our conventions....
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : The member for Alberni
had his time on the floor, and I'll get to him in a moment. I think
that if he isn't already, he should be in a great deal of trouble in
his riding come the next election.
take very seriously the relationship between the economy and the
environment, and industry and how it relates to the environment. This
bill will go a long way to strengthening our commitment and industry's
commitment to the environment.
The member for Nanaimo said
that we should spend more money on the environment. We are — if the
member would take the time to read the bill and look at all the
sections. But it isn't only government that's spending money on the
environment. The pulp industry alone in this province this year is
spending hundreds of millions of dollars to clean up their industry.
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
Thankfully, they have the money to spend, Mr. Member, because the
economy is healthy. Because of the government we've had in this
province over the last few years, we have a healthy industry that can
spend the money to clean up its act — hundreds of millions of dollars
this year alone. If they didn't have the money to spend on it, the
alternative is to close down. There is no in between: they either have
the money to do it — which they have — or they close down. There is no
other alternative.
So thankfully, our industries in this
province have the wherewithal to be able to clean up their act, which
strengthens the statement I made earlier that the economy and the
environment must go hand in hand. You can't have one without the other.
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
Yes. All right, let's talk about Sweden for a moment. Sweden does a
good job in the environment, though not as good as they would have you
believe, when you start extrapolating some of their figures and
transposing the measurement system they use against what we use. But
they do a good job — no question about it.
They do a good
job in forestry in Sweden. They're cutting some of their third rotation
now. By the way, they clearcut too. They do a couple of commercial
thinnings, but they clearcut in Sweden. In fact, the law says they must
clearcut.
But let's go a little further in Sweden and see what else....
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
The member keeps hollering at me: "Good socialist government!" I think
that's a contradiction in terms, Mr. Speaker. Good socialist government
— I don't think there is such a thing, and I don't think the member can
point to one anywhere in the world. I challenge him to point to one
that has worked effectively anywhere in the world.
He keeps
hollering: "Sweden!" Let's see how well Sweden stacks up against some
other countries. In Sweden they have a tax called the VAT. Have you
[ Page 10112 ]
heard
of the VAT in Sweden, Mr. Member, the value-added tax, which will be
called a GST over here? Are you in favour of a GST like those they have
in some European countries, which might have started at a low
percentage? Guess what it is now, Mr. Member from Port Alberni. Guess
what the VAT or the GST is in northern Europe now. Take a guess, Mr.
Member. Their VAT is at about 22 or 23 percent. Is that a good
socialist government? Is that what you want for British Columbia — a
GST of 23 percent? The member wants a GST of 23 percent for British
Columbia. Wonderful, eh?
Let's hear what the income tax is in some of those countries,
Mr. Member.
MR. HARCOURT : Are these the Finance
estimates?
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
It seems that the Leader of the Opposition doesn't like this, but he
roamed all over the map talking about this bill. He didn't talk about
what he did in Vancouver, when he was the mayor, to clean up their
sewage effluent.
I didn't go to Sweden, Mr. Leader of the
Opposition; it was your member from Port Alberni who said: "Let's talk
about Sweden." So we talk about Sweden, where an income tax on the
average wage-earner, Mr Member, is about 70 percent. That's a good
socialist government, isn't it? That's what happens when programs get
out of control, when governments don't know how to say no. Oh, I admit
the Swedes and the Danes and the Norwegians did it for all the right
reasons. They are a very compassionate people, and they have had social
programs for a hundred years But they admit that their spending got
totally out of control. When a government doesn't know how to say no to
anybody, Mr. Member, that's what happens.
When we talk
about sustainable environment, and we make decisions that balance the
economy and the environment, like a decision we made on the Carmanah
Valley, which was a balanced decision, to balance the environment and
the economy.... You didn't see the Premier of this province running
around a convention floor trying to make a deal between the greens in
his party and the IWA, running from one member to the other, saying,
"Hey, we've got to worry about our chances in the next election."
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
Yes, sure he was. Just exactly what the Leader of the Opposition was
doing — trying to protect his own job within his own party And then
after he runs around to all the members in his party and makes a deal,
Mr. Speaker, then he gets in front of the TV cameras and says: "Watch
my lips. I'll tell you what we're going to do in the Carmanah: there
will be no logging." He said, Mr. Speaker....
DEPUTY SPEAKER : Relevancy, please, Mr.
House Leader. Bill 16.
HON. MR RICHMOND : Yes, the Sustainable
Environment Fund Act, Mr. Speaker.
said: "There won't be any balanced sustainable decision in the
Carmanah. There will be no logging in the Carmanah." How are you going
to defend that, Mr. Member from Port Alberni? I want you to get up and
defend that in this House when we bring in the Carmanah bill.
