British Columbia Hansard — Thursday, March 17, 1988, Morning Sitting — British Columbia Legislative Assembly (34th Parliament, 2nd Session)
34p 02s 880317a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1988 Legislative Session: 2nd Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational
purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1988
Morning Sitting
[ Page
3471 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Throne speech debate
Mr. Harcourt –– 3471
Ms. Campbell –– 3474
Mr. Sihota –– 3477
Mr. Kempf –– 3480
Hon. Mr. Reid –– 3482
The House met at 10:03 a.m.
Prayers.
HON. MR. VEITCH: Mr. Speaker, there's no truth at all to the
rumour that my haberdasher stole the top off a pool table. To the
O'Zalms, the O'Harcourts and all those folks who are either Irish or
would love to be Irish: a happy seventeenth of Ireland this morning.
MR. LOENEN: Mr. Speaker, it gives me a great deal of pleasure
to welcome to the House a dear friend, who comes to us from St.
Catharines. He is editor of a Dutch-Canadian weekly, and he is here to
find out what the Dutch are contributing to our society. Would the
House please welcome Bert Witvoet.
Orders of the Day
THRONE SPEECH DEBATE
(continued)
MR. HARCOURT: Mr. Speaker and Members of the Legislative
Assembly of the province of British Columbia, the throne speech offers
all British Columbians a chance to see the direction in which this
government plans to take us. It lays out its priorities and addresses
the issues that the government believes are or should be the most
important in our province.
The throne speech is a measure of what the government perceives is
needed, what it has learned from the previous year's experience and
what it has absorbed from the reactions of our citizens to its
programs. In a real sense, its success is to be judged by the values it
embodies and the extent to which it considers the wishes, needs and
feelings of the majority of British Columbians.
I believe that British Columbians will readily see that this
government's course is unchanged, that few if any lessons have been
learned from the confrontation its actions have provoked, that the
humility and respect it owes the citizens whose lives its actions
affect are conspicuous by their absence.
This government is unrepresentative of the needs and aspirations of
the average British Columbian, and it's unresponsive to their opinions
and ideas. It is out of touch with British Columbians. That is why it
will proceed with its worn-out agenda in areas that cry out for
innovative action such as forestry, the environment and education.
That's why it will pursue its personal obsessions in such areas as
women's rights and privatization — areas where British Columbians are
clearly saying they want either an opposite action or no action at all.
British Columbians are growing tired of a government that treats
them in a paternalistic manner, making its decisions without
consultation and veering off on ill-considered tangents that cause
tension and conflict in the central institutions of our society.
Democracy is not just a set of conventions within which the king or queen of
the castle is free to do as he or she pleases. It is not the governing party
substituting its whims for the priorities of the majority. British Columbians
are ready for more democracy and for a government that listens to their concerns.
respects their differences and offers them fair, open and honest representation.
British Columbians have had enough of this government's fantastic
adventures. They've had enough of a government which is constantly
floating poorly-thought-out and unworkable proposals as potential
public policy. They want a government that works for everyone. from
ordinary people to the community leaders in our society — not one that
pits British Columbians against each other.
British Columbians aren't absorbed with what their federal
government isn't doing for B.C. They're more concerned with a
provincial government that has failed to stand up for them in dealing
with Ottawa — a failure which this government readily admits. British
Columbians want their government to conduct business with Ottawa with
integrity — not parochial or petulant invective. They want our
government to handle federal-provincial relations with maturity and
sophistication. The chickens have come home to roost. You can't have it
both ways. This Premier and government must learn to put their public
responsibilities to British Columbians ahead of their personal
loyalties to the Mulroney Conservatives.
My party has a different vision for British Columbia. Our roots are
deep in this province, but we are not prisoners of the past or
dependent on the personal beliefs of today's leader. We have the people
and we have the ideas to offer our province what it needs and wants
from government: leadership that builds cooperation and consensus,
leadership that clarifies options without inflaming tensions and
attacking tried and trusted institutions, and leadership that remains
mindful of its responsibility to the entire electorate.
I am fortunate, indeed, to be the leader of a new generation of New
Democrats, a vigorous, dynamic and innovative team with the experience
and integrity to give B.C. the kind of government it deserves. We've
been out in the community, running businesses, managing and balancing
municipal budgets and working with people to deliver goods and provide
services. We bring that competence here today. We've listened and we've
learned, and we have built up the stock of experience that will enable
us to deliver the honest and open government that the people of British
Columbia need and want. Yes, Mr. Speaker, my colleagues and I have
gained the managerial ability and understanding to get British Columbia
on a positive track.
