British Columbia Hansard — Friday, September 17, 1982 — Morning Sitting (32nd Parliament, 4th Session)
32p 04s 820917a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1982 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 32nd Parliament
Hansard
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
( Hansard )
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1982
Morning Sitting
[ Page
9241 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Coal Amendment Act, 1982 (Bill 78). Second reading. (Hon. Mr. Smith)
Mr. Howard –– 9241
Mr. Levi –– 9242
Hon. Mr. Smith –– 9242
Homeowner Interest Assistance Act (Bill 79). Second reading. (Hon. Mr. Brummet)
Hon. Mr. Brummet –– 9243
Mr. Gabelmann –– 9244
Mr. Ritchie –– 9246
Mr. Stupich –– 9247
Hon. Mr. Chabot –– 9249
Mr. Hall –– 9250
Hon. Mr. McGeer –– 9252
Mr. Nicolson –– 9252
Hon. Mr. Williams –– 9254
Ms. Brown –– 9256
Motor Vehicle Amendment Act (No –– 2), 1982 (Bill 69). Hon. Mr. Fraser
Third reading –– 9258
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1982
The House met at 10 a.m.
Prayers.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Speaker, in the
gallery this morning are two very good friends who are frequent
visitors to this building. They are supporters of the British Columbia
Social Credit Party and very hard workers for the party. I wonder if
all members would welcome Ursula Forrester and Lee Mesker.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. GARDOM: Adjourned debate on second reading of Bill 78, Mr. Speaker.
COAL AMENDMENT ACT, 1982
(continued)
MR. HOWARD: I thought he was rising in his seat to resume the debate, but he appears to have been rising to close the debate.
HON. MR. SMITH: No, Mr. Speaker....
MR. SPEAKER: I can only recognize one member. The member has concluded his remarks.
MR. HOWARD:
No, I say that if I had not risen...an assumption on my part, Mr.
Speaker. I assumed the minister knew what he was doing, but apparently
he doesn't.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. member, the debate was
adjourned by the minister, at which time, prior to the question, the
Chair would have to put the question before the debate would be
concluded.
MR. HOWARD: I'm just trying to protect the rights of the minority, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you for the assistance, hon. member.
HON. MR. SMITH: Mr. Speaker, I did move second reading and I have concluded my remarks.
MR. HOWARD:
Then I don't know why we didn't have the vote last night. Maybe the
minister hadn't yet received the proper instructions. I have just a few
brief comments to make about the bill before us. Tell the minister that
the remarks I'm about to make were based upon notes prepared for me by
the same person who prepared the notes for the minister in his remarks
yesterday.
This affords us the opportunity to examine briefly why it is that we in British
Columbia have always — and more so lately, especially with respect to northeast
coal — come off second best in our dealings with other countries, particularly
our dealings with Japan. I think we need to appreciate what goes on here in
B.C. with respect to resources. That's partly what this bill is about. It
talks about licences, leases, exclusive rights to mine; exclusive rights to
prosecute to the full authority that the holder of a lease or licence has
under the act. What that does is say that the Crown, presuming to act on behalf
of the people who are the owners of the resource, would give some private group,
some corporation, a licence or a lease to do something with respect to coal.
It would give them the exclusive right to mine that coal.
the followup of selling the product, in this case coal, to some other
country — and I'm referring to Japan in this instance, because that's
the most notable recent one that we need to examine — the government or
the Crown, on behalf of the people, takes a detached view of the
procedures relating to the sale of the product to the other country. In
other words, there is not a companionship between government on behalf
of the people, and the coal companies on behalf of themselves, to
ensure that the best possible advantage accrues to the people of
British Columbia from their resource. That detachment, that aloofness
of government on behalf of the people from the coal companies is what
gets us into difficulties.
In Japan they have a different
philosophy, policy and structure with respect to how things occur in
dealing with other countries on either an export or an import basis.
Following the end of the American occupation of Japan, shortly after
the Second World War, the Japanese government, the Japanese people, the
Japanese corporations established thereunder, and the trade union
movement to a large extent, although not exclusively, decided that they
would work in a cooperative way for the benefit of all of Japan — not
just for the benefit of a particular corporation, whether a steel
company, an automobile manufacturer or a camera company, whatever the
case might be. They determined that cooperation between government,
business and the workforce in Japan was necessary to serve the
interests of Japan to the full. It was that cooperative spirit, that
cooperative policy, that declaration of intent to work for the benefit
of all of Japan that has seen Japan arise from the ashes following the
Second World War in which they had very little industrial capacity — it
was war-oriented — in probably the most dramatic rise in industrial
production, standard of living and wealth production anywhere in the
western world. They did that because they had the cooperative approach.
This
bill perpetuates a set of circumstances which doesn't believe in the
cooperative approach to dealing with the resources of this province. We
give the licence to a private corporation to explore, find and develop
mines, and produce the product called coal. The holder of that licence
is the one that strikes the bargain with Japan, in this instance, with
respect to the sale of that coal. Japan, on the other hand, has this
combined cooperative spirit between government and industry to serve
the interests of Japan. Here in British Columbia the coal companies do
not have that combined cooperative interest. They have the interest of
their balance sheet, and I'm not denigrating that. I'm not saying
that's a bad sort of thing. It's a fact of corporate life — they have
the interest of their balance sheet to serve. I submit that that is one
of the major reasons why we made such a bad deal on northeast coal.
It's one of the major reasons why it's going to cost the taxpayers of
this province somewhere between a billion and a billion and a half
dollars of subsidy over the next 15 years — basically a subsidy to the
Japanese steel industry. We entered negotiations on the basis of a
couple of coal companies having a licence or a lease or whatever, but
with control over the coal in the ground that belongs to the people of
the province, and their foundation was to serve the balance sheet of
those corporations. The government, having granted those
[ Page 9242 ]
licences,
sat back and said: "Well, look, you go to it; that's your business."
That point has been made time and time again by the Minister of
Industry and Small Business Development. We in British Columbia are the
losers because of that kind of policy.
We do not appreciate
that Japan operates on a different basis: they operate to serve the
interests of all Japan, not just a segment of it. In this province we
operate to serve only segments of the population. The segments in this
instance happen to have received licences or leases to look for, mine
and sell coal. That is no foundation upon which to say that this bill
is inappropriate. It's simply a housekeeping bill, as the minister
said. In order to tackle the problem — and it is a serious one.... We
are going to continue to be the losers as long as we carry on doing
things the way we have up until now. It takes much more than just
changing around a few words in
an act and saying that we don't like the
words "assign, transfer, sublet," etc. any more, and replacing them
with some word in the
interpretation — not called "dispose," which says
basically the same thing, or expands on them.
I want to put
the point to the minister that if he is going to embark on this new
profession of his with any hope of accomplishing anything worthwhile
for the province of British Columbia, then I think he should attack the
problem from the foundation that I put to him a while ago: namely, that
if we carry on the way we have been in the issuing of licences, leaving
the holders of those licences to make deals to suit themselves, all of
British Columbia will be the losers, as long as we follow along that
particular course.
I don't know whether the minister has
been in his current office long enough to find his way around in the
ministry and to find out where the components and pieces are, where the
key to the washroom is, and the other things necessary to find out
what's going on within a department. I submit to him that it would be a
tremendous service to this province if he would appreciate what I've
been saying to him and this House, and would tackle it from that point
of view. Set up mechanisms and procedures which serve the interests of
all the people of British Columbia who are basically the owners of the
resource. We in this Legislature, and the government, are only the
custodian of those. As custodians, we and government should not dispose
lightly of those assets and that ownership, simply giving away a
licence and then washing our hands of it, saying: "Well, we have
nothing more to do with what occurs once you have that particular
licence." Our objectives should be much higher and broader than that.
we need a lesson at all in how government, business and labour can
cooperate and work together for the common good of all, we have only to
look to the people on the other side of the Pacific Ocean, in Japan, to
find an example. Not that we can adopt that example here; I'm not
suggesting that. They have an entirely different cultural and familial
base. But we can certainly learn from them as to how they conduct their
affairs to serve the interests of Japan, and adopt the valuable parts
suitable to our structure here in B.C.
MR. LEVI: I
have a question for the minister, which I hope he will answer when he
winds up. For two years we've heard about the development of northeast
coal. When he spoke yesterday, the minister said: "I anticipate that
the members opposite will be supportive of these changes and
progressive reforms in the legislation, and will be anxious to expedite
the passage of Bill 78, the Coal Amendment Act, in order that this
project which is the bright light on the economic horizon in this
province...may continue and flourish, and ensure that the final
arrangements of the project will go forward unimpeded."
What
actually happened? We're now making some changes to the act. There's
been an investment of billions of dollars — a commitment of billions of
dollars, certainly taxpayers' money as well. What happened? Did
somebody find out that the whole thing was actually constructed on such
shaky grounds that the minister has to come in today and ask us to make
some amendments to the act in order to make the deal safe? We've asked
many times on this side of the House, Mr. Speaker, for the reports and
the various commitments that both sides have made in respect to this.
What we have in this bill is a suggestion that the whole thing was
constructed on very shaky legal grounds in the sense that we have to
make some changes. I understand about the recording of leases. But what
happened? Who suddenly discovered that the whole thing could possibly
collapse because it was not set up right in law?
The one
other question I have for the minister is in respect to leases. Does
the government have a philosophy about use-it-or-lose-it, the kind of
thing they have in the forestry act? Also, what's the value of the
transfer of the lease? Has that suddenly become a tremendous asset
which can be traded back and forth? Or once this is vested within this
act, that stays there; you can't trade in these things?
Interjection.
MR. LEVI:
Well, the thing is, we want to be able to understand it. You're not the
minister. We have to deal with the minister behind you — the new
minister.
Just what happens in respect to the leases, and
are they suddenly going to become an asset that can be traded back and
forth? Or when you say that it is in perpetuity, is that the thing?
That's what I'd like the minister to answer.
In the first
part of the question, I asked how they could suddenly realize that they
needed to rearrange the act to make it more secure for what is the
largest single investment, as the government has said many times, in
the province. Has it been set up on such shaky legal grounds that we
need to do this?
HON. MR. SMITH: Mr. Speaker, briefly
dealing with the comments from the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard), it
would seem that we have a very slight philosophical difference between
us on the two sides of the House. The thrust of the member for Skeena
appears to be that the government should be the agency and the body
that negotiates and enters into agreements to develop coal and be the
holder of the licence, and that would promote the best interests of the
province. I hope that I heard the member wrong, but it seemed to me
that it was the usual statist argument that emanates from the other
side. In any event, this government has a commitment to have private
enterprise publicly responsible and, with the checks of legislation,
have private enterprise develop these projects.
My friend
the member for Maillardville-Coquitlam (Mr. Levi), who just spoke,
raised a couple of questions. No, hon. member, the project is not in
any way in doubt or in jeopardy. It's a long-term project, as you know
— a 15-year project. The purpose of these amendments is to ensure that
lenders have the kind of security for their loans that they would have
if they were lending money for the development of land or for
[ Page
9243 ]
the development of petroleum or natural gas. In those areas, there are registration systems and licence systems.
These
leases will not become trading assets to be shifted around, but a
mortgage on a lease can be given to a person who advances the money to
the company which is in charge of the development and holds that lease.
