British Columbia Hansard — Thursday, October 5, 2017 p.m. — Number 31 (HTML) (41st Parliament, 2nd Session)
20171005pm-House-Blues
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
Second Session, 41st Parliament
(2017) OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Thursday, October 5, 2017
Afternoon Sitting
Issue No. 31
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Routine Business
Introductions by Members
Introduction and First Reading of Bills
Bill M202 — Property Law and Land Title Amendment Act,
A. Weaver
Orders of the Day
Second Reading of Bills
Bill 2 — Budget Measures Implementation Act, 2017
(continued)
Hon. A. Dix
P. Milobar
Hon. J. Sims
A. Weaver
T. Wat
Hon. S. Robinson
J. Yap
Hon. K. Chen
M. Morris
Hon. J. Darcy
J. Thornthwaite
Royal Assent to Bills
Bill 4 — Acting Information and Privacy Commissioner Continuation
Act
Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room
Committee of Supply
Estimates: Ministry of Agriculture (continued)
Hon. L. Popham
J. Rustad
I. Paton
N. Letnick
Estimates: Ministry of Labour
Hon. H. Bains
J. Martin
S. Cadieux
D. Barnett
G. Kyllo
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2017
The House met at 1:32 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Introductions by Members
R. Chouhan: It gives me great pleasure to introduce a friend of mine who I believe
is here, up in the gallery, Mr. Baldev Singh Nijjer. He’s joined by Baldev
Singh Bajwa from India. Another friend is here, Ranjit Singh Kalsi. Please
join me to give them a warm welcome.
Introduction and
First Reading of Bills
BILL M202 — PROPERTY LAW AND
LAND TITLE AMENDMENT ACT,
A. Weaver presented a bill intituled Property Law and Land Title
Amendment Act, 2017.
A. Weaver: I move that a bill intituled the Property Law and Land Title
Amendment Act, 2017, of which notice has been given, be introduced and
read a first time now.
Mr. Speaker: Please proceed.
A. Weaver: I’m pleased to introduce a bill intituled the Property Law and
Land Title Amendment Act, 2017. This bill amends the existing Property
Law Act to ensure that land held within the agricultural land reserve is
protected from international real estate speculation. If passed, this
bill would prohibit foreign entities from purchasing ALR land over five
acres without prior permission from the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.
At UBCM last week, I met with communities in northern British
Columbia. They emphasized the impact that the foreign purchase of ALR
lands is having on local farmers, their local economies and our food
security. For example, in Cariboo North, 42,000 acres have been bought
by two foreign entities, with a total of 22,239 acres being removed from
local agricultural production. This is affecting the local price of hay
and pricing farmers out of the market.
Many other provinces regulate and restrict foreign ownership of
agricultural land in this way, including Alberta, Saskatchewan,
Manitoba, Quebec and PEI. Our agricultural land reserve should have the
same protection.
Mr. Speaker: The question is the first reading of the bill.
Motion approved.
A. Weaver: Now I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for
second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
Bill M202, Property Law and Land Title Amendment Act, 2017,
introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day
for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
[1:35 p.m.]
Orders of the Day
Hon. M. Farnworth: In this chamber, I call continued debate on Bill 2. In Committee A, I call
the estimates of the Ministry of Agriculture and, subsequent to that, the
estimates of the Ministry of Labour.
Second Reading of Bills
BILL 2 — BUDGET MEASURES
IMPLEMENTATION ACT, 2017
(continued)
Hon. A. Dix: It’s great to rejoin the debate on Bill 2, the Budget Measures
Implementation Act.
I think the measures contained within this act, which are
essentially the taxation measures of the budget, demonstrate the good
sense of the Minister of Finance and the good sense of the government in
guiding the economy in these times.
[L. Reid in the chair.]
I would say — and members of the House will know this — if you
look at the taxation measures contained overall in the budget and you
include the changes to MSP premiums, which the distinguished opposition
Finance critic mentioned in her speech, you’ll see, hon. Speaker, an
annualized reduction of $1.245 billion.
If you understand how MSP premiums are paid in British Columbia,
that means a reduction in taxes for many individuals, particularly
middle-class individuals, and a more affordable economy for them — more
for them in a time when it’s less and less easy to find housing in many
parts of our province. It makes life more affordable for them. It’s part
of a commitment our leader, the Premier, made in advance of the election
campaign, and it’s an important commitment.
It is true that at the last minute there was an effort in the last
Liberal budget — one not passed by this Legislature — to reduce MSP
premiums. This measure, the measure introduced by the Minister of
Finance, is $374 million more generous than that. That measure, which
was put together at the last minute, was ineffective, impossible to
implement and would have caused serious problems in the economy for
business and for individuals alike.
So they put forward a measure that couldn’t work and wasn’t going
to work. We put forward a measure that was fundamental to our
commitment. I’m very proud of that. It means savings for people across
British Columbia, not just individuals but small businesses,
medium-sized businesses and, indeed, big businesses. That is the most
significant tax measure in the budget.
What it suggests and what it indicates, when combined with all of
the other measures — those that increase taxes and those that cut taxes
— is that there’s a net tax reduction in this budget of $389 million in
this fiscal year and $881 million in the next fiscal year. That is
plain. One can try and separate the tax increases from the tax cuts and
claim something else, but if you take all of the measures, if you take
the budget as a whole, that is what the budget is. That’s what the
budget does.
To argue that the MSP reduction of 50 percent doesn’t count,
doesn’t matter and doesn’t affect people is to misunderstand how
important it is in people’s lives. It’s $900 in savings for many
individuals who are struggling with affordability but also significant
savings for many small businesses and other businesses who, in British
Columbia, pay MSP premiums and don’t in any other jurisdiction. So it’s
a significant change.
Equally, in the budget, you’ll see the extension, through 2022, of
the science and tech tax credit — $175 million annualized, a tax
reduction in this budget. You’ll see a 20 percent reduction in the small
business tax. It’s $81 million but a 20 percent reduction in the rate,
which is a significant advantage to small businesses who live on
Kingsway and throughout British Columbia.
The government has also brought in tax changes that benefit credit
unions all around British Columbia and that extend the previous tax
treatment of credit unions to allow them to fully participate in the
community. It’s something that’s an advantage to the economy in every
region of British Columbia.
We’ve seen the benefits of the tax credits for apprenticeships,
the tax credits for digital industries, the tax extension and supports
around extending the thresholds for the homeowner grant — all of them,
significant tax changes.
[1:40 p.m.]
People like to talk about what the numbers are. The budget that
was introduced in February contained a surplus of approximately a
quarter of a billion dollars, $250 million. This budget contains
approximately the same surplus. That’s the base from which government
was making its decisions. I think that the Minister of Finance — by
reducing costs on business, by reducing costs on individuals, by making
life more affordable — has done absolutely the right thing in this
budget.
The minister has also, in the context of a very significant
overall tax reduction, made some changes to bring about tax fairness —
in particular, for people earning over $150,000 a year. It’s on the
amount they earn over $150,000 a year that the tax changes come into
effect. Those changes are very, very significant, of course. We have to
consider them seriously, but they bring a modicum of
fairness.
Members will recall that a tax cut was introduced under the last
government to essentially give those individuals, the wealthiest 1
percent in British Columbia, a significant tax cut at a time when MSP
premiums were going up during that period, and so on. Those were the
choices made, and government is about choosing. That government chose
tax cuts for the very wealthiest, and we’re choosing a 50 percent
reduction in MSP premiums in this budget. Those are the choices, and
people can judge those choices. The member opposite is welcome to
disagree with those choices, and I expect that she will in her
statements.
Those are the changes that have been brought in. We have brought
in changes to the carbon tax. We’ve ended revenue neutrality so that
those carbon tax revenues can be brought into force to support the
government’s overall environmental and carbon agenda. We’ve made those
changes. Again, this is a subject of debate and choice, but these are
the choices that this government has made and that this Minister of
Finance has made.
It is indisputable, if you look at all of those changes, including
the increase in taxes around the Tobacco Tax Act, that this budget
dramatically reduces the costs on British Columbians and does so in a
more progressive way than the previous government did. This is
indisputable. I encourage people who want to read about it and see the
actual facts, not the rhetorical debate on either side, to actually read
the budget. I recommend that people listening to us do — pages 59 and 60
of the budget. They’ll see what the tax changes are in this
budget.
Those tax changes have been made, including a $374 million
increase in the tax cut on the MSP premium, compared to the failed
Liberal plan from before the election — the one that couldn’t work, that
couldn’t be implemented, that would have been a disaster for business
and that they introduced at the last minute. There’s that and all of the
other things. They’ll see what the actual net tax change in the budget
is. In this budget, that’s a $389 million tax cut in 2017-18, and it’s a
$881 million tax cut in ’18-19. Those are the changes that are actually
in the budget.
I think it’s important, when you look at the budget overall, where
we’ve taken a budget surplus that we inherited and that we acknowledge,
of about $250 million…. We introduced, in this budget, a budget surplus
of about $246 million. In other words, we’ve maintained the surplus in
this budget.
It’s a balanced budget, introduced by the Minister of Finance,
beyond dispute. We have to, of course, throughout the fiscal year, take
care on these questions. But that’s what the Minister of Finance
introduced — a balanced budget that is more progressive, that ensures
that life is more affordable for small business and that ensures that
life is more affordable for individuals who need that.
It also introduces, as you know, the other measures in the budget:
the elimination of tuition fees on adult basic education, amongst many
other initiatives, including raising income assistance rates, which is
something that the previous government had, I think, wrongly failed to
do over a long period of time. It’s a disagreement between our side of
the House and their side of the House.
Our priorities are expressed in the budget. Those priorities — to
support housing, to support low-income people, to support small business
— are reflected in the budget measures that we’ve taken. I think, on
balance, this is why I disagree with the opposition’s no vote on the
budget. They said no to this budget, which did reduce these costs on
people. They have a different view, and it may be their view that we
should have cut other taxes or we should have made other changes. That’s
their view, and that’s a legitimate view to hold, I suppose.
[1:45 p.m.]
Our view — it’s the view that’s clearly expressed in this budget
document — is that life is going to become less and less and less
affordable for people. The level of inequality in our province has grown
over time, and we needed to take measures to ensure and to protect some
people in society and to give them more opportunity in
society.
That’s precisely what my colleague the member for
Vancouver-Hastings has done with the initiatives that he’s brought into
place. That’s precisely what my colleague the Minister of Advanced
Education has done with respect to adult basic education. It’s precisely
what the member for Vancouver-Hastings has done with respect to bus
passes.
These are the changes that needed to be made. If life was
unaffordable for most people, the people who were paying high MSP
premiums that had doubled under the previous government…. If life was
unaffordable for them, it was for many people in the province
unendurable. That’s why the government has taken the measures they
have.
What we have here in the Budget Measures Implementation Act is a
series of measures, balanced measures, measures taken in the whole
budget that reduce the overall burden on people, particularly with
respect to MSP premiums. They’re in the context of a budget that
protects people and that increases supports for some people in a way
that I think is consistent with the values of British Columbians, and
it’s a budget that will encourage and support economic growth in British
Columbia.
I encourage all members to support Bill 2.
P. Milobar: It’s my pleasure to rise and give my comments on Bill 2. I must
admit that I was struggling at first, thinking how I would fill the
time, but there have just been so many things said after the first two
speakers from the other side that I think I might be able to muddle my
way through.
Over the past few years in B.C., we’ve made incredible steps
forward, leading the country in economic growth and development, and
we’ve done that second to none. We’ve had a clear vision on how we
planned to create that economic growth. We’ve seen the highest job
numbers, the strongest economy. That has been verified even as we headed
into this budget update with the public accounts being brought forward,
where even the Finance Minister acknowledges that we had a very strong
financial situation and that we were the envy of all of the country when
it related to what our financial state was at and our $2.7 billion
surplus.