We know that our economy has both a proud public sector and a
capable private sector, and that both have an important role to play in
creating a high standard of living for all British Columbians. As
government, we will not rely on one to the detriment of the other, nor
will we turn on one and attempt to destroy it, as this government has
done to our public services with its privatization plans.
When I say "we," Mr. Speaker, I mean a team of people with mutual
respect. working together to accomplish their goals, not a group of
followers in lock-step to the beat of their master. What British
Columbians are looking for today is a government that acts as a team
with integrity and respect for, and commitment to, the interests of all
British Columbians. That's why I want to lay out for you some of what
was missing in the government's throne speech and what we believe is
needed for government to show public leadership in restoring trust to
government, bringing about fairness for all British Columbians in
ending the confrontation that hurts us all.
We believe that is what is necessary to build a better British Columbia. British Columbians are aware of the new
[ Page 3472 ]
challenges we face, and we've witnessed profound
changes in the national and international economies. Widespread concern
exists about the future of our communities and our province in the face
of such competition and change. Unfortunately, this government's
policies have only added to the uncertainty and the confusion, limiting
B.C.'s ability to set its own economic and social agenda.
Yet British Columbians remain positive about our potential. We have
confidence in our natural, human and technological resources. British
Columbians are genuinely excited about our potential for new economic
opportunities and new jobs. Our people and our ideas remain B.C.'s best
resource. What is missing and what is required is public leadership.
British Columbians are angered by the continuing unfairness of
government policies which limit their access to the resources that will
develop that potential. We are unhappy with a government that puts
personal and narrow interests ahead of the public interest, and we are
upset with a government which doesn't listen and unfairly imposes its
ideas.
No greater example of the unfairness in British Columbia exists than
the tax burden suffered by the average taxpayer. In no other area can
government more clearly display leadership than in eliminating this
unfairness.
[10:15]
B.C.'s deficit is climbing, and taxes for the average family are
increasing, yet the return of the hard-earned tax dollars to British
Columbia and new jobs in public services are insufficient. Mr. Speaker,
the lack of sufficient new jobs to effectively decrease the rate of
employment is evidence that tax incentives and tax cuts that favour
only some businesses are not producing the intended results.
Our province's tax system is regressive and unfair. For example,
personal income taxes increased 14 percent for the average British
Columbian last year. For every dollar individual British Columbians
paid in income tax in 1986-87, corporations paid less than 13 cents. In
1986-87 British Columbians shouldered 89 percent of the provincial
income tax, while only 11 percent of income tax revenue came from
corporations.
B.C.'s tax system needs serious review and reform in order to make
sure the wealthy and big business pay their fair share of taxes;
generate new revenues from natural resources and eliminate unproductive
tax breaks; press for changes to corporate tax laws to encourage new
investment in jobs, rather than non-productive mergers and takeovers;
tie job creation to tax breaks; and review regressive property taxes to
make them fairer and eliminate unfair taxes on small business to allow
them to compete more effectively.
We believe this unfairness must end if we are to build common
purpose in British Columbia. Restoring fairness can unleash the
cooperative spirit that British Columbians know is needed to help us
achieve economic growth. A tax on fairness alone will not make British
Columbians feel they are an essential part of the process of building a
better B.C. We believe our people and our communities must have a say
in decisions affecting them. Without it, a valuable resource goes
untapped.
There is no shortage of new ideas for economic and social
development in our communities. There may be a shortage on the
government side, but there's no shortage in our communities among the
people of British Columbia. Government needs to provide them with the
necessary resources to let them get on with the job. Government should
encourage and support new enterprises that are locally owned and job
intensive. The challenge of building home-grown industries is harder
than reaching out for the quick fix through foreign owned
multinationals, but that's the job British Columbians want done.
They're still not listening to some new ideas, Mr. Speaker. They're
still going with their tired old clichs — the tired old throne speech.
They're still not listening to ideas that we've learned and talked
about to the people of British Columbia. They're still not listening.
They're still not attending this Legislature to talk about the people's
business, because they have a reliance on hit-and-run resource
investment that can have negative implications for our communities and
the environment.