MR. BLENCOE : A hundred and twenty jobs.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
That's only one decision. How many would there be if your leader had
that decision to make? They'd all be out of work. There wouldn't be
120....
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : I'm supporting the
decision we made, Mr. Member. And I want to see what happens, as
opposed to losing them all.
DEPUTY SPEAKER : Bill 16, please.
HON. MR. RICHMOND : Yes, thank you, Mr.
Speaker. I appreciate that.
The
member said — and I'll try to quote — that my role as Minister of
Forests would be diminished under this bill. Not true, Mr. Speaker, and
I just want to put that on the record. It's anything but the truth. If
the member would care to get up later, in the committee stage, and
defend what he said, I'd like to hear that.
Interjection.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
He has already spoken, but he can speak again in committee, Mr. Leader
of the Opposition, and he can get up and defend his statement that my
role will be diminished. Nothing could be further from the truth.
just challenge the member and the Leader of the Opposition: when this
bill does come up for final vote, stand up and vote against it. I
sincerely hope they do. It will show everyone where they stand on
sustainable environment in this province. The forests critic can get up
and say where he stands on private land and how he would react to every
group that comes in here, on private land. We'd like to hear that too.
It's sort of: "Aren't we wonderful!"
The
member for Port Alberni talks about toxic waste or special waste and
doesn't even realize that he's in the wrong bill. You'll have a chance
next, Mr. Member, on Bill 38, when we talk about hazardous wastes, to
talk about your batteries. You can get up and talk all you like,
instead of just mouthing what your leader says, getting up with the
same tired old lines about recycled money. It isn't funny.
take recycling very seriously. We take sustainable environment and the
economy very seriously on this side of the House. We know that you
cannot have one without the other, and the decisions we make
[ Page 10113 ]
reflect that, unlike the bills we see
introduced
from your side or the comments from that side of the House. They do not
reflect that you have the knowledge of your member from Nanaimo who has
read the Brundtland report — if you haven't — and knows that you cannot
have a healthy economy without a healthy environment and vice versa. We
take it very seriously.
I urge the members from that side —
if they feel like their leader and the member from Port Alberni — to
vote against Bill 16, so that we can have it on the record that you are
against a sustainable environment and sustainable economy.
MR. ZIRNHELT :
I would like to pick up on defining "sustainable environment." I think
we're getting confused, but I am really glad that the government has
finally educated itself a bit to understand that sustainable
environment is really what we need to talk about, and with that we
would have a sustainable economy. I think it is really important that
the whole issue of what sustainable is, in fact, starts to get defined.
We are looking at a government trying to create some integration of its
different activities at the highest level in order to fight a bit of
fire on the environmental front. The notion that the economy is
sustainable only if the environment is sustainable requires a little
more in-depth treatment than this bill gives it.
[3:45]
Before we endorse the Brundtland report in its entirety, it is
perhaps worth looking at it on balance, as they have also said that
there has to be a major shift in resource expenditures from military
back into sustainable economic ventures. So the report has to be looked
at on balance, and I don't think the speakers from the other side have
done that.
I don't think that all the evidence is in,
either, because the whole history of the western world has indicated
that we have destroyed one ecosystem after the other and turned
rainforests of the Mediterranean into deserts that don't sustain life.
To bring it home, the issue here is: with so little research involved,
how do we know that we aren't doing the same thing here?
is argued that we are reforesting, but are we reforesting for more than
one generation? I am sorry that the Minister of Forests (Hon. Mr.
Richmond) isn't here, because although I know he doesn't like advice
from this side of the House, I am glad to see that he is beginning to
take a bit of it in setting up his local advisory council for the
Cariboo. It should have been for the Chilcotin; it's too big a region
to deal with in integrating all aspects of the economy. But I can
continue to give him my advice in letter form if he doesn't want to be
in the House listening to it at the moment.
With respect to the Ministry of Environment, they have set up
an integrated resource management branch, as has the Ministry of
Forests. I really wonder why we need two separate branches dealing with
basically the same subject. I am glad to see that the government
recognizes that there is really no difference between the environment
and the forests when dealing with forested ecosystems. The forest is
the environment, and we have to look at the forest in a lot broader way
than we have been doing.
am a little disappointed that the government has put the sale of trees
as a revenue for this fund. It seems to me that the sale of trees
should go to the Ministry of Forests for replanting and not into this
fund. You are replenishing this fund with revenues that were already
targeted for some other activity.
On the question of
dealing with eastern European forests and how they manage their
environment, when the evidence is in on Sweden and other countries, we
may well have to admit that none of the models in the western world
work for us. We have seen that after three rotations of clearcutting,
the sustainability of the forest ecosystem is seriously questioned.