Now we’re faced with this budget update. It does have several
concerning aspects to it. As we just heard, there seems to be a change
in the math. I’ve heard the expression. I didn’t quite understand it, I
must admit, before I came to Victoria. I would always hear this NDP math
phrase used, and I’m starting to maybe understand it a little bit
better.
When we read through the budget documents, what we see is about $2
billion more of taxation with this budget update. Now, I will agree with
the Minister of Health that you cannot just talk about that without the
cuts. So let’s look at MSP. I agree. There’s about $1 billion being
removed from what we were charging people for MSP premiums out of that
and being paid for by that $2 billion worth of taxes. That does
correlate.
Now, I come from local government where, when you give people
their property tax bill, you can’t pretend that the water bill isn’t
some form of taxation. MSP is much the same way. It’s a form of
taxation. Let’s give the benefit of the doubt, and let’s do the math and
say: “Okay. Out of that $2 billion of new taxation that we see in this
budget update, $1 billion of that is actually being used to offset the
change in MSP.” You’re taking from one tax to a different tax. It’s the
same taxpayers, but you’ve just reformulated it. I will agree to that
premise.
However, that still leaves $1 billion. I struggle to understand
how only the members opposite could convey that $1 billion of new
taxation, on strictly a budget update, is somehow making life more
affordable in British Columbia. It doesn’t make sense. It doesn’t stand
the test of “are the numbers accurate or not, and are the statements
accurate or not?” You say that you’re taxing an extra $1 billion, yet
somehow people will feel that life is more affordable.
[1:50 p.m.]
I say that…. The public has to have faith and confidence in the
numbers when they are presented, especially by representatives of the
Crown, back out. We’ve just been hearing about several hundred million
dollars worth of tax cuts, when, in fact, we know it’s about $1 billion
of net new taxation that’s going to happen.
In the comments before the break, the minister had indicated that
a 50-plus-one was used in the referendum for proportional representation
in 2009, which is not, in fact, accurate at all. I went back and looked
on the break. This goes back to: how can you trust numbers when they’re
bandied about? In fact, the last proportional representation referendum
needed a 60 percent overall approval and 50 percent approval in at least
60 percent of the ridings — unlike the current option that we are being
presented for the public, which is a flat 50-plus-one, full stop, no
counterbalance with the number of ridings needed.
I say that because…. Again, it’s about building trust around how
we are looking at the numbers. As they say, everyone can look at the
percentages and numbers and make them tell a tale that they would like.
In this case, as we stand here today, between my
interpretation and
several economists’
interpretation of $1 billion of new taxes in this
budget versus the $389 million of tax cuts that the previous speaker
spoke of…. That’s almost a $1.5 billion difference. It seems to be more
than a rounding error.
Now, I was very happy to hear both the previous speakers talk
about supporting the credit unions. I think that’s a good thing. They
obviously hold credit unions in very high regard, as do I and, I think,
as do most people around the province, especially in the smaller
communities. I would note, though…. Hopefully they take a page from the
credit unions, because credit unions, themselves…. When they’re going to
make a fundamental and large change to how their membership functions,
they need a 67 percent threshold, not a 50-plus-one. Maybe a bit more of
the credit union can rub off on the members opposite.
When we look at the increases, there’s an increase to the
corporate tax. It goes from 11 percent to 12 percent. To the average
person, that might not seem like a very big increase. Now, if you’re a
large corporation, however, it is. That’s the difference between us
being a leader in the country and us being in the middle of the pack as
a province in the country. That can make the difference between someone
choosing to invest here or not. That investment, in turn, brings
hundreds, if not thousands, of jobs when you’re talking the types of
corporations that these tax increases would take effect on.
Again, with my local government background…. You sometimes have to
look at the overall budget, and you say: “How does this all make sense?”
It doesn’t. I know that within British Columbia, the level of
inducements you can provide companies, frankly, as a municipality is
very, very limited because it’s illegal. Yet here we think that a
$50,000 bump into an Amazon bid, while we’re raising corporate income
taxes by 1 percent, from 11 to 12 percent, is somehow going to make the
difference for us, on a North American stage, to land the Amazon
headquarters.
I fully applaud the attempt to try to land the Amazon
headquarters. But honestly, if the members opposite feel that a $50,000
inducement for a company that’s looking to locate its next headquarters,
with 50,000 employees, is what’s going to make or break the difference
for a corporation of that size…. I would suggest that the 1 percent tax
hike — and it is an increase, not a decrease, as we’ve been hearing
about all these great tax decreases — will be way more detrimental than
a $50,000 inducement to try to attract an employer that would create
50,000 direct jobs.
In other words, the government seems to feel that the way to
attract Amazon here is to offer them $1, a single loonie, per employee
as a one-time charge, and that will get them here over every other
jurisdiction in North America. When all the other municipalities in
B.C…. I’m not familiar with the Vancouver Charter, and Vancouver
wouldn’t have the land mass, necessarily, inside their boundaries. They
may have. Every other municipality would be bound by the Local
Government Act, which would say they cannot give an inducement to
Amazon.
[1:55 p.m.]
Again, what could the province do to try to get Amazon here? Well,
I would suggest $1 per worker as a one-time inducement probably wouldn’t
get Amazon here. Perhaps looking more aggressively at our corporate tax
structure and making sure we stay as the leader in the country on the
corporate taxation side…. That’s something a company like Amazon and
other companies will actually pay attention to. That’s really how we’re
going to keep growing our economy.
That’s the concern. When you look at year 2 and year 3 of this
budget and this budget update, it’s fine to just say, “This is an
update,” but there’s a reason we ask for, and every government has to
provide, a three-year budget window and a view. Again, with my local
government background…. We had to provide a five-year window. Why did we
ask local governments to do five years, and why do we ask the provincial
government to do three years? It’s so that people get a good sense of
where you’re trying to head as a government, and there’s a sense of
whether your goals are realistic or not.
The reason the following years in the budget are concerning to me
is because here we already have $1 billion of new taxation. We have
almost zero of the bigger-ticket election promises made by both the NDP
and the B.C. Green Party in this budget update. Yet all the money in the
following years in this budget update has already been spent.
We already know this. We know this by looking at the budget
document. We can see that in year 2 and year 3 of a three-year document
here, there is no extra money. There are contingency funds, which is a
good thing, but as we saw this year, unfortunately, with the fire, those
contingency funds can be gone in a heartbeat.
So, again, why is this concerning? Because the projections that we
see on this budget update for future growth in this province, albeit
slightly lower than what other agencies are projecting for growth for
British Columbia over the next couple of years…. That slightly lower
difference does not cover the gap of what they’re hoping to do as a
government in implementing and spending in the future and what would
actually come in. In other words, they’ve already projected very
optimistically for what the growth revenues are going to create for
British Columbia, and they have not shown one dime of new spending of
their promises of things like $10-a-day child care, of things like the
$400 renter rebate, and other issues like that.
Where would that money possibly come from? If you’ve already
shown, in your future look, maximum revenues coming in under our
current, existing taxation regimes, your new policies you’re bringing
in, as well as your growth for the economy, where possibly could all
those extra revenues come in for all of these election promises that
we’ve heard so much about?
Well, one can only surmise they’re going to come from taxation,
which means, moving forward, that for every new election promise that
gets presented after this budget update, that has to come from a new
form of taxation. Somewhere within there, they have to find the money,
because I’m very confident that the new ministers do not want to see the
10 percent holdback of their salary if they ran into a deficit, and I’m
sure they wouldn’t want to see the other 10 percent holdback that their
salary is subject to if their own ministry comes into a
deficit.
Moving forward, it will be very interesting indeed to see how this
is going to happen without any new taxes. Why that’s concerning to me is
that then we look at the budget update and the proposal around the
carbon tax. We’ve now gone, again, from a leader in terms of revenue
neutrality with carbon tax back to the middle of the pack, and that
seems to be a recurring theme. It seems to be: “Let’s figure out how we
can make British Columbia mediocre.” I’m not going to do a play on the
famous down south slogan, because I find that to be entirely
inappropriate in terms of that.
This, though, is truly what seems to be happening in British
Columbia. We seem to have a government right now who is trying to find
ways to intentionally make us middle of the pack — not because of
outside market forces, not because things outside of their control are
happening in the global economy but because they actually are purposely
setting out, and their actual stated goals are, to have us in the middle
of the pack, to make us average, to make us just kind of fit into the
rest of the country, instead of being where we have been over the last
five years, leading the country.
[2:00 p.m.]
I think people in British Columbia want us to be leaders. I think
they want us in this House to be leaders, and I think they, as residents
of British Columbia, want our province to be leaders. This budget does
anything but that. This budget takes us back into the middle of the
pack.
Back to the carbon tax and why that’s concerning. We now see a
carbon tax that’s no longer going to be revenue neutral. In fact, it’s
going to increase, as every province would have to increase, to the
threshold the federal government is mandating. That is a given. However,
we were the only province with a revenue-neutral stance that we had
already implemented and, once again, were leading the pack with. Now
we’re talking about removing that.
There are a few things that are concerning about that. The
government has been very unclear as to whether or not the existing
funds, long term, that we’re currently collecting from carbon tax will
also no longer be subject to revenue neutrality. We know that the added
funds that will start taking effect in April 2018 aren’t going to be
revenue-neutral. We know that those funds, over 2018 and 2019, are going
to generate almost $700 million more for this government to
spend.
Normally, one might think: “Well, that’s because they have to pay
for those promises that they talked about in their campaign that they
haven’t funded yet.” I would understand that except for the fact that
$700 million of revenue has already been accounted for in existing
programming within that three-year budget. Again, we’ve seen an increase
in carbon taxation of almost $700 million over the next two years — net
profit to the government — but that money has already been spent before
an election promise has been delivered upon.
Where will the other money come from? Well, there’s all that other
carbon tax that, now that the rules are changing, suddenly isn’t
revenue-neutral anymore. I guess they might be able to dip into that.
But we’re not really sure.
Even more concerning is that industry still cannot get an answer
from government on what revenue-neutral means or doesn’t mean. The
greenhouse industry, as an example, currently receives about an 80
percent subsidy back for greenhouse gases and their carbon tax. There’s
no commitment whether this new $5,which is no longer revenue neutral,
will be subject to that 80 percent.
Are we now going to disconnect with trying to buy local, trying to
be good for the environment and trying to make sure that there’s a
stable agricultural industry by being punitive with the carbon taxation
on the greenhouse industry?
If that happens, the end result is that not only will taxes go up
for a short time until the greenhouses inevitably close…. The reason
they would close is because then we’d now have made it economically
viable for stores to even buy more produce out of California than they
currently do. We would be directly impacting our own industry. We’d be
increasing trucks on the road, driving all the way up the I-5 from
California. For what? Because we cannot get a clear answer as to what an
increase in carbon tax will actually mean.
The greenhouse industry is not the only industry. There are lots
of other industries. They’re hearing the right things, but no one’s
actually able to point to any policy or even attempted policy that the
government is bringing forward around this new-found slush fund of
taxation.
It’s a three-year budget so you only see the next two years of
carbon taxation. What they don’t show you is years 3 and 4, which still
are subject to another $5-a-year increase. It means you would now be
going from — rough math — $700 million collected over two years to
closer to $1.5 billion to $2 billion by year 4. Where is the plan? There
isn’t one.
It seems that when it comes to taxation, there’s a great plan on
how to pull money out of the economy. There doesn’t seem to be a plan to
put money back into the economy, although I guess I could stand to be
corrected. In all credit, the members opposite have committed to try to
put the princely sum of $50,000 back into the economy to lure Amazon
here.