Good corporate citizenship is much more likely to come from
businesses that call B.C. their home base. As a matter of fact, some
members on the government side should realize that government can
provide funding for new municipal infrastructure — in particular,
sewage treatment — particularly if they're engineers who understand
something about concrete but not much else. Mr. Speaker, whether we
live in the interior or on Vancouver Island, we all know the importance
of sewage treatment as it relates to the quality of our life.
British Columbians do not want government to assert more power from
their communities and regions or to substitute decisions made in
ministers' offices for the deliberations of their own representatives.
People want the province to give their communities the resources to
allow them to get on with the job. That's why we would involve
communities in the administration and development of land that comes
under provincial jurisdiction.
We would also ensure that the provincial government deposits and its
business go to financial institutions which are prepared to finance
local economic initiatives. Government should also offer assistance to
develop the financial and the marketing skills of smaller businesses,
in particular for growth industries such as tourism and high
technology. It needs to fast-track support for small business capable
of expanding to produce goods and services now imported into British
Columbia.
We believe government should also recognize the value of jobs and
economic growth in social services, in the arts and in cultural
sectors. It must not regard these sectors as marginal or unproductive
interest groups, as it does now.
In particular, Mr. Speaker, British Columbians want to see native
land claims settled so that all citizens can improve their financial
well-being by sharing both the resources and the benefits. We do not
need to continue pitting natives against developers against loggers.
Government can also lead the way in developing a trade policy for
British Columbia which is fair and equitable. British Columbians
overwhelmingly want an outward looking policy of fair trade rather than
narrow protectionism, or the wide open Mulroney trade deal. Therefore
we must rebuild our resource industries, which are the backbone of our
economy, to be able to compete in world markets.
We must identify new industries which can be fostered here, sunrise
industries offering new opportunities in global markets, because
British Columbians know that our future prosperity lies in the
development of advanced technologies. They are ready for government to
take a leadership role by supporting technological developments in
sectors such as telecommunications, natural resource extraction, marine
[ Page
3473 ]
subsea, micro-electronics, and educational hardware and software.
Government must take a leadership role by ensuring that foreign
corporations selling in the B.C. market produce a percentage of goods
right here in this province.
Most important, government must take a leadership role by creating a
fair labour code for employers and employees that treats workers fairly
and respects their aspirations and abilities. If we don't have fair
labour laws and a fair, efficient Workers' Compensation Board, if we
don't take care of health and safety in the workplace, if we don't
promote economic equality for women, we'll never achieve the
cooperation and consensus we need to conquer new markets and succeed in
foreign trade.
Mr. Speaker, this government speaks of wage settlements that are too
high to allow us to compete. That's balderdash. The most obvious drain
on the provincial economy is the profound strife and discord unleashed
by Social Credit's relentless attacks on working people. Economic
extremism by this government is what poisons our workplaces and holds
us back as a society. It undermines the stability of British Columbia
and makes British Columbia a poor choice for investors.
British Columbians have had enough. People want confrontation to
end, and the rifts healed. They want common purpose to be the motto of
governing public life, not chaos and strife.
British Columbians want to feel confident that they have the skills
and the know-how to compete in the growth sectors of the global
economy. They know our children will only realize their true potential
if they get the education and training to make it in a competitive
world. Again, Mr. Speaker, government has a key role to play. We
believe government must fund our educational system at a level equal to
that of the world's great trading nations. Chronic underfunding in
British Columbia fuels an adversarial relationship between the major
players in our education system. It wastes their talents and their
ideas and it limits the opportunities of our young people to reach
their potential.
We believe government must work together with our colleges,
universities and training institutes to establish new programs instead
of hampering their development. It is only through such cooperation
that government can begin to accurately forecast labour market needs
and begin training British Columbians for the jobs in the growth
sectors. There's no gain for British Columbia in creating new jobs if
we have to import the technicians and the professionals to meet our
shortages of skilled labour. Our government must review our
apprenticeship and our skills-training programs to ensure they are
adequate to the special needs of the expanding sectors of our economy.
Our vital public services must not be sold off. This needless dismembering
of services, paid for and built by the people of British Columbia, is damaging
to us all. Even some in the Social Credit camp, from former cabinet ministers
to business leaders and Socred officials, are in agreement. Like us, they strongly
question the value of selling off public enterprises such as our highways, our
public health services, and the gas services and research division of B.C. Hydro.