It's the security of the mortgage that we're talking about. We're not
talking about trading around the asset, or selling the asset. We're
talking about giving security to lenders who will be advancing the
money to the coal companies and will allow this great project to
proceed.
Motion approved.
Bill 78, Coal Amendment
Act, 1982, read a second time and referred to a Committee of the Whole
House for consideration at the next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Second reading of Bill 79, Mr. Speaker.
HOMEOWNER INTEREST ASSISTANCE ACT
HON. MR. BRUMMET:
Mr. Speaker, in moving second reading of Bill 79, the Homeowner
Interest Assistance Act, I would like make a few brief comments of
explanation regarding the bill, and then look for the support of all
members of this House. Bill 79 provides the legislation necessary to
implement the new B.C. home program. It provides the authority for
homeowners to be reimbursed for a portion of interest charges on their
mortgage payments on their principal residence. The reimbursement will
be in the form of a loan repayable on the sale of the home, or as
prescribed in regulations. This loan aspect is a new, responsible and
very positive feature of this program. It provides a hand to people who
need it, not a government handout. In effect, those who benefit from
the program will be the ones who will pay back the assistance they get
when times get better. There will not be a long-term burden on other
taxpayers. It would certainly require a very negative outlook to assume
that the economy will not have improved long before September 1985, or
that interest rates will not have gone down to a reasonable level by
that time.
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
I'd like
to inform the members of this House, Mr. Speaker, that in preparing the
plan we met with representatives of the financial community and we got
very valuable input from them as to what would work, what would not
work, what can be done and what can't be done. We are not upsetting the
existing mortgage structure in implementing this plan. What we are
doing is providing assistance direct into the hands of the homeowners.
We did get the support of the financial community and their valuable
input.
Since the program was announced and briefly
described, we have had a great deal of interest. The phones in our
offices and many offices have been ringing steadily. The public is very
interested. We have had a great deal of support from people in the
financial community and from many other people in our province.
The program would work basically as follows. The government would
provide interest relief to all existing and new or renewed mortgages,
effective as of October 1, 1982, and until September 30, 1985. That
relief will come on the first $60,000 of any homeowner's mortgage plan
on their principal residence. It will bring the effective interest rate
down to the 12 percent level, up to a maximum of six points. Perhaps a
brief example might help. If a person in the next three years, or last
month for that matter, renewed a mortgage at, say, the 18 percent
level, through this plan we would bring their payments down to an
effective 12 percent level. If their mortgage rate is higher than the
18 percent, we have to put a top limit on it. With interest rates
actually coming down, we assume that the 6 percent margin will
definitely cover the program. As I indicated, the interest assistance
program will apply to all homeowners — all those who hold mortgages,
including chattel mortgages on mobile homes. The $60,000 is a maximum,
and there is no minimum. If we look at what help it provides, it is
universal, so it will provide this assistance to anyone with any size
mortgage, but only up to $60,000. However, the low-mortgage holder —
someone with a $20,000 or $30,000 mortgage — in percentage terms, of
course, will benefit at the highest level.
We estimate that of the more than 405,000
principal homeowners in British Columbia, perhaps 350,000 will take
advantage of this assistance program. We know there are some long-term
mortgages that are below the 12 percent rate, and naturally this
program will be of no benefit to those people. lf they come up for
renewal they may apply at any time during the program, but all payments
will cease in 1985. We are naturally assuming — and I think it is a
very reasonable assumption — that the economy will have improved by
that time. I think it is reasonable to assume that the interest rates
will then have come down to a reasonable level. So in September 1985,
when people renew their mortgages, their payments may well be down to
the 12 percent level anyway, and they will not be going up.
the event of the worst scenario, which many people seem to prefer, we
are allowing people an extra year of interest-free grace to make the
adjustments if they do have to raise their payments at that time. We
are allowing a flexible repayment program, in that it may be to their
benefit at that time to roll it into their existing mortgage to repay
it. It may be to their benefit to pay it off in a lump sum. It may be
to their benefit to spread the payments, which of course are interest
free in that fourth year, as well as in the three years when they are
accumulating the assistance on the loan. If they so choose. they may
spread it out over the 12 months, because they're not paying interest
on it. After September 30, 1986, we will further assist people who
can't roll it into the program by working out a mortgage repayment
scheme, which we can handle ourselves.
What the program
provides is security for homeowners for the next three years. They know
their monthly mortgage payments will be at the 12 percent level. We
have every reason to believe they will improve after that time, and so
will their own situations. It provides the type of security that we
believe will create consumer confidence in the housing industry. That
consumer confidence will of course allow people to buy homes, to remain
in their homes, and in that sense will probably encourage, to a
considerable degree, the acquisition of new homes. When some people are
acquiring new homes then we need other homes, and when we need other
homes that of course stimulates the house building industry.
also feel that this imaginative program will stimulate the economy. By
leaving more money in the hands of homeowners, more will be spent in
the rest of the economy, and
[ Page 9244 ]
that
will stimulate activity in the business community, creating some
indirect jobs. The direct jobs we look for in the housing industry and
associated trades; the indirect jobs we look for from the money going
into the economy because people spend. If people choose to save or
invest that money, we feel that too can stimulate the economy, because
it provides investment funds which are available to the rest of the
people in our economy. That in turn will indirectly create other jobs.
So whether they spend this money during the three years, or whether
they save it, it will certainly stimulate the economy.
Some
people have questioned how this is a benefit if in fact it is a loan
that must be paid back. I would suggest that anyone in our society can
tell you that when you get interest-free money into your hands for four
years, it is a benefit to anyone at any level; in other words, anyone
can benefit. We are of course, in keeping with our philosophy, allowing
freedom of choice here. It's up to people whether they want to get in
on the plan.
Perhaps I could use another example: if someone
right now is locked in for the next few years to a 13 or 14 percent
mortgage, is comfortable with those payments and does not want to
receive these benefits, thereby incurring the loan or the debt, that
person doesn't need to get into the program. It's their choice. I'm
sure the money the people get will be used in many and imaginative
ways. We do not apologize for that. We considered whether people might
take fair or unfair advantage of the program, and we don't see how they
can take unfair advantage. We want to help people, and we want them to
stimulate the economy. Whatever way people use this money, we feel that
is going to happen.
I suppose we should make a brief
reference to how it will be funded and the costs. The Ministry of
Finance will handle the program through the normal capital funding
sources and, of course, supplement it by the recently approved housing
and development bonds. What we're doing, in effect, is using the top
credit rating of this province, carefully and deliberately established,
to help our people get a benefit which might not otherwise be available
to them.
Some people have tended to criticize the program by
asking why we are borrowing money to put into this program when there
are restraint measures in other areas. We're trying to help people
through this difficult period and, in fact, help them to help
themselves. I think we have to remember that the imaginative and
different part of this program is that the money will be recoverable.
When they are better off, we will be getting the money back. So it is
not money that is just handed out, spent and which will not be
recovered.
We're estimating that perhaps in the first year
the money put out to homeowners will be up to $300 million. It's
estimated that anywhere from $860 million to $1.4 billion will be put
out in this assistance program, depending on what the interest rates
are, say, a year or two down the road and on how many people apply. You
also have to remember, as I indicated earlier, that that money will go
into the economy in one form or another.
The only costs that
will really be incurred by government are what that money might cost if
we don't recover and the interest that might be forgone if the money
had been used in other ways. I feel that with the stimulation that this
puts into the economy, which will generate more revenue to the
government, and with the savings that it will create from other
assistance programs the government might have to provide if this
program were not in effect, we will recover all of those administration
and actual costs of the program.
I conclude by saying that
this program is to provide security and consumer confidence. It will
stimulate the economy in various ways. The program will be creating
jobs directly. It will also be creating jobs indirectly through the
stimulation it will provide to business and industry. The program will
work. Those who benefit will be paying it back, so we're simply using
the credit of the province to help them through these difficult times.
There is a great deal of interest out there. It is not going to place
any long-term burden on the taxpayers of this province. It appears that
the program is getting very enthusiastic acceptance.
hope, with your cooperation, that we can pass this legislation and put
it into effect. The application forms and particulars are being
prepared now.
Incidentally, I might add that with the
cooperation of the existing mortgage lenders and our ministry staff
we're working out a program so it will be worked through the existing
structure. We will not need a large bureaucracy to run this program.
The lending institutions have agreed to waive any application fee
costs. We are not charging any application fees, and members will see
from the bill that we're providing the structure of government to avoid
any extra costs associated with this. With the way we have designed the
program we can avoid restructuring mortgages — the legal costs and so
on that are incurred. I'm sure questions will come out in that respect
in committee. I move second reading of this bill.
MR. GABELMANN:
Before beginning debate on the bill, I'd like to express my
congratulations publicly, as I have privately, to the new minister in
his new role as Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing. Since this is his
first opportunity to perform in the Legislature in his new role, I
thought it would be appropriate for me to say: congratulations to you.
While I don't wish you a long term, may it be productive in the short
while.
We're going to vote for the bill, Mr. Speaker. Now
that I no longer have to deal with the new Provincial Secretary (Hon.
Mr. Chabot) in this job, we're going to try to turn over some new
leaves.
There are a number of things I want to do in
responding to the legislation. I want to talk a little bit about the
history of housing over the last six years and some concerns we have
about the inaction of the government. I also want to express some
concerns that we have about the impact of the legislation. I'll do that
a bit later on.
I wish we had been debating this bill all
this week. I think the minister wanted to do the same thing. It seems
to me that we were called back on Monday of this week to deal with
economic recovery programs. So far we've spent the whole week wasting
our time dealing with the gerrymander. This bill is one step, one
aspect, of what should be a legislative program for economic recovery.
I'm pleased that we're now able to debate this bill. I'm sorry and
distressed that it's not part of a bigger package of legislative
proposals and government action that we could debate to find a way to
get British Columbia out of its current difficulties. Nonetheless, this
is at least something that we can grasp at.
The timing of
the bill is curious. In six years or so of Social Credit government
we've had announcements virtually every two weeks, saying there would
be a housing program announced shortly. After six years of two-week
programs we've finally got an element of a housing program.
[ Page 9245 ]
I'm
distressed that at the time when the housing crisis was greatest — not
that it isn't difficult now; it is — and when mortgage rates were at 21
percent, 22 percent and higher, and the cost of buying houses escalated
far beyond any reason, we had no programs. Now that interest rates are
coming down — and, hopefully, this is the beginning of a long trend of
decline in interest rates, not just an aberration — and housing prices
have come down and the crisis is less acute, we have government action
of a sort. I wonder why that is. I wonder if it might not have
something to do with the fact that we're very likely to be into an
election soon. I wonder if this isn't more related to election recovery
than economic recovery. I wonder if it isn't much more related to
buying votes, as opposed to assisting people in their individual
housing crises. Nevertheless, even if it is simply a political gesture
for political recovery, if it benefits only one British Columbian I'm
going to support the bill, even in this time.
I said I had
some concerns — I'm not going to be long about this. I wonder why we
hear this beautiful new phrase, "off-budget money," floating around,
which in effect creates deficit financing while not really
acknowledging that it's going on. But we're able to find that kind of
off-budget money for programs that assist a great many people.