As I say, I’m sure if a company the size of Amazon…. It’s valued
at, I think, $486 billion. I’m sure a $50,000 inducement should just
really…. Their HR department, I’m sure, is sitting there…. Their human
resources department is sitting back with their accounting department
and saying: “My, do you know what this would do to our labour costs if
we could get a one-time, one-dollar-an-employee out of the province of
British Columbia? Stop talking to every other jurisdiction because
that’s going to make the difference to us.” That’s the disconnect that I
have with this budget and this budget update.
[2:05 p.m.]
Now, I mentioned coming from the local government side a few
times. The carbon tax is very punitive when you start looking at school
districts and at municipalities. There’s a saying in local government,
and a very common saying, that there’s only one taxpayer. We say that in
local government a lot because local governments collect about eight
cents on every taxation-generated dollar collected in this
country.
In this budget, because of the carbon tax no longer being
revenue-neutral — and because municipalities, even though we’ve just had
UBCM, have no clear understanding how this is going to impact them
moving forward…. Or school districts. What we see is to two
jurisdictions that have been doing everything possible to find
efficiencies in terms of building retrofits, fleet management and fuel
consumptions…. In spite of all that, they will now be faced with
increased fuel costs to heat their public buildings and to fuel the
fleets, for the garbage trucks and the fire trucks and the police cars
that we all need to have properly running cities.
Why is that important? Well, that goes straight to your property
tax bill, because there’s only one taxpayer. It’s fine for the members
opposite to say, “Well, we’re cutting taxes,” when in fact they’re
actually increasing taxes by $1 billion net, but they’re also increasing
property taxes in a roundabout way by increasing the carbon
tax.
Not only are they going to pull some money out of your pocket on
the carbon tax every time you go to the pump to fill up your car, and
they’re going to pull it every time you turn your furnace on…. I have to
say, it’s a little balmy down here still, but even though I’m from
Kamloops…. Furnaces are being turned on daily and nightly in Kamloops
already. We already would see those types of carbon taxes impacting your
home heating costs.
Not only are homeowners going to be paying that; their
municipalities are going to have to turn around and say: “Oh by the way,
we had to increase your property taxes because we need to pay a little
bit more carbon tax on our fleets and our heating costs for
buildings.”
Energy consumption, for municipalities, is a huge percentage of
their budget. Most municipalities have done everything they can do to
try to be good citizens and lead by example, as government, to try to
reduce emissions as much as possible. Now they’re being faced with
increased taxation from this government because they no longer want to
have carbon be revenue-neutral.
That, again, is a contradiction on trying to make life affordable,
and affordable housing for people, when you’re essentially telling
municipalities: “Please raise property taxes because we need more money
in our coffers provincially.”
You’re also doing the same with this budget to the school
districts in terms of carbon taxation — school districts that are
looking for money. On the one hand, they’re heralding some of the new
money that may be coming their way, and then it’s going to get clawed
back right away with carbon taxation. Again, a very interesting shell
game, because there is only one taxpayer. That’s the problem with
this.
When you look at, saying that carbon tax is good and we’re going
to do more transit…. Well, coming from one of the larger cities outside
of the Metro area, I can tell you there’s not a lot more that can be
done with transit. We could add a few more hours here and a few more
hours there, but the bottom line is that people need their vehicles to
get around. They need them to drive 70 kilometres out into the bush to
work. They need them to be able to drive to get their kids to school and
back, to their after-school activities, because the bus system just
won’t quite cut it for them.
That’s the reality of living outside of the Metro area. Though I
applaud efforts to increase transit in the metro areas, and I’m a
staunch supporter of transit throughout the province, and I’ve always
supported every minute of transit service offered to our city, it’s not
the final answer for large geographic portions of this
province.
Instead, we’re going to take those large geographic portions of
this province and we’re going to tell the people who need to drive the
most, out of necessity: “You know what? You should pay more for the
privilege of doing that, with carbon tax, so that people in metro areas
can pay less for transit.” That doesn’t sit well when people look at the
budget — not in my area anyways.
[2:10 p.m.]
To sum up, we have a budget update which was predicated on numbers
from when we were government. We were verified by the now Finance
Minister to have had the leading economy in the country, the strongest
economic growth, the strongest job growth and an unheard-of surplus to
work with. And what we’re now faced with, instead….
Interjection.
P. Milobar: I’m glad the fan club showed up finally.
What we’re faced with instead now is we’ve gone from that to a
budget that is increasing $1 billion, net, in new taxation. That is
adding taxation to municipal governments and school districts. That’s
adding taxation every time somebody goes to a pump and tries to put gas
into their car. That’s adding taxation every time somebody moves the
dial on their thermostat, because: “How dare they stay warm? Everyone
can just put on an extra couple of layers of sweaters. That’s the better
way to go.” That’s what we have for a budget.
We have a budget here…. And this is only an update. Then we look
at the forward-looking, as I referenced earlier, and there were none of
the grand promises in that. But all the money has already been spent —
all of it. When you look at it, there’s no grand surplus sitting at the
end of year 2 and year 3. There’s none of that.
We have growth projections that are already close to what the
outside agencies project to be growth of our economy. Out of all of
that, we still have ministers saying that there are actually tax cuts,
that things are actually getting to be more affordable for people. Now,
I agree that things like the extra money for people on disability and
people on welfare…. Rates will help them and ease some of their pains
around affordability in terms of their monthly lives, absolutely. So
there are some people that this budget will be helping.
We’re talking about the global dollars. And the global dollars in
this right now would suggest that there is no money in there for any of
the NDP promises or the Green promises. However, as the Green leader has
so fondly pointed out, promises really are irrelevant when it comes to
an election. I guess that’s maybe why there’s not as much worry about
how to find the funding for moving forward.
After all, what’s the point of worrying about those pesky campaign
promises and the expectations that people may have? Now, I can say…. I’m
on the Finance Committee. We’ve had a few meetings already. They’re all
public meetings. Nothing I’m saying here today is not already on the
record at Hansard or has been recorded or broadcast. I can tell you,
Madame Speaker, there’s a whole lot of expectation by a whole lot of
groups out there that expect to see those campaign promises in the
budget, yet there’s no money in future budgets for any of those campaign
promises.
So where oh where is this going to come from? There are either
going to have to be significant cuts to services and a reallocation,
simply…. I applaud going through the ministries to make sure the money
that is being spent is being spent wisely. I think that’s always a
prudent course for any government of any political stripe to
do.
Thinking that finding the loose change under the cushions is going
to somehow magically pay for all of your promises…. I don’t think that’s
going to happen. Again, I know I’m going to sound a bit like a broken
record. I’ll go back to my local government history. Every election, you
have people that run and say: “You know, if we just purchase our paper a
little bit more effectively and make sure that we reuse the paper clips,
we won’t have to have a property tax increase.” I think we all are aware
of people that run in campaigns around that.
The taxpayers are never fooled by that. I don’t see why they’d be
fooled by this budget update. There is $1 billion of new taxation —
bottom line — in this. It’s a little from here. It’s a little from
there. There are some groups, absolutely, and some of the most
vulnerable that are going to benefit from this. I don’t hear people
complaining about that. I don’t. I don’t hear it in my riding. I don’t
hear it around the province. I think people, generally speaking, all
recognize that those types of supports are needed and they’re critical
and they should be there.
That’s not the type of supports we’re worried about. We’re worried
about the rest of the billion dollars of taxation and, more importantly,
where all the money for future promises is going to come
from.
[2:15 p.m.]
As I say, there’s a reason you’re supposed to show a couple of
years in advance for your budget. And when you look at those couple of
years in advance, not only is there $1 billion in new spending with this
budget update, but when you look at that whole document, there is no
money for future promises that were made in this most recent campaign.
That’s the most troubling and concerning part.
Thank you for allowing me this time, Madame Speaker, to speak on
Bill 2.
Hon. J. Sims: It’s a pleasure today to rise in support of Budget Update 2017,
but before I actually begin to talk about the budget….
As we all know, it’s a very special day today. It’s World Teachers
Day. I want to say what a pleasure it was to be on the steps of the
Legislature, having young children singing and teachers there to
celebrate this day.
Today I’m reminded of all the teachers who touched my life. Mrs.
Brown, who welcomed me, at the age of nine, into my elementary school in
England and was stuck with a young girl in her class who didn’t speak a
place and in such a foreign environment. Mrs. Roe, who inspired me to
fall in love with history — and I would say that she is responsible for
me becoming a teacher eventually. And to all the kids who inspired me
while I was teaching.
A huge thank you to teachers, not only across this beautiful
country but around the world, who take up this noble profession and
devote so much more of themselves into this than the hours they put in,
in front of the classroom. They move for social change. They become
activists, and they look after our children. Thank you, teachers,
wherever you are.
I’ve heard a lot about Budget 2017 Update from my colleagues
across the way. People have asked me: why is it called an update? I want
to start with that.
First of all, the reason it’s an update is because we all know
there were some difficulties in the transition from one government to
the next. It took longer than it would have done normally, but we’re
living in, I would say, different times, and as a result, the time only
permitted for a Budget Update 2017. The full NDP budget will be coming
up in March.
This was all because of time restraints, etc. In this Budget
Update 2017, I am absolutely proud to say that this is a prudent budget.
This is a balanced budget, with reasonable surpluses at the end of each
of the three years, as predicted in here.
It’s a budget that actually is focusing on people, where the
priorities are about delivering services and making life better for
those who live in B.C. It’s a budget that is not only about making life
more affordable but about improving services to British Columbians and
growing decent-paying jobs right around this province.
For the last 16 years, people have faced cuts, whether it’s been
in education, whether it’s been in health care, whether it’s been in
many, many sectors. What we heard from people loud and clear was that
when their government spoke about the budget in the past, they did not
feel themselves reflected in that budget. The budgets and the numbers
that the previous government talked about did not reflect the life that
British Columbians were living.
[2:20 p.m.]
It did not talk to the young couple who live in my riding who,
despite having gone through a university education and having good jobs,
still could not afford to buy a house. It did not speak to another
couple who could not afford to find child care — not only affordable
child care but just child care, period. It didn’t talk to so many people
who live in Surrey, and in other parts of British Columbia, who are
working in precarious work and to many who are working two or three jobs
just to make ends meet.
When this budget was built, it was built to address the needs of
British Columbians. It was built by putting British Columbians at the
centre of the budget. Government is always about choices, choices that
those sitting in this House make to best serve British Columbians. After
16 years of badly thought-out choices and neglect on this side of the
House, we’ve found that there’s a lot of work to do. We’re ready to do
it, and we have begun.
What that means.... It means starting to invest in people.
Choosing to invest in people means we’re investing in a strong,
sustainable British Columbia. For British Columbians, they have to feel
and they have to live the experience that their government is working
for them. We’re going to put people first. We’re going to make sure that
they have the services they need so that they can raise their
families.
We hear a lot about taxes. I’m not going to get into too much
detail, but you know, we had a government, now sitting in opposition,
that has decimated ICBC. We’ve seen the rate increases, and we’ve seen
what would have happened if they had been re-elected. Once the report
came out, it showed how much money had been taken out of ICBC in order
to give payola to some of their friends and by giving a tax break to the
top 1 percent.
What we are going to do as a government…. Taxes are about
fairness. It’s about paying progressive taxes. It’s about paying taxes
that then provide services for people.
I have never, ever complained about paying taxes. As teacher, I
paid my taxes then, and I pay my taxes now. I’m willing to pay those
taxes, so that the governments that are elected will make sure that we
have the services we need as British Columbians — hospitals, education,
highways and freeways — and make sure that we look after those who
cannot look after themselves.