People in local government in community after community across this province
are speaking out. Last week I tabled 75 councils that are speaking out, and
more. Why doesn't the Premier listen? It is yet another example of this
government's economic extremism.
No government should be able to take away our right to health care.
No government should ignore the law that guarantees that right, and
that includes interfering in a woman's right to choose on the question
of abortion. All British Columbians must have equal access to quality
health care. Government must support public health and voluntary
services for families and children, including family planning.
Unfortunately, this government has never abandoned its fundamental
belief in a two-tiered health care system — one for the wealthy few and
one for the rest of us.
[10:30]
The present government is simply out of touch with British
Columbians. As indicated in its throne speech, it is not listening, and
as indicated here today it is still not listening. It is making ad hoc,
hurried changes to British Columbia without consultation. It has put
its personal views and the interest of a few ahead of the public
interest and has displayed a disrespect for our democratic process and
our institutions. It has failed to work to create consensus out of the
broad spectrum of public opinion.
Only by opening up the government can we truly take advantage of the
abundant ideas that our communities and people have to offer. To do so
we as New Democrats believe that government must introduce
access-to-information laws. it must lift the cloak of secrecy
surrounding the political process and not be allowed to lock its books
and close the doors. We believe the British Columbia Legislature should
be covered on television so that the political process is open and the
decisions of government are visible to all British Columbians, that
particularly this government's decisions are open to all British
Columbians. The Premier said that would cost too much money. Well,
democracy costs a little more than autocracy, but that's because it
allows all British Columbians to participate.
Open government can provide the early warning of fiscal
mismanagement, and had open government existed in our province.
hundreds of millions of dollars of our taxpayers' money, lost in cost
overruns on the Coquihalla Highway and on the SkyTrain, could have been
saved. This Social Credit government which loudly proclaims its fiscal
competence has given us deficit budgets every year of this decade.
Those deficits they're now yawning about here in the House, originally
forecast by the government at $3.4 billion for the period 1980 to 1988,
actually total $6.1 billion. That's $2.7 billion worth of incompetence,
and that incompetence is costing average B.C. families $3,500 each.
B.C.'s megaprojects have not been managed competently. The
Coquihalla, as we've heard in this House. was originally budgeted at
$375 million and came in at $500 million over budget, at a cost of $640
to the average B.C. family. SkyTrain was originally budgeted at $289
million and came in $700 million over budget, at a cost of $900 to the
average B.C. family.
The mismanagement by this Social Credit government has hurt British
Columbians, but what's worse is that it has saddled our children with
debt. This government said that B.C.'s debt is now $4.2 billion, or
$5,400 for the average B.C. family. That's a debt based on valuing all
of our public assets, like highways and hospitals, and then selling
them off. In fact, the real government debt is now $19.2 billion. May I
remind you that when Social Credit took over government in 1975, the
debt was $4.4 billion, and that was primarily for B.C. Hydro projects.
This government's debt works out to $24,700 for the average B.C. family.
[ Page 3474 ]
British Columbians want open government, because fiscal
mismanagement by this government is hurting B.C.'s chances of getting
its share of prosperity from new economic growth. Open government can
begin the much needed procedure of building consensus in our province
and harmonizing relationships among all sectors of British Columbia's
society.
We believe that government must ensure fair representation of women,
youth and multicultural, native and disabled British Columbians on
government committees, government boards and commissions. It must
respect the rights and responsibilities of democratically elected
municipal councils and school boards.
The fundamental difference between New Democrats and this government
is that we believe that government has a leading role to play in a
creative and comprehensive way in the development of our economy and
our society. We have provided a clear indication of that role today.
It's a role this government doesn't play; it's one that it won't play;
and it's one that it can't play. Do you know why, Mr. Speaker? Because
you can't do things you fundamentally don't believe in, and,
unfortunately, until we have fair taxes in B.C. for B.C.'s families,
until we have an appreciation that education is our investment in the
future, until we have a forward-looking trade policy, until we have
economic equality for women, until we have common purpose in British
Columbia, and until we have the necessary public leadership to make it
happen, we will continue to hear across this province the sad and
unhappy stories of potential unfulfilled.
These are stories that this government doesn't want to listen to:
like the young hitchhiker I met in Burns Lake, who has no job, whose
family has broken up, who has no hope for the future; like the
pharmacist in Quesnel, who told me of one senior who stopped coming in
for his insulin because he couldn't afford the Socred Pharmacare fees —
for the want of $5 he ended up in a $1,000-a-day hospital bed; like the
grade 12 graduating class in Nelson, where 36 of the 40 students told
me they would be leaving their family, their friends and their
community because there were no further educational opportunities and
no jobs; like the natives and the non-natives from the Queen
Charlottes, dispirited and disappointed by the lack of provincial and
federal leadership to get development plans underway.