Unfortunately, it will probably assist people who are in our economic
income bracket who shouldn't really need the kind of assistance that
this provides. Nevertheless, it's there. Why can we find this cutely
termed off-budget money for these kinds of programs when, at the same
time, the government has to announce that the mentally and physically
disabled are having their rental sharing programs cut back? I wonder
why it is that people who are in great need, such as mentally and
physically handicapped people in British Columbia — there are many
others, but I cite this as one example — have had their subsidy, which
is what it has been, cut back by the provincial government. Last year
there were grants available for rental units for mentally and
physically handicapped persons. This year there are 100.
think there is some inconsistency in what the government is doing. I
could cite — but I won't, because I don't intend to take long — dozens
and dozens of other examples of where government cutbacks for needy
people, whether they're mentally and physically disabled, whether
they're senior citizens, whether they're people in need of social
housing, whether they're people who are waiting on the B.C. Housing
Management Commission lists.... There are a minimum of 10,000 at any
one time on those lists, and many more would be there if they had any
hope of getting accommodation through those processes. I wonder why it
is that when no money is available for those needy people we're able to
find money for a program like this. I wonder again, Mr. Speaker, if the
answer isn't that this is more political than it is economic, that it's
more political than it is designed to help those people who most need
help.
I have some concerns about those tens of
thousands of British Columbians who rent. There's no assistance in this
bill for them. If rent controls had been maintained in the most part,
then they may well have been protected and could avoid the necessity of
falling under the umbrella of a program like this. But we haven't had
rent controls. They've been virtually abolished. As a result of that,
renters in many cases — and in most cases renters are lower-income
people — have had exorbitant increases even with the levelling off.
Even with the vacancy rates increasing lately, as they have, and the
deals that you can get, such as the twelfth month free, the trip to
Reno if you rent a suite and those kinds of things, rents haven't
really decreased. There's no assistance for those people. They are
legion in this province. I make the point that in most cases people who
are renting do so for economic reasons. They have a lower income and
don't have the money to get into the housing market.
This
program doesn't help them get into the housing market. This is not a
program that is designed to help relatively low-income people obtain
their first home. The program still requires that you qualify for a
mortgage at the regular rate. You can't go to the bank and say: "Okay,
your rate is 16 3/4. This program will bring it down to 12. I qualify
at 12, but I don't at 16 3/4. Therefore I should get a house." The bank
will say: "No, you don't qualify, because your income isn't
sufficient." I don't blame the bank, because three years down the road
the program ends. Four years down the road, the money is over, and the
bank is then faced with having a mortgage-holder with an income
insufficient to meet the demands of what could possibly be still a 16
3/4 mortgage. Who knows? It doesn't address the needs of those people
who would like to get their own first home, who don't meet the
eligibility requirements. In that sense, too, Mr. Speaker, I have some
concerns about the focus and the thrust of the program.
have some concerns about those people who took out mortgages a year or
a year and a half ago at 22 and 23 percent and who will find that this
program benefits them by only 6 percent and that their mortgage will
come down to 16 or 17 percent. The ex-Minister of Housing interjects
that it is short term, and that's true. Many of these mortgages were
taken out on a short-term basis, but they are still in place and they
still mean that people this fall are losing their homes and having to
get out. We've all had calls expressing some interest in this program
by people asking what it's about. I've had calls from people who
realize it's of no benefit to them because it doesn't bring their
mortgage down to a level where they can meet the payments for the next
six or ten months. There are a number of people in that particular
category.
I said earlier that it's a sneaky way of deficit
financing. I just wish the government would own up to the fact that
through a number of its economic programs it is, in effect, running a
deficit this year. The last
section of the bill — the appropriation
section — says that money for the program comes out of consolidated
revenue until the end of the fiscal year. That's money that will have
to be borrowed. I don't have any objections to that, but I do object to
the apparent coverup, or the attempt to deny that in fact the
government is borrowing money to implement this kind of program. Why
don't we just face up to the fact that this is what we're doing?
wonder — I'm coming close to the end of my remarks — about
section
2(f). We'll have an opportunity in committee sometime in the near
future to discuss in detail what
section 2(
f) means. I'm not a lawyer
and I don't have any great expertise in these matters. The
section says
that the government can make regulations "defining, enlarging, or
restricting words and expressions that are used in this act." In the
words of the act, the government can define, enlarge, or restrict words
and expressions. I assume that means words and phrases. The term
"expressions" is a strange one, but that doesn't matter.
Isn't
this a new form of legislative behaviour? We're being asked to pass a
bill that can later be amended by cabinet — in the secrecy of cabinet.
Whether or not that has any negative impact on the program is in a
sense irrelevant at this
[ Page 9246 ]
point.
The fact is that this is, in my judgment, a dangerous legislative
precedent. In fact, I question its legality. I question whether the
cabinet can in fact alter or restrict something that the Legislature
has passed. Even if the Legislature passes a clause that says you can
do it, I wonder if that's legal. Outside the concerns of the housing
question involved in this issue, I'm concerned about the legal and
legislative precedent established in that section.
The other
thing I wonder is whether we even need a bill to do this. I suspect
that the government could do as it did with HIP a couple of years ago,
when they arranged for 9 3/4 percent mortgages for people up to a limit
of $200 million. They had a limit of $90,000 on the price of a house,
and those kinds of things. They did all that without legislative
approval. I wonder if this couldn't be done without legislative
approval as well. The non-specific, non-precise way in which the bill
is written seems to have more to do with politics than with legislative
authority. It has more to do with politics than really with anything
else.
I don't have much more to say. As I said initially,
we're going to support the bill; any port in a storm. I wish we'd seen
a few ports when the storm was at force 10, but now that it's
diminishing, we....
AN HON. MEMBER: An election is coming.
MR. GABELMANN: Yes, an election is coming, as my colleague points out, and we now see some belated action.
AN HON. MEMBER: Too little too late.
MR. GABELMANN:
It's not too little too late for some people. In some cases it benefits
those who don't need to benefit. I'm sure most members of this
Legislature, together with a lot of other people in the community, said
to themselves upon the announcement of this program: "How do I qualify?
What does it do to my monthly payments?" I must confess, I went through
that process myself. I thought about that. I don't get the $10,000, but
I get a bit of free money for four years. Do you know what I'd do with
it? I'd probably spend it, and I'd owe it all at the end. So I'm
probably going to say to myself: "No, it's not a good idea for me." But
how many more are going to do that? How many people are going to say:
"We really do need a new fridge. We really do need a new couch, and we
really do need a new car. These several hundred dollars a month will
help us to make those payments now." Then saying to themselves, "Four
years from now we don't know what things are going to be like, and
we'll let four years from now look after itself," they'll then find
themselves in some difficulties four years from now. I have some of the
same objections in that sense as I did to I think it was the Commerce
bank when they did the "red convertible loan," the attempt to persuade
people to borrow money often needlessly. I wonder if this program won't
encourage people to take advantage of free money, not needlessly, but
without sufficient concern about what the impact might be four years
down the road. Other people will be participating in the debate,
obviously, but when he concludes the debate I wonder if the minister
would give me some of his rationale about why he thinks that the
program should be universal in this respect and not specific to those
people who need assistance, to those people who have had their rental
subsidies cut back, as I cited earlier, in the case of the mentally and
physically disabled. Why not some assistance for the needy, instead of
assistance for some of us who might be greedy?
MR. RITCHIE:
I am indeed delighted to take my place and make my comments in respect
to this very welcome bill. Before getting on, I would like to
congratulate our minister in bringing in such an innovative, exciting
and long-overdue approach to helping those who wish to own their home,
whether it be mobile or otherwise.
Listening to the comments
of the member for North Island, I can only hope that his endorsement of
this bill may be a little sign that he is now changing his attitude
towards ownership, from that of state ownership to private ownership.
The member talked very briefly about where the money will come from
from — suddenly we find money to bring in a program like this. I would
like to go on record as saying that as long as this government
continues its attack on waste in government, there will be ample funds
available. And I speak of governments throughout this land. I am not
hiding the fact that there are areas in government where we can save.
It's no secret; we are onto it throughout the whole system.
Then
he complained about how difficult it will be for the first home owner
under this system. In my opinion, the first thing in desiring to own a
home is in the attitude, not dollars. I believe that anyone, whether
it's the first, second or third home, if they have that positive
attitude and they wish to own a home, or own a bigger or a better home,
then they will be able to do so as long as there is funding available
that they can borrow to use while they are going through that process
of achieving their goals — not the way the socialist party would do it,
by merely handing out dollars. That is accepted at the time, but the
appreciation isn't there as it should be.
The only
opposition that I have heard to this bill so far has been that it's
okay, but the money must be paid back. Well, so what? If the dollars
handed out over the years in various areas — housing, etc. — were put
out in this form and handed back, we wouldn't be in such difficulties
in Canada today. The reason why such a large percentage of our tax
dollars is being used to pay the cost of borrowed money is that it was
handed out under that socialist philosophy that we're seeing. That's
where I say that we have now reached a point where we must change our
attitude towards that and adopt ideas such as this, that this minister
has brought in this House today. The program, as introduced, does not
discriminate at all. It's not restricted to those who want to buy a
first home. It's available to all people, whether they own a mobile
home or otherwise, as long as they have a mortgage that qualifies. It's
an excellent bill and program that's fair to everyone interested in
having their own home.
The program is not a handout for the
sake of just filling a gap, as the party on the opposite side would see
it. It's a program that is going to bring these people who are faced
with high mortgage rates through a difficult time. It's going to make
it very easy for them not only to acquire but to retain their homes
through this difficult time of high interest rates. It's not designed
as if it would be by the opposition party's desires; it's not designed
to create another problem in the future, as would a handout program.
With that we would have the generations to follow having to pay off the
expenses of a program that we put into place today to help those in
need today. The program is designed to help them today, but to return
the money tomorrow when things have improved and when conditions are
better so that those same dollars will be available should the need
arise again for those who follow
[ Page 9247 ]
who
wish to own their own home. The program says: "Take it and use it, but
use it wisely, because we expect to have it paid back so we may help
others in the future."
The plan is innovative, because not
only does it help the homeowner, but it will stimulate the economy and
increase employment in the workplace. It's going to prove that dollars
in the hands of the private sector are much more productive than they
are with government. I believe that the longer we can leave the money
out there in the private sector, the more productive it will be, and
the greater the benefits will be to the province and to all the people.
I'd
like to go through some figures I have discovered concerning the
benefits this could have on the employment situation in our province.
HUDAC estimates of job creation through housing construction show that
in Canada in 1982 one housing unit generates more than two man-years of
employment for the construction industry, in addition to the multiplier
effect on the whole economy. More specifically, they estimate that the
construction of 32,000 housing units would generate 71,000 man-years of
employment. That's very substantial. This 71,000 man-years of
employment can be broken down as follows: direct jobs, 22,000; industry
jobs, 18,600; and trade and manufacturing spinoff jobs in the economy,
30,400.
They go on to say: "Employment in man-years was
generated through single detached housing in Canada during the years
1969 to 1974. Figures have not changed significantly, but onsite
construction" — this is a breakdown of the jobs — "totals 622 jobs;
offsite, 138; manufacturing, 252; trade and transportation, 154; and
primary and semi-finished goods, 101."