Because of fairness, we are going to be reversing the
top-income-earners tax break that was given out by the previous
government. Those people will now be paying an additional 2.1 percent on
income over $150,000. That’s what a progressive tax looks like. It
shouldn’t be that those who earn over $150,000 should keep getting more
tax breaks, while the rest of the people keep getting cuts in services.
They get to the stage where they can’t afford to buy a house, can’t
afford to feed their children. That just is not acceptable.
We’re also increasing our corporate taxes, which used to be the
lowest, by a modest 1 percent. You know, the sky is not going to fall.
What this will do…. It still keeps us competitive with Alberta,
Saskatchewan and Manitoba. Our corporations that make huge profits, it’s
only fair that they should pay their fair share of taxes to support
infrastructure and to support services in British Columbia.
We’re also cutting another tax by 50 percent. This is a tax, by
the way, the Liberals, when they were in government, doubled. That’s the
MSP premiums. MSP premiums are going to be cut by 50 percent, and that
is a tax break.
[2:25 p.m.]
It always puzzled me, both when I was a Member of Parliament and
now, and even before that, why it is that British Columbians are the
only ones who have an MSP tax when no other province in this country has
one. That is totally unfair.
Under the Liberal government, we watched the MSP premiums double.
Well, one of the first actions we’ve taken is that we’ll be reducing
those MSP premiums by 50 percent. That means the average person is going
to save $900 per year, $900 that’s going to go back into people’s
pockets so that they can spend it on a roof over their head, on food, on
clothing and maybe even a small holiday. Not very much, but a
beginning.
These MSP premium cuts will also help to support some of our
businesses. There are many businesses that do pay MSP premiums on behalf
of their workers, and this will give them a little bit of a break there
as well.
Something else we’re doing, which hasn’t got a lot of attention,
so I really want to emphasize this: we are actually reducing taxes for
the small and medium-sized businesses. Small businesses are going to see
their taxes reduced by 20 percent. That is right, Members — 20 percent,
from 2½ to 2 percent. That is a tax break we’re giving in recognition of
the fact that it is our small and medium-sized businesses that do grow
our economy. During this time, they’re going to get this tax break so
that we can grow more jobs in communities right across this
province.
As we’re looking at the budget, this budget is also about making
life more affordable in other ways. Housing. Under the previous
government, we’ve seen house pricing escalate to a point where, I would
say, many members sitting in this House, if they did not already own a
house, would find it difficult to qualify for one, at least in the Lower
Mainland. That is a major, major issue, so we have a minister who has
started on developing a comprehensive plan to make housing more
affordable for people, to close speculation loopholes and reduce tax
fraud and money laundering in B.C. real estate.
The opposition had an opportunity to do this, to address these
very, very serious issues when it came to affordable housing. But do you
know what? They decided just to look the other way, and now British
Columbians are paying the price. In this budget update, we’re taking
first critical steps. We’re investing $208 million over four years to
support the construction of more than 1,700 new units of affordable
rental housing in communities right across this province.
Supportive housing units. We’re providing $291 million over two
years to construct 2,000-plus modular supportive housing units for
people who are homeless. These are the kinds of things British
Columbians expect from their government. But that’s only the beginning.
We have far more to come yet.
Poverty reduction. For years and years, we’ve been asking my
colleagues across the way, when they were in government, to come up with
a poverty reduction plan. We know that unless you have a plan, have
targets, it’s very, very difficult to address this issue. We’ve seen
other provinces very successfully address the poverty issue, especially
children living in poverty, because they had a poverty reduction plan
and could deliver on their targets. Now we have a minister and a
parliamentary secretary tasked with finding solutions to reduce poverty
and to develop a comprehensive poverty reduction strategy.
[2:30 p.m.]
We’ve increased, within days of being sworn in, income and
disability assistance by $100 per month. For over a decade, those living
with disabilities on social assistance hadn’t seen a significant change
in their income, and this was the right thing to do to address
that.
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
Minister, here is another example of mean-spiritedness that
confounds you when you sit in this office or you are out in our
communities. That was when my colleagues across the way took away bus
passes from those living with disabilities. That was just an all-time
low.
It absolutely gives me pleasure to announce that we have
reinstated an allowance for bus passes. We know that mobility and the
ability to get around is so, so significant for those living with
disabilities. It is part of their wellness plan, but it’s also an
essential part of going to pick up your groceries and doing some other
things that need to be done, which many of us take for
granted.
We’re moving forward with a $20 million investment in new child
care spaces. We are so pleased to say that our goal is to support more
than 4,000 new child care spaces. This is only the beginning. I know I
keep hearing: “Where is all of it?” But my colleagues across the way
know, when they were in government, that things don’t just happen by
snapping your finger. You have to plan. You have to have targets. I’m
proud to say that our Finance Minister and the cabinet and the
government has put into place a budget that absolutely has targets and
has goals. We’ve begun to work on that, and we will deliver.
K-to-12 education, Mr. Speaker, as you know, is a topic that is
very, very close to my heart. I am so delighted that in this budget, we
are adding $681 million over the three years to help our kids get the
education they deserve. Instead of fighting with teachers and
educational partners, this government is going to work with teachers,
work with parents, make sure that we have the resources we need and make
sure that the additional teachers — 3,500 of them — will be hired so
that they can deliver the quality education every child
needs.
We’re putting additional money into capital funding to make sure
that we have the schools we need and, also, that the kids have the
resources they need in the schools to learn. After 16 years of cut after
cut after cut to key services for some of our most vulnerable students,
also impacting every student in the school system, we now have a
government that is committed to a quality, public education that is the
foundation of our democracy.
I want to say that I am so looking forward to having our kids in
Surrey move out of portables and into classrooms. I’m looking forward to
the schools actually being built instead of announcement after
announcement of promises that never were quite realized.
Also, I’m delighted that for those who leave school and later on
realize they would like to go back and go for post-secondary or finish
their high school graduation, we have made that tuition free.
As you know, Mr. Speaker, in Surrey, we are very, very concerned
with the whole drug issue — opioids, addictions, health care and the gun
violence that we have experienced. I’m so pleased that our government
has a ministry devoted to mental health and addictions but also that we
are making investments to address those issues.
[2:35 p.m.]
We are not only raising them at the national level, working with
our federal government, but also working with municipalities as to how
we are going to handle these, working with schools and the police and
community organizations to make sure that we address this.
This is a very, very serious issue, and all of us on both sides of
the House know that safety and protection of our citizens is a top
priority. And there is nothing more disconcerting for a community than
to have gunshots going off almost every week.
Mr. Speaker, as you know, we’ve made a commitment to building a
sustainable economy. I always say, if you want to get the nod test, run
it by a kindergarten student. If you were to talk to a kindergarten
student and say, “What should we be taking care of?” they would say
their surroundings. They would talk about the planet. And they actually
do. They teach us so much, because they are so in tune. If you were to
say to them, “Should we be looking after our rivers? Should we be
looking after our ocean? Should we be looking after the air we breathe?”
their answer is going to be yes, every single time.
It’s really good that we focus on a sustainable economy and that
we support innovation, and our government is absolutely committed to
that. And we’re so delighted that we’re supporting job creators, like
Fortinet, which announced just recently a large expansion in Burnaby
with 1,000 new jobs. We are so, so delighted with that. And Mr. Speaker
would appreciate that because, as he knows, that’s in his riding, and he
must be very proud of that job growth.
People deserve a government that works hard to control costs and
spends public money to benefit British Columbians, and that is our goal.
Our budget update includes record levels of capital investments — $40.6
billion in capital spending over the next three years. We’ll build the
schools, hospitals, roads and transit that people rely on.
Coming from Surrey, I have to take a few minutes to talk about
public transit, because in Surrey we know what gridlock looks like. And
by the way, a huge thank-you is heard right across Surrey and south of
Fraser as people do a little dance when they find out — well, they
experience it now — there are no tolls on those two bridges.
We’re looking forward to working with the federal government as we
work on improvements to the transit for Surrey. Because it’s not just
about bridges; it’s also about getting public transit down our major
arterial routes so that people are not spending hours and hours in
gridlock.
Colleagues in this room don’t have to be told that getting people
out of the cars and out of gridlock is a huge saving, not only to the
health sector. Actually, mental health issues are greatly related to
that, but so is output when people get to work. If you spend two hours
sitting in a gridlock, watching your watch and shaking your hand and
head and having some unpleasant thoughts in your head, your focus when
you get to work is not going to be 100 percent on your work. So all
around, it is an economic urgency to get people out of gridlock and to
get people moving.
Also, I’m so proud of the fact that we are creating an innovation
commission which will both advocate and be an ambassador for B.C.’s tech
sector, which has been too long ignored by our colleagues on the other
side.
Our budget update presents a strong, responsible fiscal plan that
puts people first. As I said at the beginning of my speech: government
is all about making choices. We’re going to do this while helping to
ensure the long-run fiscal sustainability of our province.
[2:40 p.m.]
Our balanced budget for 2017-18 includes total spending of $51.9
billion, total revenues of $52.4 billion and a budget surplus of
approximately $246 million — and record levels of capital spending,
which creates good-paying jobs around this province while maintaining a
debt-to-GDP ratio that is affordable.
B.C.’s economy is strong. Employment is growing. Retail sales are
strong. Housing starts and exports have all exceeded expectations. The
outlook for this year’s real GDP growth is 2.9 percent, which is prudent
compared to the outlook provided by the independent Economic Forecast
Council.
I am so proud to be a member of a government whose Finance
Minister has put forward such a well-thought-out budget that has people
as its focus, that delivers services, that addresses affordability and
that is focused like a laser on growing decent-paying jobs in
communities right across this province.
A. Weaver: I rise to take my place in this debate on Bill 2, Budget Measures
Implementation Act, 2017. As we know, this bill before us is a bill that
sets the stage — the measures put forward in the budget, in the required
legislative changes — to implement those promises in the
budget.
Now, there is some precedent here for there to be unanimity in
supporting a budget measures implementation act. I take you to March 24,
2015, when the member for Abbotsford West said, after division was
called: “In glorious unanimity, we move to Committee of the Whole
House.” That was after the Budget Measures Implementation Act was
supported unanimously by members of opposition at the time and members
of government at the time.
There is precedent, even though a budget was voted against, to
vote in support of a budget measures implementation act. I’m not so
sure, actually, that the official opposition at the time meant to do
that, but the reality is that there is precedent.
I am interpreting that as a sign of good faith. So I look forward
to this government, who had the bold claim, the audacity to state,
speaker after speaker after speaker, that the B.C. NDP budget is largely
based on what the Liberals had already…. If they truly believe that,
then I look forward to hearing them stand and speak in support of each
and every one of the measures that they had in their original
budget.
As we’ve seen yesterday, as we’ve seen here in the House, it’s a
game for the official opposition. This is not about the formation of
good public policy. It’s about a game. It’s about the quest for power
and the game of politics, not about doing what’s right for British
Columbians.
This is a budget, as reflected in this Budget Measures
Implementation Act, that is people-focused. It’s one that recognized
that after 16 years, it’s time to take a look at what is happening to
everyday British Columbians.
We had — I admit, and I support — a strong economy in British
Columbia. There was a strong economy in British Columbia. Things went
awry in about 2010. It was in 2010 that members opposite, those of them
who were here, decided that they would take this province down a
direction and a quest for the impossible, with promises of, as I’ve said
before, unicorns in each and every one of our backyards.
[2:45 p.m.]
They began the quest and journey to the unimaginable, of bringing
to B.C. a $100 billion prosperity fund, a $1 trillion increase in GDP,
100,000 jobs, elimination of the PST, debt-free B.C., thriving schools
and hospitals because of an LNG industry that was going to bring wealth
and prosperity to all.