We can do better in British Columbia. We can do better than a
government that creates confusion and uncertainty, that shows
disrespect for our democratic process and that seeks to radically
restructure our institutions. We can build a better British Columbia
with a government that listens to people, that takes advantage of their
ideas and talents, that is fair to us all. What is missing today is
that public leadership. Mr. Speaker, New Democrats can provide that
leadership for our province, our families, our kids and our future.
MR. SPEAKER: The Attorney-General seeks leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
HON. B.R. SMITH: In the gallery this morning are 13 visiting
professors from the People's Republic of China, presently visiting
Camosun College. They're in Canada for nine months, and they represent
the state education commission of the People's Republic. Their host
from Camosun is Nancy Johnson, and she's accompanied by two other staff
members. I know that the House will want to make them all welcome.
MR. SPEAKER: The member for Maillardville-Coquitlam also seeks leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. CASHORE: In the precincts today and visiting in the
gallery in two separate groups will be 59 grade 6 and 7 students from
Burquitlam Elementary School in Coquitlam. They are with their
principal, Mr. MacDonald.
MS. CAMPBELL: I'm very pleased to have the opportunity to
participate in this debate. I'm sorry in some ways that there were some
introductions which have broken the spell created by the previous
speaker.
I appear to be under some kind of misapprehension, because I
understood that this was the throne speech debate, an opportunity for
people to respond to the government's statement of its intention for
the oncoming session. It would appear that I am under a
misapprehension, since the previous speech didn't appear to address the
throne speech at all or take the opportunity to address it — and it's a
great disappointment to me.
The hon. Leader of the Opposition has a wonderful approach to
speaking in this House, Mr. Speaker. He appears to speak on the basis
of the principle that "when wit fails, try volume."
I was very interested in his comment about wanting television in the
House. I'd like to say that after that speech I find it an enchanting
prospect, and I look forward to it.
The hon. Leader of the Opposition indicated that his party was not
dependent upon the personal beliefs of today's leader. Given the very
great difficulty of getting even a definition of his beliefs on public
policy, I'm deeply relieved to hear that from the hon. Leader of the
Opposition.
I think we need an opposition in this province. I am greatly
committed to the notion that there be two-way debate on public issues.
It's a great pity when those chosen by the public to do this don't in
fact do it.
Interjections.
MS. CAMPBELL: I'm sorry, hon. member. Are words of two
syllables a little difficult for you to understand? I hope those scabs
on your knuckles aren't distressing you too much.
I am quite perplexed about the intention of the hon. member's
speech, but I will press on, nonetheless, to try to make some
connection between his remarks and the throne speech and what I think
is important to discuss.
The hon. member has made a number of comments that I think are very
good and that I would certainly support. He said people's ideas are
B.C.'s best resource. I would agree with that contention
wholeheartedly. He talked about the importance of home-grown
industries, that businesses that call British Columbia their home base
will be most successful. I think that's a proposition that many members
on this side of the House could certainly support.
He talked about the importance of tourism and high technology and
the importance of rebuilding our resource industry. Identifying sunrise
industries is an excellent idea,
[ Page 3475 ]
and I certainly support it. That we require the skills and know-how to compete in the global economy....
MR. LOVICK: Watch it, Kim, your own people are heckling you now.
MS. CAMPBELL: Oh no, they're all with me, believe me.
Now what I find interesting is that the hon. member has clearly not
read the throne speech. It seems to me that the throne speech contains
quite a number of contentions that support the hon. member's view, and
it's a rare opportunity for us to find some bipartisan agreement and to
work together for the interests of the people of British Columbia.
There is a commitment in the throne speech to postsecondary
education, a commitment to increased funding, and we have already
delivered on commitments made in the first throne speech of this
government. In fact there is a general commitment; a considerable part
of the throne speech expresses a commitment to education.
What I would like to hear from the hon. members of the opposition is
an urgency, and I'd like to hear the hon. members stating firmly in
this House that they will hold us to these commitments. But it would be
nice if they read them in the first place. I think it is the job of the
opposition to read our commitments very carefully and demand that we
live up to them, and that's how it works.