The impact of this
program on the overall economy is going to affect such things as
sawmills, veneer and plywood mills, sash-and-door and planing mills;
metal fabricating, ornamental and architectural metal, metal stamping,
pressing and coating heating metal, and miscellaneous industries such
as bathroom fixtures, non-metallic mineral production, ready mix
concrete, clay products, drywall, gypsum board, insulation and fire
break. They all benefit from a program of this nature.
can go on further and talk about the consumer-oriented industries, such
as food and beverages, clothing, printing and publishing, and how
they're affected by the type of program where a government makes money
available for housing construction and house ownership. It's going to
stimulate such things as the food and beverage industry. That has an
impact on employment in manufacturing industries, using a $10 million
expenditure on residential construction.... These figures are, for
1976, in personyears: food and beverage, 12.6; rubber and plastics,
4.4; textiles, 5.3; clothing, 6.4; wood, 25.9; paper, etc., 5.9;
printing and publishing, 5.7; primary metals, 7.6; and it goes on and
on. What it really tells us is that when a government uses a program of
this nature, where they say, "Use this money, buy yourself a house,
stimulate the construction industry," all these things benefit from it.
It's
an exciting program. It's an innovative program. It's not only going to
help the home buyer today; it's going to help all of us. The money will
be returned three or four years from now to help generations that will
follow. I support this bill wholeheartedly.
MR. STUPICH:
Mr. Speaker, may I start by congratulating you on being appointed
Deputy Speaker. I have spoken earlier in this session but you were not
in the chair then, and I didn't have an opportunity, so I thought I
would do it now.
May I also congratulate the new Minister of
Lands, Parks and Housing. During all the years, some six years, as the
member for North Island (Mr. Gabelmann) pointed out, that the previous
minister was there and regularly announced housing programs, apparently
the Premier never thought to take him into his confidence. He never had
a program to announce. Yet within a few short weeks of taking over the
portfolio, the new minister has a program to announce. I was also
impressed with the way in which the minister listened to what I'm sure
he would say, and certainly what I would say, was a searching analysis
of the legislation and the program by the member for North Island. I
thought that the minister paid him a good deal of attention and
listened. I'm sure he's not going to agree with everything that was
said, but I would be surprised if he didn't comment on some of the
points made.
I think this is also to his credit: I noticed
that he did not pay very much attention to the fawning bootlicking
exhibited by the hon. member for Central Fraser Valley (Mr. Ritchie);
there wasn't anything to listen to. I noted that, and that's to his
credit.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon. member, please. We must maintain parliamentary decorum.
MR. STUPICH: I thought I was, but I'll leave it to you to remind me if the need arises.
One
concern expressed by the member for North Island was that people who
don't need help will also get help from this program. I too have some
of those concerns. I believe some of the columnists suggested that
people who do not now have mortgages might go out and mortgage their
houses and use the money for some investment plan. I don't know whether
the regulations will prohibit that sort of thing from happening. I have
some concern that some people who don't now own residences — perhaps
they're renting apartments, as I am — might decide that this would be a
good opportunity to go out and buy a residence, knowing that the
interest on at least the first $60,000 is going to be subsidized down
to 12 percent, and gambling, as the minister indicated, that in some
three to four years when it comes time for me to pay that money back,
conditions will have improved, interest rates will have dropped, and
they will then be able to drop that piece of property on the market and
pick up a nice, tidy bundle of profit. Perhaps that could happen;
perhaps the minister is not concerned about that happening, but I have
some concern about the abuses that may enter into this.
Again,
I haven't seen the regulations and am not sure what they are, but it
seems to me that that's one possible abuse. Somebody might go out and
buy a house, with a view to getting cheap financing for some three to
four years, in the hope that the property will increase in value in
that period and that they'll then be able to make a tidy sum at public
expense. Whatever is said about it being a loan, there is a cost to the
public for this program; the minister admitted that in his remarks. It
is interest-free money for four years. Certainly the public purse is
paying part of the cost of this. Some individuals may take advantage of
it unless there are sufficient safeguards.
There are people
who do need help. The good part of the program is that some of them are
going to get help. I'm concerned about some of the suggestions made
about what people might do with the money they get. For example, I'm
[ Page 9248 ]
concerned
that right now the government is bargaining with government employees.
They are being persuaded to take no increase, or a very nominal
increase, in their take-home pay. One of the things that might
encourage some of them to do this is the knowledge that they're at
least going to get some help with their mortgage payments for a three-
to four-year period. So it will be easier for them to get by, getting
less of an increase in pay at this particular time, knowing that
they're going to get help from the government if they have a mortgage
on their home, help from the government to meet their living expenses
today, and hoping, along with the minister, that when the day of
reckoning comes, interest rates will have dropped. If interest rates
haven't dropped — and there's always that possibility — then those
people who decided that they can get along with less income today in
the knowledge that the government is going to subsidize their living
for some three to four years are going to have a lot of trouble when
that day of reckoning comes. I do have that concern. Not just
government employees, but desperate people who are not getting by now —
who are surviving but are not really getting by on their incomes — are
going to use this interest-free loan that's arriving once a month
simply to live on.
When the day of reckoning comes, they'll
find it very difficult to finance a larger mortgage or combination of
mortgages, because the minister has said that in the event they are not
able to pay it off, in the event that they can't add it on to their
existing mortgage, then — and I believe this is what he said — the
government itself will loan them the funds necessary to repay the money
that was loaned to them interest-free. So I have that worry. A lot of
people who are going to enter the program, take advantage of it, and
who need the money for living right now, will find themselves in a
pretty desperate situation in some three to four years — unless, as the
minister hopes, and as we all hope, interest rates do drop
significantly.
People will receive help — and this applies
to everybody only in the event that interest rates stay up. Now the
minister might say that if interest rates drop down to 12 percent, they
don't need help, so it's no problem. But in offering what has been
described as an election bribe at this time, the minister.... Mr.
Speaker, the minister raised his eyebrows. He was not the one who
described it as an election bribe. I don't think he'll deny that it is,
in part. Nevertheless, in offering this election bribe at this time,
remember that people are going to get contributions, interest-free
loans, only if there is that difference between their mortgage rate and
the 12 percent figure. If their mortgage rate drops, then they don't
get any money. So it may be a very short-term thing, because the
minister has expressed his confidence over and over that interest rates
are going to drop. So in saying that he's going to give people
interest-free grants, once a month for three years, he's hoping that he
will not have to continue that any longer than a year. I certainly hope
that happens as well. We all hope that interest rates drop and that it
will not be necessary to subsidize payments down to the 12 percent
figure. It might not happen.
If the interest rates do
stay up high for three years, then the people who are getting this
interest-free money from the government are going to do quite well,
thank you, from the government. Then they'll benefit again if, after
the end of that three-year period, and before the time of renewing
their mortgage — or, say, after three years and 11 months.... They'll
get the maximum benefit if interest rates stay up to at least 18
percent for three years and 11 months, and then drop down to 12 percent
at the end of the fourth year. That's the ideal situation from the
point of view of the person who is getting this interest-free handout
from the government. It's a pretty ideal situation, and I doubt very
much that that is going to happen.
One of two things is
going to happen. Either interest rates are going to stay up and people
are going to get all kinds of money, and at the end of the fourth year,
they'll still be high and they'll be faced with a very difficult job of
refinancing their entire mortgage or a combination of mortgages, or
interest rates are going to start dropping in the interim as they have
already, and people will not be getting nearly as much of this
interest-free money as they see in their eyes now when they look at
this program. They see the figures now and they think that for three
years they're going to be getting all that money. It just might not
happen that way.
The minister said that we had to have a
cutoff somewhere. Interest rates might not drop. Interest rates might
go even higher than 18 percent. So to protect the government, the
government had to have a cutoff figure. Mr. Speaker, what about the
people who need help? Surely the government is interested primarily in
those who really need this kind of help to meet their current
high-interest mortgages. In the event that interest rates do exceed 18
percent, they are going to be even more desperate. Their need is going
to be even greater. If the minister and the government are so convinced
in their minds that interest rates are going to drop rather than go up,
then why not gamble a little bit on the fact that they might indeed go
up? Why not offer that kind of psychological protection now to the
people who are entering into this program? Why not say: "Look, this
program is designed to help you. It will bring your interest rates down
to an effective 12 percent regardless of what happens to mortgage
interest rates"? Why put that 18 percent limit in there when that's
really cutting off the people who are going to need the help most
desperately? I would urge the minister to consider dropping that upper
limit on it.
The minister said that there's widespread
interest. That in itself would tell him that there is need for this
program. Certainly some of the interest must be coming from people who
are wondering if they can take some advantage of it, who don't really
need the help. But there are a lot of people out there who need the
help. Even though the minister's predecessor in that office kept
telling us, time after time, that not many people were having their
homes foreclosed, nevertheless we know this is happening and that
others are hanging on tooth and nail, hoping for some assistance and
hoping that something is going to turn around. Yet a lot of them must
be getting near the point of losing their homes.
The
minister said that the people getting these interest-free loans will be
spending the money in the community. That is good. Certainly what we
need is some economic activity in the province. Certainly what small
business needs is for people around the province to have more money to
spend. That can't help but be a positive effect. The individuals
getting it, worrying about paying it back in four years, may be hurt
down the road. But the total effect of putting more money out into the
community, however it is done, is bound to have a good effect and to
help the economy of the province.
The member for North
Island raised the question about those people who can't qualify for a
mortgage in the first place. This helps people who need help, it helps
people who don't need help, but it doesn't help some people who need
help and don't have the financial resources or income levels
[ Page 9249 ]
that
would qualify them for the mortgage in the first place. There's nothing
in this program to help those people who are just below the limit of
qualifying.
I don't know whether the mortgages are
controlled in any way: that is, that they have to be with some
independent third party — through banks, trust companies or some such
organization. Does it allow for private mortgages? Because there are a
lot of private mortgages out there. There could be a lot more under
this program. It's quite conceivable that some people might enter into
arrangements at relatively high interest rates, even though the market
rate is dropping, and get funding from private sources at high interest
rates, get the government to help meet that differential and pocket the
difference between them. This is one of the abuses that just might
happen. I don't know.
We're dealing with the problem not
just of homeownership, but of accommodation in total. The member for
North Island raised the question about those who simply can't qualify
for a mortgage. He also raised the problem of those who are paying more
rent than they can afford to pay. Unfortunately, we're not dealing, in
this legislation.... Perhaps I'm going beyond the bounds of this
legislation. I urge the minister to give some consideration not just to
the problem of home ownership. We have to go beyond that, and think
about accommodation in total, and come up with some kind of program —
at taxpayers' expense, because this is certainly at taxpayers' expense
— that will help not only those who want to acquire a home of their
own, but those who are renting.
A lot of people are renting
in this province. Some choose and some don't have the choice. A lot of
those people who are renting are paying much too high a proportion of
their income for their rental accommodation. I urge the minister to
consider that problem, perhaps not today, but in future legislation.
started by making some reference to electioneering. I think, even in
the figure of three years' interest-free loan with four years to pay it
back.... Do those figures mean anything to you, Mr. Speaker? Elections
normally come in the province somewhere between the third and fourth
year. Aren't we saying to some of these people: "Come and get this
interest-free money — on the eve of the next election campaign. If
things are really tough we'll come up with a new program to help you in
the event that you vote us back into office again." It seems to me that
it's a rather cynical approach to the whole thing. It does leave the
door open to the minister and government being accused of a cynical
approach to electioneering in bringing this in now when the need is not
nearly as great as it has been in periods over the last six years. But
there is the new need for the government of the day to have some
program to take to the people of the province.