I wish I had written down the quotes of the then Minister of
Natural Gas. When I stood in this Legislature and questioned the logic,
questioned the facts, questioned what earth they were living on to think
that this was going to happen, I was told, in essence, and I paraphrase:
“The member opposite doesn’t know what he’s saying. He should do his
research. He doesn’t know what he’s doing. I meet with the companies. I
know what’s going on, and I’m looking forward to the member opposite
eating his words.”
Well, two years later…. It’s almost three years now. I think it’s
the former minister of hot air — sorry, Natural Gas — that should be
eating his words.
The danger of this, which was created by going down this quest, is
it sent a signal to the market — now, I’m going to use good free
enterprise language — that if you want to do business in B.C., it’s LNG
or nothing. I’ve had tech leader after tech leader after tech leader
after developer after business leader after CEO tell me that they were
frustrated since 2010. They were frustrated because in B.C., it was all
about LNG. University presidents, schools — re-engineering our education
system, all for LNG.
For the members opposite, it was a big game. They knew they had no
chance of winning the 2013 election, so they had to throw a Hail Mary
pass, a Hail Mary pass of hope that British Columbians would hang their
hats on. Well, they failed to deliver, and they have the gall to stand
here and suggest that our economy is thriving because of their fiscal
mismanagement.
The reason why our economy is thriving is single. No, it’s not
because of a burgeoning resource sector. Frankly, it’s ironic that
members opposite suggest that they support rural B.C. when communities
in rural B.C. are hurting right now precisely because of their fiscal
mismanagement, because they seem to think that, in British Columbia,
we’re going to compete with Indonesia in just digging dirt out of the
ground. No, we’re not. We compete by being innovative, by bringing
broadband to these communities, by bringing the tech sector to the
resource communities, by working on the value-added — precisely the
measures that are reflected in the Budget Measures Implementation
Act.
It’s ironic. I say to rural British Columbia: “Take a look at what
you’re doing voting in the B.C. Liberals, who have put you in precisely
the position you so want to get out of because of their fiscal
mismanagement.” This is an opportunity we have here today to
reinvigorate rural B.C., whether it be the Cariboo, the Kootenays, the
northwest, the northeast, central B.C., southeastern B.C. or
southwestern B.C.
We get it over here. We get it over here that resource industries
are precious, but we have to compete in a modern economy. That means we
have to bring together the tech and the resource sectors and work and
support the value-added, which that government seemed to think didn’t
need to be done because it’s all about LNG.
Hon. Speaker, you wonder why they’re sitting in a time-out. You
wonder why they’re sitting in a time-out and why so many British
Columbians are so delighted by the arrangement we have now. It’s because
of their reckless fiscal management. They have the gall, as I say, to
try to paint themselves as good managers of this economy.
Our economy is booming. We have strong GDP growth. The reason why
is simple. It’s not resource. It’s because of an out-of-control
speculative housing market, largely driven in Metro Vancouver, and the
construction market associated with that. The members opposite bemoan
the loss of construction jobs. We can’t meet construction job demand
right now because of the irresponsible policies or the lack of stepping
in to deal with an out-of-control real estate market. Condos are being
built and presold to offshore buyers before they’re even built so that
when they’re built, they remain empty because people across the world
recognize, in today’s turbulent times, that they need to find a safe
haven for their capital.
[2:50 p.m.]
There are 7½ billion people on this planet and under five million
in the province of British Columbia. If we talk about the 1 percent,
it’s still an awful lot of millions of people, hundreds of millions of
people. When you’re looking for a safe haven in tumultuous times and you
see a jurisdiction, the Wild West, that has no rules, you look to park
your capital in this jurisdiction. You park your capital in one of the
safest investments a person could ever make — real estate, land,
agricultural land.
What is the consequence of this? That British Columbians who have
lived here, were born here, can’t even afford to live and work in the
place where they were born. That’s not good economic management. That’s
reckless mismanagement that many jurisdictions around the world have
dealt with, years ago, through the introduction of policy measures to
deal with foreign speculation in their market.
Today I introduced another bill. I can’t speak about another bill
here, but today before the House…. As we know, measures have been
proposed by the B.C. Green Party and by the government when they were in
official opposition.
The now official opposition, sitting there in a well-earned
time-out, are going to do so for a very long time, because they looked
at this problem like deer stuck in a headlight and refused to take the
necessary steps. Even when they did, introducing the so-called foreign
buyer tax, they botched it. They botched it by essentially taxing you if
you own a passport. But agricultural land was excluded, so you could
actually move speculation into the ALR.
A foreign entity wasn’t actually described as a partnership, so in
fact you could find a loophole to get away from it there. A foreign
corporation isn’t going to invest. A foreign individual can’t invest.
But if a foreigner gets together with a Canadian or a British Columbian
and forms a partnership, that’s exempt from the foreign buyer
tax.
You can’t make this stuff up, except under a B.C. Liberal
government that has no idea about managing the economy, despite the fact
that they have excellent communications staff — or they did; they used
to — who were able to try to convince or, frankly, con British
Columbians that they are good managers of the economy.
They tried to paint the opposition here as fiscally reckless,
based on the tired narrative of what happened in the 1990s. We talk
about the fast ferry scandal, but instead, we should be talking about
Site C.
Just today we hear — as, again, predictable, and we’ve been saying
for a long time — there will be cost overruns on Site C because the
river diversion is delayed by a year because of the fissure on the north
bank and the geotechnical instability there. Was that foreseeable? Yes.
Is it $8.8 billion now? No way. We’re pushing over $10 billion now, and
it’s going to end up closer to $15 billion, a number — $13 billion to
$15 billion — that I’ve been saying, again, for four years.
The people of British Columbia need to take a hard look at this
government’s record. A government that’s investing their money,
taxpayers’ money, to build a project that’s going to produce power at
something like 13 cents a kilowatt hour, which they have to do to
deliver into contracts to LNG industries that don’t exist. So they’re
going to have to sell it on the U.S. spot market for four cents a
kilowatt hour.
What sort of business model is it, other than a B.C. Liberal
business model, to invest capital — your capital, taxpayer — to develop
a business plan that’s going to lose ten cents for every kilowatt hour
of energy produced?
At the same time, what are the lost opportunities? The lost
opportunities involve things like the collapse of the clean energy
sector in British Columbia, the partnerships with local First Nations
across B.C. that wanted to get going. We’ve got Borealis wanting to get
going near Valemount. We’ve got solar projects in the Kootenays. We’ve
got wind projects on Vancouver Island. We’ve got a Prince Rupert wind
project. But they can’t get going.
This is foreign capital, industry capital, private capital that
wants to be invested in B.C. now, where the industry takes the risk, not
the taxpayer. But again, this is B.C. Liberal economics — use taxpayers’
money, put the taxpayer at risk to subsidize corporations that, in the
case of LNG, don’t even exist. It’s remarkable that they have the gall
to suggest that they’re good managers of the economy.
If we go through the Budget Measures Implementation Act, there are
a few transitional provisions. There are a few changes that need to be
made with the cancelling of tolls. And there is a fundamental
change.
[2:55 p.m.]
I must admit that there is a sense of irony here. An irony that
I’m delighted with is that, again, we’re going to hear speaker after
speaker on the other side rail against the opposition, or the now
government — it’s hard to get used to; it’s very refreshing to say, I
might add, but it’s hard to get used to — about the leadership being
shown on the carbon pricing.
Leadership. That’s what this budget shows. Ironically, members
opposite used to have that leadership. It was their government, under a
leader, somebody who had a vision, that understood the direction and the
opportunity that climate change had, a leader who recognized that by
putting in a carbon price, it was sending a signal to the market —
there’s that free-market, free-enterprise language again — that was
telling business that we want to be clean and green here and we want to
show the world that we’re leaders, and it blossomed.
Again, we’re going to hear this. I’ve already heard one person say
it: “Oh, the carbon tax. Oh, it’s going to kill rural communities.”
Again, fear, fear, fear, when in fact it is precisely those rural
communities that are going to benefit from the carbon tax, as they did
when it was introduced the first time by the B.C. Liberals. How do I
know that? Because I served on the climate action team with the B.C.
Liberals then.
I don’t know how many times I went to communities across the
province and listened to B.C. Liberals talk about the importance of the
carbon tax and how it was not going to hurt rural communities and how it
was going to incentivize innovation in these communities and how First
Nations across the province are going to see the opportunity with clean
energy. And they did.
Now they switch their tone, because there are zero principles over
there — zero principles. It’s all about the game of politics and the
quest for power. So we’re going to hear them rail about carbon — fear to
the taxpayer — when in fact what’s happening here is British Columbia is
once again recognizing that mitigation of climate change is the world’s
greatest economic opportunity, just like other jurisdictions in Taiwan,
in China, in India, in Quebec, in Europe, across the world are
recognizing. They’re not chasing LNG. They’re chasing the new economy,
and this budget sends a signal to market that it’s time to do that again
in B.C.
I can’t tell you the number of people who have been so excited
about this development. I have a never-ending stream of clean energy
folk coming to my office, dismayed by what they’ve had to deal with
since 2010 and excited about the potential now. I’m sure they’re opening
champagne bottles tonight as we find out that the fissure on Site C is
going to create cost overruns. With 70 percent of the contingency
already used up — and we’ve just got the project going — this is going
to be a very, very expensive project, and the evidence we need to stop
it is coming in right now. So to the clean energy industry, I’m excited
that you are going to get the opportunity to actually see your projects
start to move forward again.
I’m going to come to the tolls again. Now, I spoke against the
tolls. We were the only party in the election to say we would not remove
tolls because we thought it was bad policy. We thought it was bad policy
because it sent a message that we’re not willing to toll transportation.
No future infrastructure projects will be built with tolling. The
Pattullo Bridge, which was supposed to be built as a toll bridge, will
now have to be built by other means.
We didn’t think that was good public policy, but we understand
that we were in the minority there because both the B.C. Liberals in the
throne speech — the clone speech, I think it’s being called — and the
B.C. NDP in this throne speech and in their election platform were
consistent in promising it. So we understand it’s going on.
We understand, though, and we’re pleased about the recognition
that mobility pricing in British Columbia at least is going to have a
conversation. The mayors in Vancouver are commissioning reports on this.
The government has said they’re interested in exploring and working with
the mayors.
That’s how policy is built. You gather information, you build it
from the bottom up, you seek support from mayors and communities, and
you move forward. That is why the Massey Tunnel cancellation, or on hold
for further review, is something that we too are so excited to support.
Now, the reason why, of course, is if we just flash back to 2012 — oh,
that magical year 2012 keeps coming up — we were supposed to be moving
forward with a plan to twin the tunnel. But no, no. The Liberals nixed
that and have the gall, once more, to tell British Columbians that
somehow this government is irresponsible by saying that spending $4½
billion on a ten-lane mega-highway that’s going to put the traffic
jam….
An Hon. Member: It’s 2.6.
[3:00 p.m.]
A. Weaver: It’s 2.6? We can challenge the numbers. A member opposite is
saying 2.6. I’ll go check afterwards. The number in my mind was 4.5. I
will withdraw it and correct it to 2.6 if that is indeed the
case.
The reality is that twinning a tunnel is a fraction of that cost —
one. Two is it kicks the traffic jams down to the Oak Street Bridge.
Three, every mayor in the region, except Delta, said: “Let’s not do
this, because we have a transportation plan. This isn’t part of
it.”
The members’ opposite’s response, or at least one of their
responses, was to take out some billboards, in and out of the Massey
Tunnel, thinking that somehow the picture of my face and the Premier’s
face saying…. It’s scary. I admit it’s scary. There are some good smiles
there. Have you seen it? It’s pretty impressive. They say:
“Thanks.”