That is because they have not respected the holistic processes that
deal with the complex nutrient cycling over time.
recognize that the Brundtland report did address some of these
problems, but it certainly didn't address the problems of the temperate
forests that we deal with here. It was a very general work and pointed
to the weaknesses in history, when we haven't paid attention to making
decisions before we develop so that conservation of the resource is
built into the development decision.
When we talk about
paying money for pulp mill pollution cleanup, we have to recognize that
there has been a significant amount of money extracted from that
resource in the past and we are trying to play catch-up. That's what
creates the hardship on the economy: when you have to catch up in short
order. I would like to see the emphasis placed on any funds expended
under this bill — as little as they are — on prevention rather than
cure. I hope there are enough funds for initiatives at the local level
and that people will have the best opportunity to make the trade-off
between the economy and the environment. If there's going to be some
damage to the environment, we should enhance the short-term economy.
The people who have to live with those rights should be plugged into
the process so they have some power.
We see in this bill
that the decisions are going to be made at the cabinet table. If those
issues don't get sorted out through the political system, during
elections or during the consultations that members have with their
ridings, then there's no mechanism instituted that will look at the
trade-offs and the balances. If we're going to trade off long-term
environmental values — what I call economic values — for short-term,
then those decisions have to be made by the people who have to live
with them.
We have this contradiction of people in the
lower mainland living in what are termed the largest clearcuts in B.C.
They are living within an economy that has benefited from the
exploitation extraction in the interior. Those people in the interior
need to have a much stronger voice in resource-management
decision-making.
First, we have to institute some power of integrated resource
management information at the local
[ Page 10114 ]
level,
which means we have to do some inventory work. Officials at the local
level who work in the Ministries of Forests, Environment and Energy are
accountable to local people. I realize the weaknesses we have in the
provincial government system, but we have to work harder to give people
some kind of zoning powers to decide on the complex uses for some
areas, with strong provincial guidelines that show what is, in fact,
ecologically sustainable in the long run.
Our
decision-making now has to incorporate 20 years of research that's
taken place across the border with respect to forest management. We
have to rapidly incorporate that into our decision-making here in this
province. It's creating a lot of problems within the ministry system,
because they are hierarchical, and it's creating noise in the political
system. It creates what I call an inordinate task of decision-making at
the senior levels. There are some risks in terms of allowing people to
make decisions which would sometimes err on too much extraction and
other times err on too much conservation. I'm not sure you could have
that. Thereby it temporarily threatens local economies, but it may be
just temporary. A conservation decision will mete out the resources and
stop the expenditure of ecological capital.
We have to
realize what has happened in this province. We have used ecological
capital; we have lived beyond our means and not just spent the
interest; now we have this pressure to reinvest in backlogged
reforestation, to clean up the estuaries and to generally replace that
ecological capital. That's what Brundtland was talking about if you
read the fine lines. She said we're going to have to take the fruit of
our economy until we can put the economy into a transitional stage.
The
issue of balanced decision-making is going to require more information
than we are providing to local people to provide input, and it's going
to require a process that seeks consensus. That means that people have
the power to make the decisions, not just finding consensus and making
recommendations to cabinet ministers. Those who have to live with the
decisions have to be able to make the decisions. This act doesn't go
very far at all in that direction.
It does talk about the
operation of the Round Table on Environment and Economy, and that's
fine for talk of provincial policy at this level. But the real
decisions and the real integration has to happen at the local level —
the subregional level.
The previous speaker, the Minister
of Forests, talked about the Brundtland report, but he neglected to say
that one of the points that came through in the many hearings they had
in the discussions with young people around the world was the old
notion of the feeling of efficacy. Young people around the world need
to know that what they are doing will make a difference.
This
government has a responsibility to integrate action programs into the
school system that young people can engage themselves in and learn in a
holistic way about resource management. Every school should adopt a
forest or part of an ecosystem that's close to them and be involved in
nurturing that and looking at the negative feedback from development
and looking at the positive feedback from conservation measures that
are instituted.
Brundtland also said that if we don't do
that in a major way, we will be losing valuable time. When the rhetoric
about the healthy economy gets going, people are very quick to say:
"Gee, if the economy or our lifestyle is threatened, we won't make
those decisions that will preserve that lifestyle — or a good measure
of it — long into the future." Our planning horizons have to change. We
have to look at a 200-year planning horizon at least with respect to
forest management. The longest one I've seen is 100 years. In the
interior of the province that doesn't even get you regrowth to a
merchantable size in some of the species.
The idea that we
can sustain the present activities is a notion that has to be
incorporated into policy. In my view, we have to look at large-scale
zoning of the forest base to allow significant parts of it to go
through the old-growth cycle. You might think this is talking about
forest management, but as I said previously, forest management is
environmental management in the forested ecosystems.