The member
for North Island did say that as long as it helps one person in the
province, then the legislation has to be supported. People who don't
need it are going to get help; that's unfortunate. People who need it,
but can't qualify, are not going to get help; that is unfortunate. But
there are a lot of people out there in the community who are hurting
and need help. They are going to get at least some temporary assistance
from this program.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
I'm
at the point of winding up, but now that the Speaker himself has
resumed his chair, it's my first opportunity to address him in that
position. I was going to say: "Congratulations." I was told some time
ago that congratulations are something you offer to someone who has won
something; you offer best wishes to someone when you're really hoping
the best for him, in spite of the fact that he got a job that he wasn't
actively seeking. Mr. Speaker, I wish you best wishes. From the
beginning of the session, particularly the first day, I thought I
should have done that even earlier. I sincerely do wish you best wishes
in that position. I naturally wish you a short tenure in office, but
while you are there I do offer my best wishes.
With respect
to the program, any program at all that helps people who are needy we
will support. It's not the program we would have brought in. We would
have preferred that the program did not help the people who don't need
help. We would have preferred that it offered more help to those who
need it. We would have preferred that it offered help to those who
can't qualify for mortgages. We would have preferred that it offered
assistance to those who are paying a higher proportion of their income
in rent than they can really afford to pay. But it's something, and
because it is something, because it will help some people, I join with
the member for North Island in saying that we will support it.
HON. MR. CHABOT:
I too haven't had the opportunity of congratulating you on your
election to the speakership of this Legislature. However, I am pleased
to see you there and I'm sure you will do a good job.
The
member for Nanaimo, who just took his seat, was talking about the
length of this particular mortgage-interest relief program. He talked
about it being three to four years — three years with a fourth
repayment-privilege
schedule — and was a bit cynical about that
particular time-frame, suggesting that it had something to do with
politics, that elections were held in British Columbia every three to
four years. I am sure he recognizes that we're in a period of
short-term mortgages in British Columbia at this time. A mortgage of
one year is deemed to be a long-term mortgage today.
Interjection.
HON. MR. CHABOT:
Well, in this day and age it's very difficult to get a mortgage that is
beyond one year, unless you're prepared to pay a substantial premium.
What we are essentially doing by this legislation is creating some
stability over a relatively lengthy period of time for those homeowners
who need relief. I don't know whether that member for Nanaimo is
suggesting that that mortgage relief program should be for one year,
two years or what. We've picked three years as being an appropriate
time to offer this relief. I'm glad to see the mortgage relief program
here. I worked for some time on a mortgage relief program, and I'm glad
to see that the new minister was able to introduce it, roughly about
two weeks after he came into office — two weeks being a significant
time-frame.
MR. COCKE: So you're taking the credit.
HON. MR. CHABOT:
No, I'm not taking the credit. I didn't put the program in. But it's a
continuation of some work that was started some time ago.
The
member for North Island talks about no programs, that there were no
initiatives and no desire for people to build housing in British
Columbia. The year that this little minister
[ Page 9250 ]
was
in charge of housing in British Columbia.... There were more housing
starts in 1981 than ever before in the history of this province —
41,585 homes were built in British Columbia in 1981. Between 25 and 30
percent of all the housing starts in Canada were right here in British
Columbia. And you suggest that we didn't have the policies to encourage
people to build homes in British Columbia? You're talking through your
hat when you suggest that.
The member for North Island also
talks about the fact that we didn't build any handicapped housing in
British Columbia. Last year was a banner year. Last year there were 200
units of housing put in place for those people, for mentally and
physically disabled people in this province, four times the number ever
put in place in previous years. We have a history in British Columbia
of providing about 50 units of housing per year for handicapped people.
Last year, under this little minister, when he was in Lands, Parks and
Housing, there were 200 units of housing put in place for the
handicapped. You suggest nothing was done?
I'm sure members
of the opposition have had an opportunity to review some of the
policies. I put it in a small booklet form so that they could apprise
themselves of the various programs there were in place that would help
people get into their own homes or acquire land for housing in British
Columbia. Another major step that was taken just a year ago was the
increasing of the second mortgage from $5,000 to $10,000 for people who
have not had any help before from that program. We effectively reduced
the interest rate from 21 percent to 15 percent for the second
mortgages, making the second-mortgages program in British Columbia the
lowest-interest second mortgage in Canada. No other province has a
program that is more responsible as far as interest rates on second
mortgages are concerned than here in British Columbia.
British
Columbia has always been a province where there's strong support for
home ownership. Roughly 60 percent of British Columbians own their own
homes. This B.C. home program will give people a three-year breathing
space. It's available to all homeowners in British Columbia, and
rightfully so. Any program that is brought in by government should not
discriminate against any particular segment of society. This program
allows the 350,000 homeowners in British Columbia to qualify and
participate and will be of immense help to them. It will help those who
have been concerned about high interest rates. There are some people in
this province who have felt compelled to list their homes for sale
because of the fear of what the interest rates would be at the time of
renewal of their mortgages. Some have listed their homes, and the homes
are not selling. Needless to say, there's some fear and apprehension
among that group of citizens in this province. This program will ensure
that if their home is not sold or if they don't want to sell their
home, they do have some relief over a three-year period of time in
which they can continue to own their own home.
This program
also provides help for those who want to buy a home in British
Columbia. Along with this mortgage relief program for the three-year
period, there is also the first home grant from the federal government
of $3,000 and the first-home family grant in British Columbia of
$2,500. That's $5,500 available for those people who want to build
their first home. Combined with this 12 percent mortgage relief
package, it is now possible for some people to either purchase an
existing home or construct a new home in this province. There are
spinoff benefits as well which were touched on by the member for
Central Fraser Valley (Mr. Ritchie.) He elaborated more than I will;
nevertheless, the spinoff benefits are the jobs that this program will
generate. Mr. Speaker, I'm a strong supporter of this legislation
because it is a good and positive measure. It will be one step towards
economic recovery in this province. I support this legislation because
it's going to help so many British Columbians.
MR. HALL:
I like the ex-minister's enthusiasm for his portfolio, now that he's
left it. If he had only shown that enthusiasm when he had the
portfolio, we would have been applauding him all the way. If he had
burned as much midnight oil in the year he was there as this minister
has burned in the last two days, I would have applauded him all the
way. The trouble is, I think this minister has been burning the
midnight oil for the last two days just signing election addresses and
sending out the brochures that we, on this side of the House, don't
have yet.
HON. MR. CHABOT: I'll send you one.
MR. HALL:
Thank you. Would you send one over by a Page? Then I can know what the
program is. The members of the gallery will be interested to know that
we're debating this bill, not yet law, about mortgage assistance for
the people of British Columbia. The official opposition do not have the
brochures that are going out in the next election campaign, while the
people on the other side of the House already have them on their desks.
That's the kind of thing that gets the second member for Surrey — one
of the soon to be three members for Surrey, and they will all be on the
same side of the House, and it'll be that side — a shade exercised.
Bill
79 is an election bill; make no mistake about that. It's more to
shelter Social Credit electoral hopes than it is to shelter B.C.
citizens; there is no denying that. It's going to help some people.
Analysts — we have them all on record from the financial pages of our
daily newspapers — point out that it will help a number of people.
We're going to support it because of that.
Mr. Speaker, if
you want to help people in a mortgage plan, it's not a very difficult
thing to do once you've decided to pluck up your courage and send some
money — it's got to be taxpayers' money — on a trip. You have to pluck
up your courage, get a computer and some mathematicians and decide how
much and at what rate you're going to send the money on a trip, because
the money is going to come back. Any mortgage expert will tell you that
eventually that plan will cook like my grandmother's old roast beef
used to cook in the oven — a dripping roast will cook itself.
We've
now got this new expression called "off-budget money." I used to debate
finance bills with the father of the present Premier, and he had all
sorts of expressions for different kinds of money. Contingent
liabilities — that was debt. Now we've got off-budget money. That's
money, Mr. Speaker, with the Minister of Finance's picture on it
instead of the Queen's. It's nonsense, isn't it, Mr. Speaker? You know
it's nonsense and I know it's nonsense, but we'll pretend it's really
serious. It's going to be borrowed, it's going to be debt, and we all
know when we read the bill, as the member for North Island (Mr.
Gabelmann) says, that it comes out of consolidated revenue. So it's as
much off-budget as the whole damn budget was off-budget when we knew it
was in April.
This is part of a package put together since July 29 for the survival of Social Credit. We've been here a week, and this is
[ Page 9251 ]
the
first part of any legislation at all that's got the slightest, remotest
connection with economic recovery or assistance to anybody other than
the government itself in survival at the election next time we go to
the polls.
It was the same last year when we had this little
session. We got telegrams last year telling us the public interest
demanded our attention here, and we all came racing in looking for an
economic plan. This year you didn't even send us a telegram. You sent
us a letter and three days' notice that the public interest demanded we
come here, and we spent a week learning how to carve the new electoral
boundaries.
This plan, Mr. Speaker, will help some people.
In my view it's too late for the government to try to take the credit
it's trying to take. It should have been brought in when interest rates
were at those obscene heights of six or seven months ago. If it's going
to help anybody at all now — and we think it's going to help a few — it
would have helped that many more when the interest rates were in the
22, 23, and 24 percent range. As I say, we've got this new expression
of "off-budget money."
On the way to the ferry the other
morning, I tuned into CKNW, Mr. Warren Barker's morning viewpoint. He
said he was cynical enough to believe that the repayment program was
indeed scheduled for the election after next. Not the words of the
member for Nanaimo (Mr. Stupich) but those of Mr. Warren Barker, CKNW:
no government would ever call the debt three years down the road. It
will be part of another election package in 1985, 1986 or whatever. The
next election will be after the one that we're waiting for any day now.
AN HON. MEMBER: That's socialist accounting.
MR. HALL:
That was the view expressed by the media one day this week when I was
driving to the ferry. That's the kind of cynicism that this government
has already introduced in the media by this kind of electioneering
while we've been here debating Bill 80 instead of getting on with an
economic survival program.
In addition, may I say, as I go
through this bill, that I was astounded to see in the regulations
section, as was mentioned by the member for North Island — subsection
2(f) — which seeks to suggest that regulation can define, enlarge and
restrict words and expressions that are used in the act. I don't know
whether that's an example of the privatization of the
Attorney-General's department and the legislative counsel that's been
going on, where we now have private companies working for the
government drafting legislation, working for them in a legal way that
we raised in question period. It seems to me that that has appeared in
our legislation before; regulations cannot seek to draw onto themselves
powers that don't exist in the act at all.