I think what 1 would like to do is discuss the hon. member's
comments in this House in the context of an issue which exists in
Vancouver, which is important in my riding and which 1 think is a very
good example of the government's commitments to the very principles
that the hon. Leader of the Opposition claims to espouse, but which in
fact has been opposed in this House and elsewhere by the opposition
party. I refer to the TRIUMF project at UBC and the proposal to build a
kaon factory.
MR. WILLIAMS: You go sell that one in Boundary-Similkameen.
MS. CAMPBELL: Speak on, hon. member, and dig a bigger hole, because you're not quite over your head yet.
It's very interesting that in downtown Vancouver there are
billboards with pictures of the hon. Leader of the Opposition and the
leader of his federal party, and the caption is, I think, something
like: "Working together for B. C." It's a charming picture; they both
look extremely winning in these billboards.
MR. BLENCOE: You said you'd be nice.
MS. CAMPBELL: I never said I'd be nice, hon. member; I'd said
I'd be accurate, and the two aren’t always possible to achieve when
discussing your policies.
It's very interesting that the federal New Democratic Party has in
fact spoken out in favour of the kaon factory to be built in the TRIUMF
facility at UBC, and so I would suggest that on the billboards in
downtown Vancouver the caption, "Working together for B.C., " ought to
be replaced by one that says, "Working at cross-purposes for who knows
who." because the hon. Leader of the Opposition's party has exhibited
an ignorance about this project and a hostility to it, when in fact it
is designed to achieve precisely the goals that the hon. Leader of the
Opposition purports to support when he speaks in this House.
MR. WILLIAMS: Only for Point Grey.
MS. CAMPBELL: It isn't just for Point Grey that this project
is being developed; in fact it is for the benefit of all of Canada. We
have an opportunity in this country to develop high-technology
industries through the development and cultivation of our own
scientific and technological expertise. We can't accomplish this if
every time we get a leg up in the international world of science we cut
it off and basically make it impossible to build on what we've already
invested in in this country.
The TRIUMF facility at UBC is a world-class institution. It has
already created high-technology British Columbia businesses. The hon.
Leader of the Opposition talks about the importance of having
businesses based in British Columbia. When TRIUMF was being built, a
very careful effort was made to make sure that it was built by British
Columbia businesses, and the opportunity was given to those businesses
to develop the technology that would enable them to equip the TRIUMF
facility.
Ebco Industries of Richmond is a very fine example of this
particular development. It now has international exports which exceed
the value of TRIUMF's operating budget —about $90 million a year. Those
high-technology businesses have become the foundation for international
trade. They have attracted to them skilled technologists and provide
the opportunity for training those technologists.
[10:45]
What I find fascinating is the hon. Leader of the Opposition's
notion that somehow we can have high technology, we can have
knowledge-based industries, that somehow will arise out of thin air.
When we actually have the basis for creating those industries, they
don't even take the trouble to learn about them. When I spoke about
this in the House in a private member's statement, the critic for
science and technology of the New Democratic Party revealed a profound
ignorance of the project and my seatmate, in whose riding this project
exists, had not even bothered to visit the facility.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
The possibilities that I've spoken about in this House that exist in
that particular project for creating the basis for high technology
industries in this province are very profound. I would like the
opposition not to hide in an ideological fog that makes it impossible
to see what is in front of them, that makes it impossible to understand
what exists in our own province, but to once again play their
appropriate role and demand not only that we support this project but
that we ensure that the industrial spinoffs are captured for British
Columbia — that we ensure that it is possible to have the
infrastructure to get the full economic advantage of that project.
Where are the members of the opposition who are knowledgeable about
this? Where are those who can understand the role they ought to play,
which is to keep us true to our commitments? I'm not asking the members
of the opposition to vote for our party, though I suspect many of them
may wind up doing so. But play your role, hon. members. Don't be
ignorant. Don't refuse even to take us on in some kind of legitimate
debate.
[ Page 3476 ]
MR. BLENCOE: The Premier said goodbye to you.
AN HON. MEMBER: Wouldn't you like that!
MS. CAMPBELL: I'd never give you the satisfaction, hon. member.
And so we have, Mr. Speaker, a throne speech which makes commitments to education,
apparently totally unread by the hon. Leader of the Opposition, which talks
about jobs, not in some abstract way but with concrete proposals for how to
create those jobs: jobs in high technology, jobs in our industries.