The members opposite have no idea how many people have written,
phoned, emailed — Facebook, Twitter — and have thanked us for doing
this. I put out a Facebook post, just quickly, and I would
look….
Interjections.
A. Weaver: It’s interesting. I’m glad that I got a reaction now. I’ve got a
reaction now. I’m so excited.
In fact, most of them live south of the Fraser, if you read the
Facebook comments. They want a twinning of the tunnel, because they’re
fiscally responsible.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members.
A. Weaver: The councillor Harold Steves from Richmond pointed out, through a
approved, which was moving forward to twin the tunnel, which the B.C.
Liberals nixed, which was supported by the Richmond council, which was
supported by the people there because it was cost-effective…. Again, the
gall of members opposite to suggest that somehow it’s fiscally
irresponsible to be fiscally responsible is unbelievable. It’s
unbelievable.
Coming back to the budget measures act. I wish I could look at
electronic devices, because then I’d have my Facebook post here, and I
could tell you that there are more than 20,000 impressions on the post
that I made. In 24 hours, there were more than 500 likes. There was no
boosting of posts. It was just all organic. There were more than 100
comments. It was shared I forget how many times. The overwhelming
response was, “Thank you,” just like the sign said.
It’s pretty clear that since things have changed, there’s been
some suffering in the communications department for the members
opposite, because this has got to be one of the most hilarious failed
smear campaigns I’ve ever seen. I thank the member for Delta South, I
believe it was. I thank him sincerely for, I understand, his role in
putting up the billboards, because it has given us enormous support from
across Metro Vancouver and, in particular, those people who live in and
around Richmond and Delta. Thank you, sincerely, from the bottom of my
heart.
Moving forward, there are a couple of other important measures
here. You know, it’s hard to actually see…. I’m very grateful to the
minister and to the civil service who provided briefing opportunity on
this. That’s
section 15, on the homeowner grant changes, and coupled to
changes later, as well, in terms of the assessment authority’s ability
to allow some exchange of information between these organizations — the
province, essentially, and Ottawa, the CRA, Canada Revenue Agency — for
the purpose of being able to track capital gains.
This is important, because this information was not shared. It was
information requested by the CRA in order to be able to track to see
whether people were paying — based on the assessments, based on the
homeowner grants, claiming that as your principal residence — the
capital gains when they’re supposed to pay the capital gains under
present federal law.
For example, if you claim the homeowner grant under the homeowner
grant and then you sell the property and claim it was suddenly an
investment property and you try to write some of that capital gains off
in one way or another or, if you didn’t claim the homeowner grant and
you claimed that this was your primary residence and you sell that
residence and you don’t pay any capital gains, now the CRA can get you,
because now they have access to that information.
That’s important for putting a clamp on speculation. It’s the same
with the assessment authority. These are really good pieces of
legislation that are being added, in my view.
[3:05 p.m.]
The small increase in tax for the wealthy and the slight increase
in corporate income tax, to 12 percent from 11 percent, obviously, are
supported by the B.C. Greens. We campaigned on precisely these
things.
What it translates to is asking those who can afford it to pay a
little bit more. I’ve talked to thousands of British Columbians over the
campaign, over the years, and let me tell you, this neoliberal idea that
somehow “if tax, then bad,” is not supported by the vast majority of
British Columbians. What they don’t like is a waste of taxpayers’ money.
They don’t mind paying taxes, provided taxes are used efficiently,
appropriately and for helping the better good. Not for helping your
donors but for helping everyone.
People realize that we need to have people go to schools. People
realize that without education, what sort of society are we? People
realize that taxes going to hospitals are important. They believe in
transportation. They don’t think that we should be using public money to
subsidize corporate donors, though. That is why I am so very thrilled
with the budget, as illustrated in some of these measures. It actually
focuses on people in terms of helping them get the help they need at the
stage they need.
The one thing that I caution on, but we do support, of course….
Caution not because it’s not that good policy; caution because of what’s
happening as we increase corporate and reduce small business tax. We are
beginning to create a disincentive for growth. Why I say that is we now
have a step function tax change when you go from small business to
corporate. I believe it’s $500,000 net earnings — correct me if I’m
wrong, someone — and that jump now, from 2 percent to 12 percent, is a
10 percent increase in tax.
We have to be careful, because that says to corporations that are
earning just under the threshold that you don’t necessarily want to get
above the threshold — you don’t want to earn more — because then you’re
going to be taxed more. So this is a caution that I think we need to
start exploring. We need to start exploring about making, perhaps, a
more graduated change so that we don’t disincentivize small businesses
becoming bigger businesses, at the same time recognizing that something
like 98 percent of businesses in British Columbia are small businesses
and they need a break, as they are the engine of our economy.
Coming to some of these bizarre boutique tax credits: the child
fitness tax credit, the B.C. back-to-school tax credit. Now, the B.C.
Liberals laud the praise of these tax credits. Let me tell you what they
actually are.
The back-to-school B.C. tax credit, if you claim it, is $12.65 a
year per child — $12.65. You’re going back to school on $12.65. You
know, with the cuts to education, you might have to take the bus, and
this $12.65 might get you three round trips on the bus. That’s a great
tax credit. How much was it to administer a tax credit of $12.65? I bet
if you look at the numbers, it’s probably costing more to administer
than you’re bringing in.
What about the B.C. children’s fitness equipment tax credit? Guess
how much that was. I’ll see if anyone can guess how much a year you’d
get on the B.C. children’s fitness tax credit. It’s $12.65. The member
for Vancouver–West End has got incredible insight. It’s $12.65. If you
buy a hockey stick, you get $12.65 back.
Now, first off, most people don’t even know that you can do this,
unless you have an accountant. But the government has to actually budget
as if every child is claiming it, so what we create is bizarre systems
where the government’s budget is basically budgeting in a known surplus.
They know that a large number of people aren’t going to collect it, but
they have to have it in the budget. And you have to administer…. It’s
just silly. It’s just silly, and this money could be better used
elsewhere. Obviously, I support those.
Also with the B.C. children’s fitness credit and B.C. children’s
arts credit. Now, I know that those were much more than the $12.65 tax
credit. They were $25.30 a year more. Those are being eliminated because
they’re being eliminated federally. Again, this legislation is
consistent with federal legislation.
[3:10 p.m.]
What’s interesting about the Budget Measures Implementation Act is
the means and ways this is being done. They actually have it entered
into legislation, so the legislation before us brings these credits into
place and then removes them, because they’ve already been claimed in
last year’s tax submissions.
I see that we’re winding down in time here, but please let me say
that I’m absolutely thrilled with this budget. I think British
Columbians are thrilled. I’ve seen it in emails. I’ve seen it on social
media and in phone calls. Everywhere I go, across British Columbia,
people come up and say thank you: “Thank you for putting us first. Thank
you for working with the government to ensure that these people opposite
are put in a time-out.”
They have forgotten what it means to be a hard-working person in
British Columbia. They’ve forgotten what it means to try to make ends
meet. They’ve lost touch with the people. They lost vision. They lost
ideas. They didn’t know their direction. And here they stand in
opposition, trying to suggest that somehow they were good stewards of
the economy.
I think there needs to be some hard soul-searching over there. I
look forward to when their true colours emerge, when we see the new
leader, Ms. Watts, emerge as the new leader of the B.C. conservative
party opposite. Honestly, there’s nothing liberal about the B.C.
Liberals.
T. Wat: Thank you for the opportunity to speak to Bill 2, Budget Measures
Implementation Act, 2017.
I find it so intriguing to listen to the member for Oak Bay–Gordon
Head be so critical of the fiscal policy of the previous Liberal
government. I respect his position. Yet I don’t understand why, in the
last four years, when I was in this Legislature…. I remember — correct
me if I’m wrong — that he supported most of our budget.
I wonder why he changed his position. Did he change his position
because he wanted to pursue his aspirations to be part of this NDP
government? I wonder when he will change his position again, when we
become the government. Just wait and see how he changes
position.
On this particular Bill 2, I must say that there are certain
components that I support, such as the cut in MSP and the cut in the
small business tax. Those two tax cuts were included in the February
B.C. Liberal budget. There’s nothing new by the NDP government in
introducing this initiative. They just copied what we had and put it
into their budget.
I have to say that there are many components of the bill that
concern me greatly. There are a lot of young families in Richmond, and
these parents all work so hard to provide for themselves and their
children. We all want to be able to give our children everything in
life, but some families have to do away with the extras if they are
facing financial challenges.
That’s why I cannot understand the changes being made to tax
credits that benefit families, things like — I know that the member for
Oak Bay–Gordon Head does not support this — the children’s fitness tax
credit, the children’s fitness equipment tax credit and the children’s
arts tax credit. They will be eliminated for 2018 and the following
taxation years. These are tax credits that help local kids stay active
and engaged in sports and the arts. Why on earth would this government
want to get rid of them, despite the fact that the NDP is inheriting the
best performing economy in Canada?
What’s more, the B.C. back-to-school tax credit, which was
introduced in February 2017, is continued for the 2016 taxation year
only and eliminated thereafter. It was supposed to be available for the
2016, 2017 and 2018 tax years, as per the February 2017 fiscal plan. It
helps parents with the costs of purchasing school supplies, but the NDP
are getting rid of it. Another questionable decision.
[3:15 p.m.]
Next I want to touch on the hike to personal income tax. The
Income Tax Act is amended to include a new top personal income tax
bracket with a higher rate of taxation, starting in 2018. The income
threshold for this bracket is set at $150,000 and is subject to a
provincial income tax rate of 16.8 percent. Before it was 14.7 percent.
So there is a big jump for those individuals.
I want to present a quote from the Fraser Institute, which is
raising concerns about this tax hike. The organization said: “Put
simply, the personal income tax rate hike will make B.C. less
competitive for attracting and retaining highly skilled workers such as
entrepreneurs, business professionals, engineers” — or the high-tech
people — “and scientists, as the evidence shows higher tax rates play a
role in the decision-making of high-skilled workers on where to live and
work.”
We already see signs of highly skilled entrepreneurs, business
professionals, engineers, high-tech professionals, doctors and
scientists leaving B.C. for other places that are offering more
competitive income tax rates. The other side is talking about promoting
our high-tech industry. How are we going to attract all those skilled
professionals to the high-tech industry?
Keeping taxes low is an essential part of maintaining a
competitive tax environment to attract investment, create jobs and
continue to grow B.C.’s economy. Unfortunately, we see more and more
examples of the NDP chipping away at B.C.’s competitive
advantage.
The Income Tax Act is also amended to increase the general
corporate income tax rate from 11 percent to 12 percent. That means B.C.
is going from having the lowest corporate income tax rate across the
provinces to being tied with Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba for the
fourth-highest general corporate income tax rate. Perhaps most troubling
is that it sends a message to investors and business that it’s going to
be more expensive to do business in British Columbia. And again, it
means we risk losing our competitive advantage over our western
provinces.
Alberta and Saskatchewan will now be attracting B.C. business to
their land. I’m deeply concerned that B.C. workers might soon lose their
jobs and have to leave B.C. for other provinces. Remember what happened
in the ’90s, the so-called ten-year disaster. Thousands and thousands of
British Columbians had to leave B.C. because they didn’t have a
job.