The minister's
remarks, of course, were of more than passing interest when he
introduced the press to the bill. I think they were, while not as great
and foolish a mistake as the one made by, say, the Minister of
Environment (Hon. Mr. Rogers), when he said that he knew nothing about
the environment when he was first sworn in, or as the various remarks
made by my colleague from Surrey (Hon. Mr. Vander Zalm) from time to
time — gaffes of unfortunate consequence.... For this minister, new
though he is, to have made the statement that he doesn't really mind if
this interest-free mortgage money goes to buy cars, because it helps
the car dealer, shows a mindset that I think is rather unfortunate. If
he'd have said that they could have bought furniture or some other kind
of equipment for the house — food, or paid some bills or something —
that's one thing, but the mindset over there for car dealers and cars
comes through every time. It's Freudian and clinical.
While
I know the minister will not take too much umbrage at me reminding him
of it, that really was a gaffe. I hope, now that the ribbing is
obviously over in cabinet and elsewhere, that you don't make another
one like that.
MR. LEA: He will.
MR. HALL: No, he won't, because he won't have enough time.
The
trouble with the bill, as we on this side see it, is simply that it's
not part of an overall plan for housing. That's due to a different
approach to the problem. That's due to a different philosophy, if you
like, a different list of priorities, a different thrust or a different
background — whatever differences there are between us. That's fair
enough. I'm sure the minister knows that. There's no gain saying that
those differences will always be there.
What it does is to underscore that when you don't have a Minister of Housing,
when you're the only province without an agency simply for the building
of homes, for cooperating with builders, for cooperating with cooperators, for
cooperating with developers and for developing a strategy, then, of course,
you are going to get these piecemeal approaches. If we don't have a strategy
that's worked out in concert with agencies in local government for housing
development, then we are going to get these differences of policy between a
group of people on this side of the House who believe that housing is much more
important in the scheme of things than does the group on that side of the House.
That's fair enough.
The
pump-priming effect and the opportunities that are there for an
aggressive minister and ministry of housing, in concert with al of the
agencies we know about, is really a failed opportunity in this province
at this time.
We've got architects who win prizes and
builders who win recognition, but we don't have imaginative proposals
on any basis at all in those sectors of the housing market that need
stimulus or money supply. We just don't have those kinds of imaginative
proposals coming from this government. When I go, as I do, perhaps as
frequently as anybody and more than most, to help open cooperative
units in my riding in Surrey, the missing factor is always the
provincial government. We have not seen an attempt by the provincial
government to assist municipalities south of the river, for instance,
with the infilling problems that you, Mr. Speaker, and I know about so
well: north Delta, in your riding, and north Surrey, in my riding,
where the rapidly burgeoning, developing urban areas have left
five-acre and three-acre lots behind that need attention, surrounded by
bureaucratic red tape and regulation, owned by old people who think
that that five-acre or three-acre lot is their pension, but who are now
unable to do anything about it. There are no imaginative proposals —
not from this minister; obviously he's had no time to do it. He
probably could do it if he put his mind to it. There were none from the
minister before him and none from the minister before him. That's
what's required in the rapidly burgeoning areas of north Surrey, north
Delta, etc.
With this bill, of course, there could have been
a companion bill — no foreclosures. Why not? What's good enough for
Manitoba and Saskatchewan should have been good enough for B.C. The
protection afforded the citizens of Manitoba and
[ Page 9252 ]
Saskatchewan could have been afforded the citizens of British Columbia — that's missing.
What
we must avoid at all costs is another AHOP disaster. I hope the
minister will assure us that we will avoid another AHOP disaster, with
people walking away from these problems. I don't want to see a
continuation of the problems in the Surrey area — not providing
adequate housing for the people in that area.
Of course, the
other thing it doesn't do is take into account that there's more....
The ex-minister said 60 percent of our population own their own home,
or have a contract to own their own home. Of course, that varies from
place to place within the province. A great many people are renting who
would like to buy, to get into accommodation which we could perhaps
euphemistically call starter houses. No imaginative proposals have been
put forward there.
In
summary, this plan may increase some
sales. It's doubtful if it will increase the starts. We had some
selective statistical reading by the member for Columbia River (Hon.
Mr. Chabot) about starts in 1981. I would have liked him to have given
us a figure for finishes, remembering all the MURB and holes in the
ground. While this bill will help some people, I don't think it will
give the housing industry a shot in the arm for new construction. That
really means it's another opportunity that we've not fully grasped and
taken advantage of.
HON. MR. McGEER: Mr. Speaker, may
I join others in congratulating you; perhaps I should be commiserating.
Certainly I can't speak for the others in this House, but you can
always count on the member for Point Grey to uphold decorum and
discipline in this House. Of course, no better example could have been
given than yesterday.
We're looking to the future on this
side of the House, not to the past. Therefore it's a great pleasure for
me to be able to speak in favour of this bill, and to commend the
opposition, who sometimes have been cast in the role of negative
doubting people, for lending their support as well to this particular
piece of legislation. I know that the member who just took his place is
extremely glad that he was able to come back from Europe in time to
speak in favour of this bill, to give it his support as well. I feel
the same way. It was worth the trip. Who were left as the negative,
doubting people on this particular piece of fair and forward-looking
legislation? The only negative, doubting people that are left, as far
as I can tell, are with the daily disaster, the Vancouver Sun ,
which has come out with a special report — "Mortgage plan could bring
you lots of grief." A bill like this is, as the opposition points out,
long overdue, given the punishing effects of high mortgage rates,
something totally outside of the control of the government of British
Canada does have methods of escape from high interest rates that the
province of British Columbia does not have. I think that all members in
this House are aware of why crushing interest rates have suddenly been
inflicted on the world like a plague. It's because the method of
currency-control, which must lie principally with the United States —
because the American dollar is the closest thing we have to world
currency today — has been let escape because of the increase in
payments abroad for OPEC oil. I've spoken in this House before about
the crushing effects that OPEC has brought on the economy of the
western world.
As America tries to repatriate its own
currency and, in effect, maintain control of what is the world's only
currency, they do it by the mechanism of increasing interest rates. In
order to retain capital, Canada, Western Europe and most other nations
with extensive investment possibilities must also increase the interest
rates in order to hold their currencies. We've had to do that in
Canada, and as we do so, little people — helpless people — are the ones
caught in that vicious crunch. These are the ones that own modest
homes, have mortgages and suddenly, through no fault of their own, are
placed at an enormous economic disadvantage compared with their fellow
citizens who may have got further along the road in the most important
purchase of their life, which is their personal castle, their home. So
it's entirely fair and appropriate that individuals who have been
injured by world political events that have reflected upon massive
currency moves around the world should be sheltered and protected to
the extent that a provincial government, powerless to act against the
larger forces in the world, can nevertheless bring forward legislation
to shelter its own citizens who have been hardest hit by this
international plague.
We could look to the member for
Vancouver Centre (Mr. Lauk) to give us more realistic predictions on
the banks and interest rates and those sorts of things, but it's our
feeling, subject to confirmation by the member for Vancouver Centre,
that interest rates will come down. That's of little consequence to the
average citizen who must face the mortgage rates of today, who attempts
to do some forward planning, not knowing what the renegotiated rate
might be tomorrow and whether that will fit in with his own paycheque.
Financial planning is impossible for the ordinary citizen, in matters
such as the purchase of a home for people of limited means. This
interest-rate subsidization gives a degree of certainty in an uncertain
world to those citizens most punished, most afflicted by this
international plague, and therefore most in need. In time, the world's
monetary system will recover. Hopefully, the OPEC cartel will be
broken. Hopefully, Canada will shield itself by switching from oil to
natural gas. I don't want to stray from the principle of the bill, but
these things are all interrelated, Mr. Speaker. The first and most
important step that we can take is to provide this degree of financial
certainty at little cost to the taxpayer, but at great social benefit
to the province.
Some might say that one group of citizens
is being particularly privileged compared with others, because this
subsidy is not directed at those who are wealthy or own their own
homes. That's untrue, Mr. Speaker. This subsidy is being directed at
those in need, in exactly the same fashion that you make medical and
hospital facilities available to the ill. They're put there for
everybody, but only those in need will need to take advantage at any
particular time.
This is legislation of high social benefit,
of low cost to the treasury, and is the kind of thing governments
should always be prepared to do. As one who is voting in favour of it,
I'd particularly like to commend the opposition on their wisdom and
desire to help out the people of the province in the same way.
MR. NICOLSON:
I'm glad the member who just spoke is engaged in neurological research
and not in economics, mathematics or anything else. I guess he should
really be engaged in some kind of wishful, fantasy-fulfilling role,
evidenced by the optimistic attitude that he brought to this
[ Page 9253 ]
new
B.C. home program. The program will help some people. The program will
certainly help people who can manage the mortgage payments that they're
already making.
Let's look at who it's going to help and how
it's going to help people. This plan is only going to help people if
mortgage interest rates remain high. If they come down to 12 percent,
this program is not going to be needed. That's pretty obvious.
Interjection.
MR. NICOLSON: The member for Central Fraser Valley (Mr. Ritchie) agrees with me on that.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I won't argue with that, either.
MR. NICOLSON: And the minister agrees.
Some
of the members on the opposite side have predicted a drop in interest
rates. But some of those same members have been predicting an increase
in U.S. housing starts for the last two or three years. They've been
predicting that U.S. housing starts would go back up to normal and that
lumber exports would go back up to normal. Indeed, in the last budget —
only last April — we were being told that. You talk about off-budget
items. I was reminded by my colleague as he spoke about an off-budget
item, and how far the budget could be off. A now predicted $1.7 billion
is how off-budget we are in this province. However, this money is
supposed to come from off-budget items.
I come back to this
premise that people will get the maximum benefit from the program in a
worst-case scenario; that is, that interest rates remain very high. The
people who can benefit the most under that worst-case scenario are
those who can afford to make their payments. A person who can afford to
make payments is going to get, based on an 18 percent mortgage, with a
differential of 6 percent being the full difference between a 12
percent and 18 percent rate.... If that mortgage is at the maximum
amount allowed under these regulations, which I guess have been passed
by some order-in-council — they're printed up in a little leaflet now,
but they are not in the act — it means this will be a $60,000
principal, and that for the first three years you'll get about $280 a
month.
Interjection.
MR. NICOLSON: Oh, no.
It's going to be quite a bit. By the end of three years you would
receive $9,392, according to the
article by Mike Grenby, which is my
starting point. I take some of the ideas brought out by Mike Grenby in
his
article a little further.
You then have an interest-free
loan for the fourth year, so you have a total of $9,392 for the full
fourth year. One could say that the average principal you would possess
for the first three years is $4,696, the principal during the fourth
year would be $9,392 and the weighted average for the principal over
the four years would be some $5,870. So a person who continues to make
his full mortgage payments by taking advantage of this would have that
much money at his or her disposal.
MS. BROWN: To buy a car.
MR. NICOLSON: Yes, to buy a car, or maybe to invest.
Let's
assume that interest rates do stay constant at 18 percent throughout
this period. That money could be invested at short-term rates. If
mortgage rates were at 18 percent, it might be safe to say that
short-term rates might be at about 14 percent, which means the person
could realize in simple interest about $3,287 — say $3,000. So that
would be the kind of a return that a person could have by investing
that average principal for four years at a rate of 14 percent. I
haven't bothered to compound it, but that could be done. It would make
it a little bit higher than $3,200. I haven't done that because it
would be a little bit difficult to invest it every month, as the
cheques came in, and there'd be a little bit of slippage, so what you'd
make up one way you would lose the other, so say roughly $3,000.