The
long rotation age that we must institute in a lot of areas will enhance
the environment and will allow the total environment — the flora and
the fauna — to flourish and adapt to changes in weather patterns and to
changes as a result of disturbances due to environmental contaminants,
man-made disturbances, erosion or whatever. I think that in the process
of long-term evolution, we allow the process of nature to continue to
develop and enhance the environment. We have to map the blueprints that
exist in the wilderness in order to simulate and repair the man-made
disturbances.
To show that this is not a simple matter,
when we look at preserving old-growth forest in the province as
blueprints, I think we also have to preserve what I call young growth.
We have to take areas that have been burned over and not necessarily
reforest them and create a plantation, but allow the stages of
evolution to go on, which is a low-cost way of allowing an ecosystem to
evolve. After 300 years, it will then become an old-growth system.
That's the way nature does it, and that then becomes another blueprint.
We can watch that evolution take place.
I think we have to
be humble as agents of evolution here and watch what nature has done in
a very complex set of environments. On the whole language of so-called
management, we could take advice from whoever said that "man who
manages least manages best." I think we need to approximate natural
systems of management a lot better.
That leads us to
looking at minimal or zero discharge systems. We have to immediately
begin the stage of planning for zero discharge, unless those discharges
can be seen to be beneficial to the environment. In the long run that
will be the most cost-effective. I would hope that government would
take initiatives to invest in those areas or to allow the
[ Page 10115 ]
experimentation of resource management
and
industrial activities that we want to be models for sustainable
development. I feel that there are many more than meet the eye. There
are a lot of them percolating around in communities. A lot of people
would like to experiment, because they feel that by using conservative
resource management techniques, it is going to save money in the long
run — not 25 years, but certainly in the 100- and 200-year time-frame.
That's a difficult one to build into government decision-making.
I'd
like to comment a bit about some of the things that the bill doesn't
address, and that is habitat management. The Ministry of Environment's
budget has gone up by 0.7 percent. We think that this bill could have
covered a lot of issues like wildlife habitat management. Wildlife
habitat officers and conservation officers are critical in order to
determine what is sustainable environment for those species which,
incidentally, have value for themselves and certain economic values.
Wilderness tourism, based on hunting and fishing, is an extremely
important and a very fast-growing area of the economy, and they require
virtually undisturbed ecosystems. If they are disturbed, they have to
be very carefully interfered with, so as to not restrict the continued
development and conservation of those important species.
[4:00]
We're seeing here the largest increase in the Minister of
Environment's funds being expended at a high level, which allows the
government to pick certain high-profile projects and not to invest in
multi-resource, integrated-resource and holistic-resource planning at
the local level, where we can begin to see some real cost-effectiveness
in terms of government spending.
I think we've seen in the
past few years a beleaguered civil service that's trying its best but
can't move fast enough. We have a situation where wildlife habitat
officers can't evaluate cutting permits as fast as the Ministry of
Forests can send them to their desks. There are a dozen of them in the
province, and they have had to concentrate on major options in timber
management which will protect the habitat. I think the need to
integrate the Ministry of Environment and the Ministry of Forests at
the regional and local levels would bring about a very cost-effective
way of providing public service to protect public resources. This
government is not doing enough in that respect.
This bill
indicates the reactive mode that the government is in, in dealing with
serious environmental problems, and not the proactive stance that I
think is necessary at all levels, regions and districts. I'll leave my
comments at that, Mr. Speaker.
DEPUTY SPEAKER : Thank you. Before we
proceed, I will just
remind hon. members — and I purposely did not want to interrupt the
second member for Cariboo — that there are many items being mentioned
here by both sides of the House that would be much better canvassed at
the time of the ministry's estimates. We are really dealing only with
the principle of Bill 16. 1 would just like to bring that to the
attention of all members.
MS. MARZARI :
Mr. Speaker, it is the principle of this bill that we are addressing
when we talk about sustainable environment. The fund which is being
promoted to address sustainable environment, we believe, has no
principle. Does that mean there should be no debate? I don't think so.
Why doesn't this bill have a principle?
AN HON. MEMBER : It's unprincipled.
[Mr. De Jong in the chair.]
MS. MARZARI : Perhaps because it is
unprincipled. Let me explain that for a few minutes.
Politically
speaking, it's always nice to grab together a big fund — the big-fund
theory. It's rather like the big-bang theory about what created the
universe. The big-fund theory has been used by the federal government
over the last number of years to provide funds for day care and to do
stuff for the environment. Very often these funds are introduced into
the federal House, and they announce billions of dollars and stretch
them over seven years. By the time you crack them all out and look at
them and find out that they're basically recycled money, and then you
divide them by ten provinces, and again by the number of years these
funds are available, you find that you've got less than you started
with. Very often you find yourself, in the context of the federal
government, fighting for what you've got now so that you don't end up
being retrenched and pushed back. This is what happened on the day care
bill.