The corporate income tax rate increase is also not good for
consumers because we know that higher taxes are always passed along to
them. And you know where else the consumer will feel the pinch? At the
gas pump, because the Carbon Tax Act is amended to increase carbon tax
rates substantially. Starting April 1, 2018, the carbon tax rates are
increased by $5 per tonne of carbon dioxide–equivalent emissions
annually until rates are equal to $50 per tonne on April 1,
Under the previous B.C. Liberal government, British Columbia was
the first jurisdiction in North America to introduce a revenue-neutral
carbon tax. British Columbians are so proud of such an innovative
initiative. In November 2016, the United Nations awarded B.C. one of the
13 Momentum for Change Awards in recognition of our revenue-neutral
carbon tax. In a December 2014 speech, World Bank president Jim Yong Kim
praised B.C.’s Carbon Tax Act as one of the most powerful examples of
carbon pricing.
Now
Part 2 of the Carbon Tax Act is repealed. That means the
principle of revenue neutrality and the requirement to prepare the
carbon tax report and plan will no longer apply. So the act will
essentially be silent on any requirement for reporting, as no other
requirement for reporting is substituted. Although the Finance Minister
insists that taxpayers will receive a reporting out and know how their
additional dollars will be spent, we will see about that.
The result of this NDP tax hike is that the costs will be passed
on to consumers and business. The increase, through the carbon tax, will
see an estimated $500 million out of the pockets of taxpayers over the
next three years, which hardly makes life more affordable.
[3:20 p.m.]
When we consider all of these different tax increases, you have to
wonder why they are even needed, considering the NDP are so lucky as to
have inherited the best-performing economy in Canada, as confirmed by
the Auditor General’s latest report near the end of August: five
consecutive balanced budgets, a $2.7 billion budget surplus and a
triple-A credit rating — the only province other than Saskatchewan to
enjoy this rank.
I worry because the NDP have no concrete plan to grow jobs or to
grow the economy, and they simply do not know how to create jobs or to
grow the economy. The only thing they know how to do is to hike the tax
to pay for their expensive promises. I think that’s a dangerous
direction for us to be heading in, and that’s why I cannot support this
bill. It puts all of the things we’ve been so proud of in the past at
risk.
As a result of the B.C. Liberal government’s strong fiscal
discipline, B.C. families generally have one of the lowest overall tax
burdens in Canada, yet already we see the NDP raising taxes for those
making $150,000 or more, and from the September budget update, we
already see that any room that has been created by the number one
economy in Canada has been used up. So if the NDP intend to keep the
rest of their promises, and they have no plan to grow jobs or to grow
the economy, we are left to wonder if there might be further tax hikes
along the way.
Another point of pride for the previous government was keeping
business taxes low, which is an essential part of maintaining a
competitive tax environment to attract investment, to create jobs and to
continue to grow B.C.’s economy. But that’s clearly not a priority of
this NDP government, especially when the now Premier said in 2011: “The
lowest tax jurisdiction in North America is not something we should
strive for. Why wouldn’t we strive to be the middle tax jurisdiction in
North America?”
As my colleague from Kamloops–North Thompson stated so eloquently,
I don’t understand why the Premier wants to strive for the middle of the
pack. Why he doesn’t want to be the top, the number one? It seems that
the Premier doesn’t get it.
Finally, B.C. received global recognition after being the first
jurisdiction in North America to introduce a revenue-neutral carbon tax,
but now the ending of revenue neutrality is a move that will absolutely
harm business and consumers in our province. I know that the Minister of
Health and the Minister of Citizens’ Services kept saying that this is a
choice the NDP government has to make. That’s a choice they make to
drive away business, to drive away investment. That will eventually lead
to job losses, and that’s what happened in the ’90s. I have to remind
British Columbia about what happened in the ’90s — the ten-year
disaster.
All of these measures are sowing the seeds of uncertainty in this
province and sending a negative signal to investors. So with all of this
in mind, as the critic for Trade, I reiterate once again that I cannot
support this bill or the tax hikes and the negative impacts on
consumers, on business and B.C.’s reputation that come with
it.
Hon. S. Robinson: It’s my pleasure to get up today on my feet and speak to this
bill, speak to the budget implementation act. I think it’s just really
important to remember that we just came out of an election, and people
were really clear. They were really clear that they were seeking a
government that represented people. It’s really important that we as a
government respond to what people want. It’s really important to have
people at the centre of our politics and to actually have people at the
centre of this place. I want to remind all the members of this House
that this is the people’s House.
The bill that we’re speaking to speaks to making sure that people
have the kinds of things that they need to have a life that works for
them. So we’re making life more affordable. We’re improving the services
that people can count on and creating good jobs for people throughout
the province.
For too long, people couldn’t get the services they needed. They
couldn’t, and can’t, afford to live here. It’s time to fix some of those
problems by putting people first, because that’s what is good for
families, that’s what is good for the communities, and that’s what is
good for the province.
[3:25 p.m.]
We do know that there was a Liberal government here for 16 years,
and life had gotten harder and harder for people over those years. So
it’s time for us to really pay attention to what’s good for people and
what’s going to make a difference. This budget update is just some of
the first steps — the first steps to change the tide, to change the tide
on affordability, to change the tide on services and to make sure that
the kinds of jobs that people need to live a robust and full life are
available for them, that they can participate in the economy.
Our economy needs to be a place where everyone can participate —
not just a few people can participate, but everyone can participate. We
know that when everyone can participate in the economy, the economy
itself is better. People who have the kinds of jobs that allow them to
pay the bills, to pay for their housing, to pay for their hydro, to pay
for their car insurance and to pay for the kinds of things that they
need to have lives, and to have some money left over at the end of the
day — that money is going to go right back into the economy, and that’s
good for British Columbia.
When we talk about this bill, we’re talking about taxes and tax
fairness. We’re asking people at the top to pay a little bit more,
because it’s really important that we have an opportunity for everyone
to get the services they need, for everyone to have affordable living
and for everyone to be able to participate in the economy. When you have
your top income earners paying a little bit more, it provides us with an
opportunity to do just that.
We know that the previous government gave those top earners a
break. That was important to them because those are the same people who
were also funding their election campaign, so we know what that was
about. This is really important — that we make sure that we have a tax
system that is fair and a tax system that works for everyone.
We’ve also increased the corporate taxes by just a modest 1
percent. This is keeping us competitive with the western
provinces.
We’re also cutting MSP in half. Now, remember, the previous
government kept increasing MSP every year. It just kept going up and up
— ten times.
Interjection.
Hon. S. Robinson: I want to thank the Minister of Education for reminding me. I lost
track of how many times that tax kept going up.
Let’s be really clear. It’s a tax, and a flat tax at that. It
didn’t matter if you were making $40,000 a year or $400,000 a year. You
paid the same tax. Well, those days are over. It’s time to roll it back
so that we have an opportunity to make sure that’s addressed, that the
unfairness…. That’s what that was. That was an unfair tax. We’ve
addressed that unfairness in this bill.
The other thing we’re doing is lowering the small business tax
rate from 2½ percent to 2 percent, because we heard from small
businesses that they needed some help. So we’re responding. We’re
responding, because we know that they work hard. We know that they put
in long hours, and we know that they want to be able to pay their
employees a living wage. So we’re making it easier for them to thrive,
because it’s really important to us.
It’s really important to the people on this side of the House that
they have a government that is on their side, that is working for the
people, because it’s time that we put people in the centre of
politics.
I want to take a few moments to talk about making life more
affordable for British Columbians. It’s so critical. It’s so hard. I
mean, I certainly remember when my kids were younger, and I was getting
started in my career. There were so many difficult decisions to make
about making sure that I could pay my mortgage, that I could pay my
taxes, that I could pay for child care, that I could pay for all those
things that I needed.
Sometimes, at the end of the month, there was nothing left. It was
a time in my life when I didn’t even get haircuts. I didn’t get new
clothes, because there just wasn’t anything left. That’s so hard. That’s
so hard on the psyche.
It’s also really hard when you have to start making other kinds of
choices, where you have to start saying, “Do I get all of my medication
this month? I don’t know if I’ll be able to also pay my property tax
bill,” or, “I don’t know if I’ll be able to make rent.”
That’s part of what we’ve seen. We’ve started to see real
challenges, where people are making very, very difficult choices that
affect the quality of their life, and I’m not talking about whether or
not they’re going to take their third vehicle and be able to get
insurance for it. We’re talking about whether or not they have enough
money at the end of the month to pay for transit that’s going to get
them to their doctor’s appointments.
[3:30 p.m.]
We have a serious situation here, particularly around housing
affordability. I just want to say that our government has taken some
initial first steps to address some of those challenges. I’m very proud
that we’re working on a comprehensive plan to address housing
affordability.
We know that we need to address not just supply but also demand
and what’s creating some of those challenges on the demand side. The
previous government chose to play a sort of whack-a-mole. They would see
some challenge around some speculation, so rather than take a
comprehensive look, they would just throw something on that hole where
the speculators were showing up. Then, lo and behold, they would show up
at another hole and another opportunity, so you’d jump in on that one.
You’d just play this game of whack-a-mole.
Our government is taking a more thoughtful approach and a
comprehensive approach. We are putting together a comprehensive housing
strategy and making sure that we pay attention to all of the levers and
to all of the opportunities to address speculation, to address tax
fraud, to reduce tax fraud and money laundering and to address the
speculation loopholes so that we can stop playing whack-a-mole and
actually just sort of cover off the holes.
We’re also taking a look at the supply side. We’ve already started
the first critical steps in addressing some of those challenges. We have
made an announcement of $208 million over four years to support the
construction of more than 1,700 units of affordable rental housing in
communities right across this province. I know that that’s welcome news
to many renters and to many people in our community who are really
struggling to find housing and to make sure that they are living within
their means.
We know that many, many renters are paying more than 50 percent of
their income to housing and that that’s not sustainable. It’s not
sustainable for them as individuals, and it’s not sustainable for an
economy. We know that when people are pouring all of their resources
into housing, there is nothing left at the end the month for them to do
the things that keep our economy going. We’ve also made an announcement
to provide over $290 million over two years to construct 2,000 modular
supportive housing units for people who are homeless.
I know that the hon. Speaker is well aware, and I know that
everybody in the House is well aware, of how homelessness has sort of
taken over many communities. Here in Victoria, it’s a significant
challenge. Throughout Vancouver, we see those challenges. But we’re also
seeing it in Maple Ridge, in Surrey, in Terrace and in Smithers. There
are communities all throughout our province.
This has been happening for many, many years. Our government is
committed to addressing the problems now. These 2,000 units of modular
housing are going to make a significant difference in the lives of those
people. But what’s really important to acknowledge is that what’s coming
with those housing units is not just a roof over someone’s head. It’s an
opportunity to have a home.
Someone asked me, as I was describing them…. They said: “Will they
be able to bring their buggies, their shopping carts, with them?” And
you know what? They won’t need them anymore, because they’re going to
have a place to put their stuff. That’s what the difference is between
having a shelter system, which is what the previous government
preferred, and our preference, on this side of the House, to give people
a home. That’s really what they need.
What’s more is that we’re wrapping it with services. People are
homeless not because they don’t want to live in a structure or they
don’t want a roof over their head. We know that more than half of those
people are living with mental illness and addictions. They need
services. They need supports. If we don’t provide those, we’re not going
to be able to get a handle on this.
It’s really important that we have the opportunity to wrap
services around people, to support them so that they can stabilize, so
that they can get the medication, the counselling or the opportunities
to participate in the economy, the opportunities to have a stability
that will allow them to find some work and allow them to move into other
kinds of housing that will better meet their needs as they stabilize.
That’s what it means to have a comprehensive housing strategy. It’s to
take a look at the whole picture, — not just piecemeal, not just to
throw money at something to see what sticks, but the whole
picture.
[L. Reid in the chair.]
That’s something that I’m very proud of. It’s something that we
have to do in order to get a handle on this.
When it comes to improving services, which is something that has
been a real challenge over the last number of years…. I see my colleague
over here, the new Minister of Mental Health and Addictions.