I've
talked to various people about this plan so far and I've advised people
that are fairly well off, that aren't having any trouble with their
mortgage payments, that if their mortgage payments go over 12 percent,
by all means they should take advantage of this program, But make sure
you invest the money and that you're in a position to pay it back at
the end, because if you can't pay it back at the end, and if your
income does not allow you to get financing.... I see the government
says that they will provide some kind of a repayment program, but the
government provides in this act that they will have a charge against
the title of your property, which really means that the government has
the right to foreclose or take your property away if you can't pay back.
MR. RITCHIE: Come on, Lorne. You know better than that.
MR. NICOLSON:
I certainly do know better. I know why that provision is in there; I
know why it was in the home acquisition act. But let's not ignore the
fact that that particular item is there and that what we are playing
with here is something very dangerous.
Now I want to talk
about the person who is having difficulty making payments and who might
be looking at this thing as some kind of a saviour. If a person is
going to have to use this plan, interest rates are going to have to
stay over 12 percent. Had that person been paying off his mortgage, the
reduced principal at the end of four years would have been $59,188; in
other words, part of that principal on a $60,000 mortgage would have
been paid off. By taking advantage of the maximum loan of $9,385, there
would now be a new principal, and the principal would be $68,573. The
principal would no longer be $60,000. It would be $68,573 that's owed.
This was a 25-year mortgage — four years have gone by — so there would
now be 21 years left to pay. You would have to compute new monthly
payments at 18 percent to still pay off in the same time period. From
the available mortgage tables, per thousand dollars for a 21-year
mortgage, it costs $14.86493 per month; in other words, multiplying
that by 68.573 would give you a monthly payment of $1,019.29 when the
person was originally paying about $879.83. On a payment of $1,019.29,
if he's having to make that kind of payment, and if we think that his
original loan was only $60,000 and that he really would have had it
paid off a little bit down to $59,188, the effective rate of that over
a 21-year period is 21.12 percent. In other words, the person is going
to have to pay more than 3 percent of the assumed market mortgage rate
for the remaining 21 years of the mortgage. In order to get 6 percent
mortgage interest relief for three years, and then a free payback on
the loan for one more year, which
[ Page 9254 ]
adds
up to an average loan of about $5,800 at the maximum case — an average
loan, because you don't have a total loan.... No one can say that you
have a loan of $9,000 for four years; it's an average weighted loan of
about $5,800. In order to get that 6 percent interest relief for three
years — you then have to go back to paying at full rate, but you don't
have to pay back the benefit until the end of the fourth year — you are
going to face an increase in the effective interest rate of over 3
percent for the remaining 21 years.
This sounds like the
athlete or the entertainer who injects a foreign substance into the
body in order to get a little bit of a high, a little bit of an edge,
for a very short term, but who has to pay a long-term price for that.
It is something that people are going to have to enter into on the
soundest advice. For people who presently have a 16 percent mortgage —
and the amount of the principal of the mortgage might even be beyond
the maximum amount; it might be a $100,000 mortgage — and if they're
making their payments, I say, sure, take advantage of the program. But
if you desperately need this assistance to put bread and meat on the
table, then I pray that your financial position and your fortunes
improve tremendously in the next three years, because you're going to
need it. It might be okay for a couple, both of whom are attending
university, and they can see their fortunes on an upturn in the next
few years. It might be okay for a young optometrist who is kind of
heavily in debt in the first two or three years of his practice, but
who can see his practice bringing in a much better rate of return in
three years.
It can help some people. For that reason I will
support this bill, but I will also make it my duty to warn people of
the pitfalls of the choices, and to urge the government to do something
better. If this is the least the government can do, then I will have to
support this least the government can do. I believe the government
could do better. I believe that this particular piece of legislation is
not going to stimulate housing starts in a meaningful, way, as claimed
on this side of this piece of literature. When the full force and
effect of this piece of legislation comes through, I think it will be
seen for what it is: something that must be entered upon like a
marriage, with much thought and consideration. It is a very serious
step, because this payback is going to be your partner for 21 years if
you have an average type of a mortgage, if you have a typical case
mortgage, and if this thing really does turn out to help anybody. If
mortgage rates remain at 18 percent, if a person is starting off in a
25 percent mortgage, then you are going to be wedded to an extra 3
percent on your mortgage payback for 21 years — after you've had a nice
honeymoon of four years.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: I would
like to take this opportunity to rise and speak briefly in favour of
this forward thinking, imaginative legislative program which has been
introduced by the Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing (Hon. Mr.
Brummet.)
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
I've
listened to members of the opposition, and frankly, I am startled at
the narrow view which they are taking of this program. In the course of
their remarks, however, it is clear that while they have been referred
to as negative doubting people in the past, that should be changed.
They are not only negative, not only doubting, but also pessimistic
about the future of this province. Of course, if you want to look at
the present economic circumstances in which we find ourselves with a
pessimistic attitude, then of course it can produce the kind of debate
— if that's the term — that we're receiving from the members of the
opposition.
I'm surprised at the member for Nelson-Creston
(Mr. Nicolson), who has just taken his seat. In the opening part of his
remarks he made a suggestion with respect to this bill which indicates
that he doesn't understand that there are people out there in the
province who need a little help. He says: "Well, of course, if the
interest rates come down, then it's no help at all." That's like saying
to a person who has broken his or her leg that while the leg was
broken, you needed a cast, but after the leg was mended you didn't need
it; therefore the cast is of no value. I don't understand how mixed up
that member can be.
MR. LEA: He said you don't put the cast on after the leg is mended.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS:
That's exactly what he said. The member for Prince Rupert (Mr. Lea)
understands how ridiculous the member for Nelson-Creston is. The member
for Nelson-Creston just said if your leg is not broken, you don't need
a cast. I agree with that. And the member for Prince Rupert in all of
his wisdom understands that. Now if he understands that, perhaps he
will understand some other things about this program.
The
member for Nelson-Creston said that all those people who are rich will
take advantage of it. Now he says the interest rates are going to go
down. So what advantage is there if you're rich? You can get a maximum
of 6 percent interest relief on $60,000. He's given you the figure —
$280 per month. If you're wealthy and you put a mortgage on your house
and get this interest advantage, you get $280 per month which you could
put into the bank. If you go to the bank today you'll get, if you're
very lucky, about 14.5 percent. So this wealthy person is going to go
into this program for the purpose of gaining a point and a half — 1.5
percent. The member has already indicated that there'll be slippage so
there'll be less advantage than 1.5 percent. That will be what will
accrue to you. Plus the fact — and he seems to have ignored this — that
if you go through this process and take advantage of this program when
you don't need it, you will have to pay income tax on the interest
income that you receive. So if you're very rich, that will cut that in
half. If you go through all this process, the total benefit will be
about one half of 1 percent on $60,000. Now that's a tremendous bonanza
for people who are wealthy.
Mind you, in this House there
are some people who will take advantage of it for that purpose. I
wouldn't like to suggest that it'll be the opposition, but they've got
all these ideas and therefore I have to think that they are alert for
investment opportunities in this province today. Those members over
there know how to make a buck; they know how to take advantage of all
these programs, because I would never have thought of such a scheme.
The
other thing he suggested is that people will take advantage of this
program and they'll use the $280 per month to buy a car or a boat or
maybe take a trip to California. I guess that now that the Leader of
the Opposition has come back from California, California needs the
assistance, so they'll send somebody else in his place. I just want the
NDP to go out into their constituencies, if they dare, and say to all
[ Page 9255 ]
those people: you mustn't take advantage of this program because you're going to buy a boat or a car. Ridiculous!
The
program is designed to provide an umbrella, a measure of protection,
against the high interest rates with which we are presently faced. The
hon. Minister of Universities, Science and Communications (Hon. Mr.
McGeer) has dealt with the reason for this, and the fact that there are
homeowners out there who are faced with this problem; it's something
that they can't solve. The government is saying that to the extent that
we are able, we are prepared to provide you with a significant measure
of relief over three years, because this government, in being in
control of what's taking place in the economy of this province, is
satisfied that three years hence, circumstances will improve, wages and
earnings will have increased, and then those people will be able to
meet the payments.
Interjection.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS:
I hear the second member for Vancouver East (Mr. Macdonald) chirping
out. That wealthy member, who lives in Point Grey and never goes into
Vancouver East, doesn't have these problems, because his house on the
waterfront in Vancouver — I forget how much it's worth; it's just
tremendous — hasn't got a mortgage on it. It's all paid for. So he
doesn't have these worries. Maybe he's one of the rich people who will
take advantage of the program so he can get the one-half of 1 percent
on $60,000. He's a silk-purse socialist. He chivvies in this thing....
MR. MACDONALD:
On a point of order, is this really the Attorney-General of British
Columbia who's discussing the mortgage bill? I can't believe it.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Order, please. That is not a point of order with respect to the
minister's portfolio; it is a point of order with respect to relevancy.
I would remind all hon. members taking their place in debate that we
must be relevant to the bill, Bill 79, Homeowner Interest Assistance
Act.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: I thank you for redirecting my attention, Mr. Speaker, because that member had distracted me.
was about to say that the hon. second member for Surrey (Mr. Hall) said
that this wasn't going to do anything for the housing industry. One of
the problems that afflicts the housing industry today is low sales. One
of the reasons that the sales are low is that there is a serious
reluctance on the part particularly of young people to make this major
business decision at a time when interest rates are high, and there is
uncertainty about the future and what it will cost them if they get
into this home. This program will resolve that problem because we will
remove that uncertainty for a period of three years. Therefore young
people who are looking at acquiring a home, whether it's a new home or
an old home — the person who occupies the old home can then move into a
new home, so the housing stock begins to roll over again in this
province; which helps the housing industry — will go in knowing that
for three years, 12 percent is what they face. When you remove that
uncertainty you remove the fear.
Members of the opposition
said they have heard from their constituents about this program, and
that they're worried about it. I've heard from my constituents as well,
and I know that young couples who, because of uncertainty and fear
about what the future might hold, have delayed making the decision
about the acquisition of a home, are continuing with their young
families in accommodation that is not appropriate for the size of their
families. But with this program that fear is now removed. Sure, they
appreciate that three years hence they'll have to pick up the load, but
they're optimistic. They're not pessimistic like this opposition. They
had the optimism to get married in the first place, the optimism to
have a family in the first place, and they're optimistic about their
future in this province. The opposition is not. The opposition would
say to them, "Oh, no, it's going to be bad, bad, bad — unless you vote
for the NDP."
But if they vote for the NDP, not only will
they be offered the possibility that their mortgage will be deferred:
they'll be offered the opportunity that British Columbia will go into
deficit financing, and the whole cost of government will be deferred
onto future taxpayers. That's the kind of opportunity they will offer.
They don't seem to recognize that they would go into deficit financing
and push the burden of cost to the future. Yet they won't support this
program whereby for three years we say to the people: "Look, we'll give
you a little bit of relief, but don't forget you are going to have to
pay the bill." They're prepared to deficit finance. They're prepared to
spend the money today against payment tomorrow, but they don't tell the
people that tomorrow they're going to have to pay the bill. We're being
fair to the people in this respect. If people don't want to take
advantage of this program, that's their choice. We're giving them that
choice. All the information is up front. They can make a business
decision, knowing all the factors. That's not what the NDP would do to
them.