When I come to look at this bill, I see it's even
more cynical than that. It is not a big fund pulled together out of a
genuine planning process which has taken a careful look at the roots of
the problem and attempts to address the larger problem with a sustained
amount of money over a sustained number of years. What I see here is a
sustainable environment fund which in itself is not sustainable. This
fund is not sustainable.
In fact, the attention of the
Minister of Environment and the Minister of Forests, who were here a
few minutes ago on their own bill.... Their attention span isn't
terribly sustainable, since they are not sitting in their seats. The
Minister of Forests has left, after our leader pointed out that he
hadn't read
section 11 of his own bill to deal with hazardous waste
disposal.
I should say that sustainable environment is
about the principle that you can't take more than you're giving back.
You can't take more out of a system, out of the earth, out of the
ground, than you in fact give back. You can't take more out of
the
taxpayers to address your problems than you give back. You don't
survive.
The sustainable environment fund that I see in
front of me is a hodge-podge of other funds that have been collected,
put into one pot and are being sold as a sustainable fund. Let me tell
you that the $222
[ Page 10116 ]
million
coming into this fund — which is already being spent and would have
been spent anyway for reforestation — is nothing more than a simple
bookkeeping transfer from the Ministry of Forests to some
conglomeration of ministers sitting in the cabinet who will be making
decisions about reforestation. Don't kid me — reforestation has to go
on in this province as it always has. It has to be paid for. Let's not
kid ourselves that the money is not going to go into reforestation. If
it doesn't, there will be a lot to answer for.
The
remainder'of that fund largely comes from small tariffs and levies and
taxes that look good on paper but are not going to produce a lot of
money Fifty million dollars is coming In from lottery money that didn't
happen to be expended last year, because the Lottery Fund came to an
abrupt halt. It was not spent last year, and there were many reasons
why not.
Let's face it, this fund is not a fund as much as
it is an election gimmick not intended to last beyond the election
call, because $222 million plus $50 million plus a few levies does not
a commitment make. It is basically an election fund which in itself
cannot be maintained.
The second reason this fund cannot be
considered credible is that it lacks accountability. It lacks
accountability at the top and it lacks accountability at the bottom. At
the bottom you've established a round table. People in this province
know about the Social Credit government's round tables. They generally
aren't round. They are generally very long tables, and many people —
the citizens of this province and the workers — sit below the salt at
that table. Accountability at the bottom is not guaranteed. Communities
are not plugged into this fund, from anything I see in this bill. In
fact, what I see in this bill is a method of extracting levies and
taxes out of local communities, with no promises as to how they're
going to be spent back in those communities.
Accountability
at the top. Well, I sit on the Public Accounts Committee. I happen to
chair it, and just this week we are looking at the Lottery Fund, and we
will be looking at it again next Tuesday morning This government does
not have a good reputation when it comes to spending funds — special
funds in particular. The Lottery Fund, according to the auditor-general
of the province, has suffered badly from the fact that it has not had
guidelines. Where it has had guidelines, those guidelines have been
exceeded or ignored. There have always been exceptions, and where there
have been exceptions, they are called "special exceptions." Finally,
after this was all divulged in the last year, the Lottery Fund has
given itself a special ministerial committee. Now it's the ministerial
committee that will be looking at the guidelines and the special
programs. Are we satisfied with that? Is there arm's length there? I
fear not.
Moreover, the auditor-general has suggested that
the guidelines that did exist weren't really circulated to the larger
community and that people in the communities didn't understand that
money was available. When they did understand that money was available,
very often there were bidding wars for particular kinds of projects.
When guidelines changed, communities weren't told about that either.
Also, when community groups did receive their money, they were not
asked for appropriate reporting back to government. These are not bad
agencies; these are good community agencies. Government — your side of
the House — did not ask for standard reports on how the money was
spent.
There was no monitoring after the money was given out.
DEPUTY SPEAKER :
Hon. member, I must remind you that we are dealing with the bill before
us. It has nothing to do with the Lottery Fund, except for a portion of
lottery funds to be attributed to this ministry and its program. I
would suggest that you get back to the principle of the bill.
MS. MARZARI :
The non-principle of the bill. The Sustainable Environment Fund Act
sets up a fund. The Lottery Fund was for $86 million last year; this
program is for $300 million. The connection, Mr. Speaker, is that this
government is not very good at spending funds. It knows how to spell
"fund"; it can put "fund" into
an act; it can create a very pretty
piece of paper that incorporates from their polling all of the
environmental issues that are affecting communities. But when they set
up a fund, they don't know how to advertise it, call for tenders or put
it out with proper guidelines. They don't know how to ask for
appropriate reporting back.