[3:35 p.m.]
I want to just tell a story about why it’s so important that we
improve services. I want to tell the story about a young man who came
into my office and who was high on fentanyl. This was a year ago August.
He was desperate for service, and his mom was desperate for him to get
service.
He came to my office because I had spoken to his mom earlier that
week, and I’d said: “Listen, in my previous life I was a counsellor.
Maybe he’d be willing to come and talk to me.” Lo and behold, he showed
up. He showed up pretty fidgety and then sort of sleeping and
slumbering, because he was high. I was like: “Okay, we’ve got to get him
into service.”
He said: “I hate myself. I hate my life. I hate who I’ve become.”
I have to tell you, hon. Speaker, he smelled a little ripe. It’d been
some days since he’d had a shower. And he was talking about picking up
cigarette butts off of the ground and smoking them and how disgusted he
was. His self-loathing was palpable.
I said: “Okay. Well, when was the last time you ate?” He said: “I
don’t know.” So we got him some food. The first thing we did was we got
him some food. As he was eating, we called his mom. I got her on the
phone, and I said, “I want you to know that your son is here in my
office,” and this woman wept. She just wept with relief, because she had
tried to find services for her son. She tried, and she tried, and she
couldn’t get the system to work for her. She couldn’t get the system to
work for her son.
Now, this young man had been a good student. He’d graduated. He
was an athlete. He was a cyclist, mountain biker. His introduction to
painkillers was when he broke a leg, and he liked the painkillers. They
were really good. A doctor prescribed 250 of them, and he became
addicted. It destroyed their family, and it destroyed this young man.
Here he was four years later, full of self-loathing and full of
self-disgust.
I thought: “Okay. Well, it can’t be that hard to get him into the
system. I used to be a counsellor. I’m an MLA now. I’m going to find him
a resource.” So I went on line. He was dozing now. He was fed and
satiated, and his mom was fine. I said: “We’re going to find him
something.” I went on line, and I couldn’t find anything. It wasn’t
clear.
I thought: “Okay. I’m a resourceful person. I’m going to pick up
the phone. I know people in the counselling field, and I’m going to make
phone calls.” I managed to reach out to our local addiction services
provider, and I said: “So, how do we get this young man, who is high in
my office, who needs a shower, who needs a safe place to be, who is
saying, ‘I want to change. I want this to be different….’ What do we
do?”
She said: “Well, you need to get him on the list for detox.” So I
said: “Okay. Well, how do we do that?” It’s like, okay, let’s call
detox. So we called detox, and they said: “We don’t have any room.” I
was like: “Okay then. So what are we going to do?”
He couldn’t go home, because he was high and it was too disruptive
to this family. There were younger children at home, so it wouldn’t have
been appropriate, because he lashes out when he’s coming down and gets
really itchy for finding something to use. So we strategized, and we
said: “Okay, well, let’s get him on the list.” They said: “Well, you can
get him on the list. It might be the next day or the day after.” So what
are we going to do? If we’ve got two days, what are we going to do for
two days?
We managed to the contact the youth shelter downtown. The name
eludes me right now, if anyone remembers.
S. Chandra Herbert: Covenant House.
Hon. S. Robinson: Covenant House. Thank you very much, Member from the West
End.
Covenant House said: “Well, our doors open at eight o’clock” — or
ten o’clock — “so he can come then, and we have a space for
him.”
It was like, oh, thankfully, we could get him somewhere. By this
time, it was, I don’t know, one o’clock in the afternoon. So we needed
to keep this young man busy and keep him from using until about ten
o’clock that night.
I called up his mom, who is a teacher. It turns out this was
summer, so she wasn’t working. She said, “You know, I could come and get
him. We’ll get him a shower. We’ll get him some fresh clothes, and I
will drive him around” — just drive, for eight hours; keep him in the
car, keep moving, so that he can’t bolt — “and get him to Covenant
House.”
That was five hours of my day to make all of that happen. Now, I
don’t think anyone would call that good service. No one would call that
good service. So this….
Interjections.
[3:40 p.m.]
Hon. S. Robinson: Sorry? Oh, good MLA service. But it wasn’t good service, and I’m
doing the job that I would like to believe that anybody here in the
House would do.
This is not a story about me. This is a story about people needing
services, and they were just not around. Our government is committed….
This budget is about making sure that those services are there. I’m very
proud to be the first province in the nation that would have a minister
dedicated to mental health and addiction. If we don’t get a handle on
this, our children are going to continue to die. They’re going to
continue to die.
I would love to tell you that this story has a happy ending. We
did manage…. It took a lot of work, a lot of effort and a lot of phone
calls to get him from Covenant House and into detox, to get him into a
treatment centre. It wasn’t seamless. I had to intervene at every step.
I had to push. I had to challenge. I didn’t threaten, because I don’t
believe in threatening, but it just got to the point where…. This is a
young man who has his entire life ahead of him. He’s 22 years old. He
has an opportunity to grow up to be an old man. If we don’t get services
to him, he will be a dead man.
Having to fight every step of the way is not right. I’m proud of
the steps that we’re taking to make sure that we are a seamless system.
It is critical for young people like this that we make sure they get the
supports they need when they need them.
I’m going to just finish off that little story because I think
people need to understand that this is hard work, and it’s going to take
a lot of effort on behalf of a lot of people. It’s another example of
where the system is incomplete. Even though we were able to push through
and get him things that he needed and he was stable for eight months,
that still wasn’t enough. When he got out…. He was on Suboxone, and
Suboxone was working for him. He was working. He’s a strong man. He has
a good work ethic. He was working. And he’s charming. That’s the thing
that was, through all of this…. A charming young man.
What was heartbreaking was that there were no follow-up supports
for him after. When he wanted to go into a recovery house — and there’s
no plan, no system of recovery houses — he was told that he couldn’t be
on Suboxone because they’re clean houses. So he said: “I’m not ready to
go off Suboxone. It’s working for me. I am not craving fentanyl. I’m not
going out on the street. I am not engaging in that self-loathing
behaviour. I’m not picking up cigarette butts off the floor. I am eating
properly. I am doing good self-care. I am working. But I need to have
people who aren’t using around me.”
He was looking for community. Everywhere he turned, they were what
they call “clean houses.” Suboxone was not considered a medication in
those houses. So he didn’t stay, because he wanted to stay on the
Suboxone. Things fell apart because he didn’t have community. The system
failed, and I would argue that we failed.
Here we have a new government, and this new government is taking
on the challenge of making sure that services are there for people. This
budget is about that. It’s about making sure that young men like this
one have the opportunity to become full adults and to become old
men.
I’m very proud of the fact that we are making sure that we have a
$265 million increase to the Ministry of Health that’s going to address
this fentanyl emergency.
I’m very proud of the fact that we are providing $681 million over
three years to help get our kids the education they deserve. It’s the
education that they need. People will think of this as a social
investment, and I agree. It’s absolutely a social investment. It’s also
an economic investment. If our children can’t learn, if our children
can’t read, if our children can’t think critically, then they’re not
ready to participate in the economy.
Why would any government ever hold back on education? Why would
any government ever hold back on adult basic education, like the
previous government? I just can’t understand that. I’m still agog at
that decision. Our government has made a different decision, a decision
to invest in people. It’s people that drive the economy. It’s people
that make life better for their families. It’s people that actually
strengthen our communities. That’s what this budget is all
about.
[3:45 p.m.]
I’m also proud of our investment in child care. Again, while many
people will think of child care as a social investment…. And it is. I do
believe that it’s good to have child care that meets the needs of
children, that provides them with the opportunity to learn. It
absolutely has to be safe and accessible, and it also needs to be
affordable. But it’s also an investment in the economy. Because when we
have both parents participating in the economy, the economy is more
robust, and it’s also more resilient.
Certainly, in my life as a family therapist, I come across
families that are struggling, where they have one parent staying at
home. They’re struggling financially. It creates tension in the
relationship, because they could only manage one income because child
care just isn’t available or it’s unaffordable, so it creates these
financial pressures. If they had access to affordable child care, then
they would have two people in the economy. It would reduce some of the
pressures on the family, and they would have more money to spend in the
economy. So it really is a good investment for our community and for our
province.
The other thing that I think is really interesting to speak to is
the non-traditional support for investing in child care and
non-traditional support for investing in housing. I want to give kudos
to the Greater Vancouver Board of Trade. About 18 months ago they came
out with a very good report about the importance of investing in these
things because it’s good for the economy. And I’m very proud of having a
government that’s making these investments, recognizing their social
value but also recognizing the importance of investing here so that the
economy is more robust going forward.
These investments are going to be playing out not just
immediately, but they’re going to be playing out for the next 20, 30, 40
years, and if we don’t make those investments now, our children and our
grandchildren are going to be the ones that pay the price. So I’m very
proud of our government’s commitment to start that process now so that
we have these good investments in the long term.
Our government is also going to be building schools, hospitals,
transit and transportation infrastructure because not only will they
create healthy communities, but they also do create jobs, and those
infrastructure projects are very important. The other thing I really
like about this — and I’m just going to go back to the fact that I’m a
family therapist, and you don’t really ever walk away from your first
career; it sort of stays with you — is that these are projects that are
going to happen throughout the province.
What that means is that there are going to be jobs throughout the
province. It always breaks my heart when I work with families when dad
or mom, but it’s usually dad, has to go away for three weeks and comes
back. Three weeks out, one week back. It’s hard on the family. It’s hard
on the kids. It’s hard on the adults, as a parent. We have many in this
House who have to leave our children, and that’s hard. I mean, you get
used to it, but it’s hard on families, and I’m proud of our commitment
to build infrastructure projects throughout the province so that there
are local jobs, so that people can go home at night. That’s good for
people, and that’s good for families.
I’m also very proud of the fact that we’re creating an innovation
commission, which will advocate and be an ambassador for the B.C. tech
sector, and an emerging economy task force. They’re going to be looking
at made-in-B.C. solutions to look at how government can encourage
innovative and sustainable industries to drive economic growth into this
current century.
It’s really interesting. I believe that government’s job here is
to facilitate the growth of the economy, to be at the forefront and to
bring the players together to make sure that we’re ready, that we’re
poised. When you invest in communities, when you invest in families,
when you invest in children, and when you invest in the initial steps,
then the rest of it follows.
It’s really interesting that everyone’s all atwitter about Amazon
and the fact that they’ve got 50,000 jobs to bring to a community. I
would really like to see it come to B.C. But when you don’t make sure
that you have your housing affordable, when that’s out of whack, then it
becomes a barrier to that economic investment. It becomes a barrier to
that opportunity. We have to make sure that we address these pieces to
make sure that we’re ready for the next phase, whatever that might look
like.
[3:50 p.m.]
I’m really proud that we’re paying attention to all of these
pieces, because each of them is another lever, another opportunity for
us to grow as a province, to make sure that we are ready for what comes
next.
We are also moving forward to phase out the provincial sales tax
on electricity. That’s going to be helping B.C. businesses compete while
also encouraging a transition to low-carbon energy sources, like
electricity. This is a real opportunity. We’ve been hearing really good
things. We know that it’s a good thing not just for our environment, but
it’s really good for business. It provides them with an opportunity to
transition over, and it allows them to invest those dollars that they
would normally be paying. So that’s another opportunity to move
forward.
I’m really very pleased about the steps that we’re taking — this
initial budget update. It presents a strong, responsible fiscal plan
that really does put people first. It also helps to ensure, in the long
run, that we have fiscal sustainability and responsible investment —
investment that makes us better.
I’m proud of our balanced budget for 2017-2018. It’s a total
spending of $51.9 billion, total revenues of $52.4 billion, a forecast
allowance of $300 million, a bu