When you acquire a house, whether it's your first or
second, there are a lot of expenses that you never think about. I know
of a recent case of a young couple who just acquired their first home.
When you go in, you have to buy some drapes for the windows, a new
garden hose which you've never had before; you may have to buy a
lawn-mower or grass-rake, and all those little things that you never
think about when you're setting up your first home. You make your down
payment, pay the costs of the conveyance, pay the adjustments of taxes,
water and so on, and get into your house, but suddenly you find that
there are other significant expenses.
For those people, I'll
tell you that the opportunity to have an additional $280 a month is a
very significant factor in the first few years and months that they're
in that new home — that little bit of additional money to spend for the
things they need. The housewife may have to buy some new pots and pans,
and they hadn't figured on those things. This weighs heavily upon these
young people. Therefore we're giving them the opportunity not to buy
cars, which is what the NDP thinks about.... I guess that's why they
have their Mercedes Benz cars that we see them driving around in....
That's
not what the young people in this province need or want. They're
prepared to meet those extra costs and burdens associated with home
ownership. This government, through this program, will release some of
the pressures....
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Order, please. I'll ask the member for Omineca (Mr. Kempf) and the
member for Burnaby Edmonds (Ms. Brown) please not to interrupt.
[ Page 9256 ]
HON. MR. WILLIAMS:
This program will enable these people to have a little more expendable
funds. Having met some of those obligations, I know that these young
people who are optimistic about the future will treat this program
intelligently and responsibly. If they can make all the payments called
for under their mortgage or a major portion thereof, yes, they can take
the additional money and put it into a bank account, because they're
going to have to pay it back. Responsible, intelligent young people
will do that. They won't, as the NDP would suggest, go out and spend
the money foolishly and frivolously. That's not the kind of young
people we have in our society today; that's the kind of young people
that the NDP would like to suggest to you that we have in our province
today. They had better go out and talk to their constituents. They
better go out and understand that there are some people who, when given
the opportunity by this government, will deal with it responsibly and
intelligently.
MR. MACDONALD: You're a smear artist. You're a turncoat and you feel guilty.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please.
Interjections.
[Deputy Speaker rose.]
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon. members.
Interjection.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
It's unparliamentary to interrupt a member who has taken his place in
debate, and I will commend that to all members of the House — the
Minister of Industry and Small Business Development (Hon. Mr.
Phillips), the second member for Vancouver East (Mr. Macdonald), and
all of the members who are interrupting.
[Deputy Speaker resumed his seat.]
MR. HOWARD:
My point of order relates to the Minister of Forests (Hon. Mr.
Waterland). It's a well-known rule — and you need to enforce it on all
sides of the chamber, not just one, Mr. Speaker — that when Mr. Speaker
rises in his place everyone sits down. While you were on your feet,
Your Honour, the Minister of Forests was wandering back and forth
behind there paying scant, if any, attention to Your Honour. I draw
that to Your Honour's attention.
AN HON. MEMBER: Where is he?
MR. HOWARD: He's absconded as usual.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
The point of order was well taken. There were many interruptions while
the Chairman stood, from both sides of the House; however, the movement
and conversation did cease. The House is now in order.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS:
I'm sorry that my remarks have raised the emotions of the opposition.
Perhaps I should just say to the Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing
that if anything was needed to convince me of the rightness of your
program, it is the fact that when the program is clearly explained in
this chamber the members of the opposition react in their usual way by
alleging that we're slimy and sleazy and smearing people. They can't
take the heat that your program is generating.
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Order, please. I'll ask the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard) to not
interrupt. Any further interruptions by any member will have to be
dealt with.
HON. MR. WILLIAMS: As I conclude, may I
simply say that I do not consider it to be a slimy smear to refer to
the young people of this province as intelligent and responsible.
MS. BROWN: We have just heard from the sleaze champion of that sleazy, corrupt, government over there.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Hon. members, please; parliamentary decorum must be maintained. We may
express differences of opinion in debate, but please, personal
allusions and language such as that are really quite unacceptable. I'm
sure all members of the House are aware of parliamentary moderation and
temperance of language.
MS. BROWN: In continuing on
the bill, I just want to remind the House that that Attorney-General is
the same one who has been cited on a number of occasions by the
ombudsman for his obstructionist tactics in the delivery of justice in
this province, for which he is supposed to be responsible. I also want
to remind everyone listening that that Attorney-General is the one who
has made a mockery of justice in this province as a result of some of
his actions. I for one hope there is no truth to the rumour that he is
seeking a judgeship, because God help justice in this province if he is
ever elevated to the bench.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: On a
point of order, Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask your guidance with
regard to the principle of this bill. It seems to me the member who is
on her feet is straying very widely from the principle of the bill
before us, and I think that is out of order.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
That's a valid point of order, one accepted, as a matter of fact, just
a few minutes ago when the hon. second member for Vancouver East raised
the same point of order. So it applies to all members of this assembly.
MS. BROWN:
I don't know why it is that whenever a member over there uses the word
"principle, " it always sounds so strange. Because obviously they don't
know anything about principle. If there's one thing that government
doesn't know anything about, it is principle.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. To the bill.
MS. BROWN: Back to the bill.
The
Attorney-General, who, having delivered his diatribe, has now left the
room, told us how helpful this bill is going to be to the people of his
constituency. I want to tel I you something about the people of
Burnaby-Edmonds who are not going to be helped by this bill. They are
the unemployed people — the people who are the victims of the economic
policies of that government over there who find themselves laid off and
without a job, who are going to lose their homes
[ Page 9257 ]
because they have no income whatsoever to meet any kind of mortgage payment. They are not going to be helped by this bill.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
bill that would help those people would be a bill to create jobs in
this province. That's the kind of legislation that would have been of
help to them. The unemployed people of Burnaby-Edmonds would have been
happier if this government had done something about creating employment
and if this bill had dealt with protection against foreclosure, but
neither of those two things have been done. Maybe this bill is going to
be of great help to the residents of West Vancouver–Howe Sound. That's
what the Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Williams) told us. I'll tell you,
the unemployed people in Burnaby-Edmonds, who are unemployed as a
direct result of the economic policies of that government, are not
going to be helped by this piece of legislation. That is one group that
the Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing (Hon. Mr. Brummet) can be
assured are not going to be taking the money, as he recommends, and
going out and buying a used car from his friends.
Mr.
Speaker, the second group who are not going to be helped by this bill
are those people who can't qualify for mortgages in the first place.
The people who most desperately need housing, who can't get housing
because they can't qualify for housing, are not going to be able to get
any benefits from this bill. I hope that when the Minister of Housing
stands up to close debate on this issue he will explain to us why this
legislation is supposed to help people who need housing, while this
particular group are not taken into account. Why is it that those
people in this province who cannot qualify for an 18 percent mortgage,
and so are not able to afford housing, were not taken into account when
this bill was being drafted? What about those people? They may not live
in West Vancouver–Howe Sound, but certainly a large number of them live
in Burnaby-Edmonds.
Mr. Speaker, what about the tenants of
this province? The minister is interrupting. I can't hear what he's
saying so I'm not going to pay any attention to it, because he's going
to have his say, of course, once he rises to close debate.
Incidentally, the other thing I want to know, when he's closing debate,
is the cost to the taxpayers of B.C. for this piece of Social Credit
pamphleteering. What is the cost of this to us, the cost of the Social
Credit colours, with the Social Credit logo on it? What are we paying
for this piece of political pamphleteering that the minister has on the
desks of every member over there and which he has not released to the
members of the opposition?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I sent it down to your caucus on Tuesday. What's happened is up there.
MS. BROWN:
What happened to your courier service is the same as what happened
between you and your Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Williams). You go out
and tell people to use the money to buy used cars. He stands up and
says that that's not what people want to do with the money and accuses
the opposition of suggesting that they use it to buy used cars. Why
don't you have the guts to stand up and say that you were the one who
said that the money should be used to buy used cars.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members.
MS. BROWN: This is on the principle of the bill, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: I appreciate that, but would the hon. member remember to address the Chair.
MS. BROWN: Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
Earlier
this year, in June specifically, the provincial rentalsman, Jim
Patterson, pointed out in a public statement that an increasing number
of tenants in British Columbia were defaulting and falling behind in
their rent. He went on in great detail to explain that as a direct
result of the kind of economic crisis which this province is going
through, as a direct result of the economic policies of that government
over there, tenants were not able to pay their rent. They were falling
in arrears or they were just defaulting. They are not protected by this
piece of legislation. There's nothing in this bill to help them. They
don't qualify for an 18 percent mortgage, so they're not going to be
able to go into first-time housing. There's nothing at all for them.
They're not even mentioned, as far as this legislation is concerned.
Two-thirds
of the units in Burnaby-Edmonds are not even covered by rent control.
Most of the people in Burnaby-Edmonds are tenants. So if I'm not
overjoyed and enthusiastic in my support of this bill, I think it
should be understood that it is probably because I live in
Burnaby-Edmonds and not in West Vancouver–Howe Sound. The
Attorney-General went on and on at great length about how great it was
for his constituents in West Vancouver–Howe Sound. It's not going to do
that much for my constituents in Burnaby-Edmonds. Most of the people
who live in Burnaby-Edmonds fall into a number of categories. They are
tenants and so they get no benefits whatsoever from this particular
piece of legislation. A large percentage of them find themselves
unemployed, so they are not going to be benefited, because there is
nothing in this bill to protect them against foreclosures. Now that
point has been raised by other members of the opposition in speaking in
support of this bill. Is the minister planning to amend this piece of
legislation to protect people against foreclosures? It has been done in
other provinces. Why was it not included in this particular piece of
legislation if, as we are told, it's supposed to protect the homeowners
of this province?
The third group are the first-time owners
who can't qualify. On the off-chance that there is one person in
Burnaby who is going to benefit by this bill, I am going to support it.
Just on the off-chance that there is one single resident anywhere in
British Columbia who is going to benefit from this piece of
legislation, I am prepared to support the bill. But I don't want the
minister to go out and make a public statement to the effect that I
think this is a good bill, because as I pointed out to him, the people
in most need are not going to have their needs met by this piece of
legislation. It's not going to stimulate any new housing. Most of the
people who want new housing don't qualify for an 18 percent mortgage.
The young people that the Attorney-General was talking about don't
qualify for an 18 percent mortgage. They're not making the kind of
income that one has to make in order to qualify for an 18 percent
mortgage, so they're not going to be rushing out and applying under
this bill for the $60,000 over the three or four years to go out and
start building themselves a new house. It's not going to be any help to
them.
Certainly those people in the riding who have been laid off, who are unemployed as a result of this government's
[ Page 9258 ]
policies
and have no income whatsoever, even to keep up their rent payments, are
not going to benefit from this bill. What those people need are jobs.
When we were called back here, Mr. Speaker, to debate the province's
business, I thought we were going to be discussing ways and means of
putting British Columbians to work. I thought this government had a
plan for job creation. Instead of that, we spent the first number of
days....
Interjection.
MS. BROWN: I'll just finish my sentence and then move adjournment.
spent most of our time talking about creating new seats for the next
election an