What are the similarities
between this fund and the Lottery Fund? Once again we'll have an
interministerial committee. Is it called the sustainable development
committee? I'm not quite sure. It's going to be deciding how this fund
is to be spent.
What should this government be doing? I
think it might be better off looking at the roots of the problem rather
than the politics of the solution. The root of the problem we're faced
with here is that we cut too much in our forests. We cut in the wrong
places. We take out 100 million cubic metres of wood a year in a
province which, we are told by the environmentalists, should cut only
40 million cubic metres. The moderate foresters who have studied the
issues of rotation and what can be regrown tell us that we should be
cutting only 65 million cubic metres. That is the root problem here. We
overcut; we cut in the wrong places.
The problems of
management that grow out of that have to do with the fact that we don't
know how to collect the money from our forests that we should be
collecting. We seem to be collecting $600 million a year from our
forests and our stumpage and our TFLs. Once again, we did not do a
proper job last year, according to the auditor-general, of collecting
the most basic of fees from our stumpage. That seems to be the root
problem in our forests right now, Mr. Speaker.
The whole
problem is being avoided very nicely by setting up a fund which talks
about sustainable environment and mixes together hazardous waste
disposal, toxic wastes, air pollution, tires and dispos-
[ Page 10117 ]
able diapers, and throws them all into
a hopper with the fact that
we mismanage our land resource and our forests. That whole problem is
being dumped from the Ministry of Forests onto the back of the Minister
of Environment, who is going to be stuck with some kind of
interministerial committee, advised by a special commission. The whole
problem is going to be sidestepped very nicely this year, just before
an election. That's what I think is happening here, and that's what I
think the motivation for this fund is.
[4:15]
Go back to the roots. Go back to the basic problem. Go back to
how
we spend our wealth in this province. Our wealth depends upon our land
and our resources, and upon how we treat them. I come from Vancouver,
the largest clearcut in this province, as has been pointed out many
times; and in my community, when I sat on city council, I dealt with
the fundamental power that I had at city council. That fundamental
power had to do with land use, with densities of development. Every
time I made a development decision around a zoning, a densification or
a bonusing, I knew that I was handing out dollars; I was granting the
community benefits to people who wanted to develop in our city. I knew
that. It was money I was giving out when I was handing out zoning and
density. It was money that we were taking back in on city council —
balancing our budgets every year to ensure that proper services were
delivered back.
You don't take more than you can give back.
In our forests, we take more and more each year. We don't ask how much
they're cutting. We don't ask where they're cutting. We don't ask if
they're putting it back. We just cut more and more. When we realize
we're up against a wall, what do we do? We lift the problem right out
of the Ministry of Forests and hand it over to Environment in the form
of a nice big parcel called the sustainable environment fund.
This is probably — more than the BS fund — the biggest piece
of smoke and mirrors we've seen thus far in this House.
HON. MR. MESSMER :
I've listened to the opposition this afternoon refer to the Sustainable
Environment Fund Act as if it was going to be the cure-all for
everything that happens in British Columbia.
But I would
remind the other side that it's exactly what it says: it's a fund act.
It's where the dollars go in, and where the dollars go out. If you look
at it, it very clearly says that the object of the fund is to provide
for programs to protect and enhance the environment and for forest
renewal initiatives. I don't think that either side of the House really
disagrees — or shouldn't — with the object of the fund act under that
basis.
The speech that we heard from the second member for Cariboo
(Mr. Zirnhelt) clearly outlined that he was in favour of that object, I
believe. It clearly states where the funding comes from. In other
words, it says that $50 million is going to be transferred from the
Lottery Fund.
goes on to say that it will also be transferred from the Financial
Administration Act, which means, in the case of parks where there are
funds set aside through Crown lands for the purchasing of property,
that it's already approved by budget. From there it will be transferred
to the Sustainable Environment Fund Act for us to apply to.
talks about the proceeds from the government sale of tree seeds and
seedlings. The list goes on and on. I guess what I'm saying is that it
also talks about the Waste Management Act and fees from the Environment
Management Act, Fisheries Act, Litter Act, Park Act and Pesticide
Control Act. We're clearly outlining the areas within our jurisdiction
where some of these funds should come from that are going to be shown
as revenue. I congratulate the ministry for bringing this in to show us
exactly where the dollars are going to be raised each year.
The
remark was made by the last speaker that the Sustainable Environment
Fund Act does not say where it's going to get its funds from year to
year. I suppose that's only good management, in that we should be
deciding whether or not the fund is a progressive one, whether or not
it's curing what we're trying to cure and whether or not it's negative.
Consequently, because of that, each year we can decide through
government the number of dollars that should go into the fund.
also says where the expenditures are going to go upon application:
"Initiatives to reduce solid, liquid, hazardous and atmospheric wastes;
land acquisition costs for park, fish conservation and wildlife
conservation purposes...." The list goes on and on.
also says in here that when we're talking about municipal waste — the
Waste Management Act — we're talking about applications through the
Ministry of Municipal Affairs.
It's too bad she's leaving
right now, but the last speaker spoke about the fact that in the city
in which she was an alderman, whatever dollars they took in, they
spent, and they had a balanced budget. What they didn't tell you was
that they had a problem with their infrastructure because they didn't
set any money aside to look after the sewage and waste that they have
within their community.
While they said that they were
making dollars for the community, and bringing dollars back into their
municipal council so that they could exercise the right given to them
by the electors to spend those dollars, they put no money aside to look
after the future.
Consequently, through this bill — this
Sustainable Environment Fund Act — it's my belief that that's exactly
what we're doing. We're looking after the future for British Columbia.
We're clearly outlining where the money comes from and where it's
going, no matter which department it comes from or goes to. In other
words, what we're trying to say and do within the province is work with
municipalities.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
[ Page 10118 ]
We're
also saying in here that to start with we're going to charge a fee for
lead acid batteries and for tires within the province. It's a start,
and it's called "user-pay." I don't think anyone can disagree with that.
We've
come to the time when you can no longer ship your stuff out of the
large metropolitan areas to the area that I happen to live in — the
central part of British Columbia — without it costing you any dollars.
That's what this act is going to help reduce.
Mr. Speaker, I support Bill 16, the Sustainable Environment
Fund Act.
MR. SPEAKER : The second member for Nanalmo.
MR. REID : Tell us about the recycling plant
in Nanaimo.
MS. PULLINGER :
Oh, the past Minister of Tourism wants to talk about recycling. How
interesting! Maybe we should talk about recycling. What a good idea!
That is a wonderful idea, Mr. Speaker, because obviously we're talking
about recycling in this bill.
Interjection.
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. We still have a quorum if the member for Surrey–White
Rock–Cloverdale (Mr. Reid) leaves. Short of that, we could ask him to
restrain himself while the member talks about the principle of the bill.
MS. PULLINGER :
This Sustainable Environment Fund Act purports to be based on the basic
principle of sustainability. As we all know, and as one of my
colleagues said, the principle of sustainability is all about not
taking out more than you put in; dealing with our resources, our
environment and our economy in such a way that we can do what we need
to do today without damaging the ability of future generations to use
those same resources. That's the principle that we're being told this
bill is based on.
However, I'd like to point out that what
we're hearing is simply not believable, for a number of reasons.
Probably one of the most salient reasons for this bill simply lacking
credibility is the inherent conflict between the right-wing, Social
Credit, neoconservative economic agenda and the principle of
sustainability. The two simply don't work together They can't. It makes
it very difficult to believe that this bill and the principles behind
it are anything but politically motivated.
There is that
conflict, because let's not forget what a neoconservative agenda is.
Let's not forget what Social Credit and its counterpart in Ottawa, the
Conservative government, and that right-wing think-tank the Fraser
Institute, and the neoconservative politics behind and around that, are
all about. They're all based on a nineteenth-century economic analysis.
It's outdated and outmoded, but they still hang on to it and cherish it
as a central myth, a central ideal. For these neoconservatives, the job
is to free up the engine of the economy. That's the principle behind
right-wing economics.
If you are going to free up and fuel
that engine of the economy, then you do things like deregulate. For
instance, you let pulp mills and polluters look after themselves and
monitor themselves. Part of deregulation is privatization, where
everything is arm's-length, such as privatizing highways. It costs us a
lot more and it's not as effective; however, it fits with that
neoconservative principle.
One of the flaws in that whole
economic analysis, I might point out, is that it assigns no value to
things like clean air and clean water. There's a single economic,
monetary goalpost that kind of forgets things like environment and
social structure and people and society.
What we've seen
under this government is a following of the Thatcher regime, where
they're privatizing everything without much discrimination. I remember
a lot of questions being asked about studies and why those things were
being done, and it's simply philosophical. It's a right-wing agenda,
and it doesn't work. You can't privatize research and development.
We've
allowed polluters to monitor themselves. We've gotten rid of things
like the rentalsman and rent review process and motor vehicle testing
stations in spite of the fact those things were all very effective. In
short, the neoconservative agenda, the Social Credit agenda, rejects
monitoring and regulation. It rejects long-term planning. It rejects
local input or local decision-making and is very much centralist.
That's the neoconservative agenda that obviously flies in the face of
all those basic principles of sustainability.
Sustainability,
as we know, is all about wholeness. It's all about dealing with things
in their context and in the larger picture and in the long term. People
are no longer prepared to put up with that kind of ad hoc
decision-making — lacking planning, regulation and effectiveness — that
we've had under Social Credit for far too long. They're not going to
buy this most recent political ad hoc bill either. It simply lacks
credibility.
Aside from that very basic inherent conflict,
which makes all of us roll our eyes a little bit when we see a bill
titled Sustainable Environment Fund Act, there are some other things
that are wrong in the principle of this bill. One of the major things,
also something we've seen a lot of, is that this whole bill is
deceptive. It's misleading. It represents everything that's bad about
this government. It lacks accountability. It's a slush fund where
spending is very much at ministerial discretion. It lacks any real
guidelines. In fact, it's a sloppy bill.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please. I have to ask
the member for Surrey–White Rock–Cloverdale to restrain himself or
excuse himself.
Would the member continue.
[ Page 10119 ]
MS. PULLINGER : I think one of the ways in
which this bill is misleading is that we have a fund that supposedly is
a new fund and new money.
MR. LOENEN : No. You said that; we never
said that.
MS. PULLINGER :
Oh no. It was quite clear that this was a new fund. I think the member
should go back and read some of the speeches we have heard from his
side of the House.
It is supposedly new money, but most of
it, in fact, is $222 million that has been removed from the Ministry of
Forests, where there is accountability, and put into a slush fund,
where there isn't accountability. Not only that, but the bill is just a
bit sloppy. You take it out of Forests and put it into a so-called
sustainable environment fund. Then, before the bill has even passed, it
is amended by the people who brought it in. It then takes the Forests
money, which went out of Forests into an Environment fund, and puts it
back into the hands of Forests. The only difference is that it has been
recycled through a fund. Instead of being accountable through the
normal process of ministerial spending, it now goes through a slush
fund, from Forests to this fund, and back to the ministerial discretion
of Forests. The accountability simply isn't there.
The
money hasn't changed; it's just a shell game. All that's missing — all
that's gone with this whole proposal — is accountability. That simply
isn't good enough. I don't think ministerial discretion is something
that the public is willing to have as a criterion for spending. So the
largest portion of the money in this fund is simply removed from
Forests and put into this fund, to be spent by the Forests ministry.
MR. LOENEN : It's making good legislation
better.
MS. PULLINGER :
It's making legislation, but it's creating what's obviously a political
slush fund that lacks accountability. It's similar to the other funds
we have seen, like the Lottery Fund. In fact, it recycles Forests money
into this fund. It also recycles lottery money into this fund — some
$50 million. So we have $270 million of this so-called new money coming
out of existing funds and ministries and simply being put under a new
umbrella. That's not a commitment to the environment; that's no new
initiative or new fund. It's simply a shell game, and nothing much else.
The
other thing is that this is touted as an increase in environmental
funding. When you peel away all the layers, all the games and all the
shifting around of funds — there are a few amendments to this act that
obfuscate it just a bit more — what you find is that environmental
funding has increased less than 1 percent. When you factor in
inflation, that is a decrease.
[4:30]
With its shifting of more than $200 million out of Forests
into this fund, it also represents a long-term decrease in the Forests
budget. Neither of those is acceptable. We have major problems in both
of those areas. Particularly for the government to decrease those two
ministers' funding while saying they are increasing environmental and
Forests spending just isn't the way it ought to be done. It's not
credible at all.
think one of the other reasons this bill lacks credibility in terms of
being sustainable is that the things that are purported to be dealt
with under it could have — and should have — been done by this
government a
long time ago. We've heard a lot of talk about recycling, but we have
only seen recycling in things like this bill, where we see one account
recycled to another. We haven't seen any moves towards effective
control of disposal of toxic wastes or any effective cleanup of our
environment — our air and our water — which badly needs it. And we have
seen a continuation of overcutting and mismanagement of our forest
resources, lax standards and insufficient restocking of logged land.
What
we are seeing is an inherent conflict in a government that really isn't
dealing with the problem. Instead it comes up with a bill that somehow
is supposed to rectify all of those problems but that, in fact, doesn't
do much. I would suggest that maybe it is an attempt to clean up the
government's image more than the environment.
The remaining
money under this bill comes from a new tax. Again it's deceptive,
because we have heard again and again how there are no new taxes under
the latest budget. I find it interesting indeed that these new "levies,
" as the government side of the House is fond of calling them, are in
addition to the Social Service Tax Act, which makes me think that this
is possibly a tax and should be identified as such.
What we
see with those taxes is a levy — or a tax — not on those who create
pollution, not on manufacturers.... There is no incentive to make
things that are less polluting. What we see instead is a tax on people
rather than polluters. We see a tax on mothers, not on manufacturers.
There's no incentive to recycle in this bill, and there's no incentive
for research and development, or to find or create ways to produce
goods that are either less polluting, not polluting or perhaps even
environmentally beneficial. None o