The hon. Leader of the Opposition has talked about the importance of
rebuilding our resource industries. Once again, rebuilding those
resource industries requires the development of technology. The tragedy
of our resource industries is that they are no longer simple
repositories of unskilled labour. We therefore have to deal with the
challenge of making sure that we have a workforce that can perform the
new jobs in the resource industries, the jobs that are high technology.
If the hon. members had bothered to visit any of the sites of the
modem forest industry.... I notice that my opposition colleagues on the
Select Standing Committee on Forests and Lands have not availed
themselves of that opportunity; I hope they take it in some other way.
Because the forest industry....... .
Interjection.
MS. CAMPBELL: No, not even the first member for Vancouver East (Mr. Williams).
AN HON. MEMBER: You're from Point Grey.
MR. WILLIAMS: What a snob!
MS. CAMPBELL: 1 don't have to be from Point Grey, hon.
members, to appreciate the importance of the forest industry. I find it
extraordinary that the notion that members of this government ought to
understand the forest industry is regarded as snobbery by hon. members.
But the industry is changing, hon. members, and if our young people
are to find employment in those industries and if those industries are
to be competitive internationally —and you're very big on talking about
international competitiveness — we have to have the skilled people who
can take those jobs, use the technology and develop new technology in
those industries. We're committed to that, Mr. Speaker. We're committed
to that in the throne speech in our commitment to education, and we're
committed to that in our support of high technology industry.
MR. BLENCOE: What about your buddy the Premier?
MS. CAMPBELL: You know, hon. member, I was so hoping that in
this session you would come up with some new heckles. I feel the
retreads from last session are a tad tedious.
The hon. Leader of the Opposition actually alluded —probably by
error — to one of the aspects of the throne speech, dealing with
federal-provincial relations. Once again the kaon factory and the issue
of the support of the kaon factory is an extremely interesting example
of the need for new departures in federal-provincial relations. There
is no question that the people of British Columbia are committed
members of Confederation. In fact, one of the interesting political
developments of our province since we entered Confederation is the
growth of that commitment. A number of my former colleagues have done
some very important research in this area. But why is it so
unacceptable for those of us who are committed to Confederation to talk
about where we stand in Confederation? Why is that unacceptable, but
somehow it's perhaps acceptable for the Jacques Parizeaus of this
world, who are not even committed to staying in Confederation, to
question it?
We in British Columbia believe that we have an important role to
play in Canada. We would like Canada to share that view, and we think
it does. The kaon factory and the need for federal support of that
project is an example of British Columbia's frustration at trying to
get on the main agenda of federal-provincial relations. It's not simply
a question of intergovernmental relations; it's a question of raising
British Columbia's profile as an economic centre in Canada. The hon.
Minister for Advanced Education (Hon. S. Hagen) has worked tirelessly
to promote this project, and in speaking to the Canadian Manufacturers'
Association in Toronto, was told by members: "Well, if it's so good,
why isn't it here?" That's an attitude which is very difficult to deal
with, and 1 commend the throne speech and I commend the government for
taking on this particular issue — taking it on not from the perspective
that other governments in Canada have, which is to promote separatism
and challenge the basic fundamental premises of Confederation, but from
the point of view of a committed member of Confederation: "There are
inequities, and these have to be dealt with."
So, Mr. Speaker, I find it interesting that one perhaps small issue,
the issue of the kaon factory in my riding, provides a focus for
discussing a number of the issues which the hon. Leader of the
Opposition purports to value and to think are important: the importance
of promoting homegrown industry, of keeping our technological base. of
developing the skills to be part of a global economy in the
twenty-first century, of being active members in the federal-provincial
partnership. Yet it's a project which his party opposes and hasn't even
bothered to learn very much about, notwithstanding that their federal
branch supports it.
I'm perplexed by the purpose of the Leader of the Opposition in this
debate, because it doesn't appear to me that he has addressed himself
to the issues raised in the throne speech. It doesn't appear to me that
he is willing to play the role of the Leader of the Opposition, which
is to demand that the government live up to its commitments. There are
a number of other commitments in the throne speech that are worth
discussing. I notice that the Leader of the Opposition was
interestingly silent on the commitment to make additional funding
available for day care. Where is the Leader of the Opposition standing
up and asking us to make those things specific and insisting that we
live by those commitments? That's what we expect from the opposition.
We expect the opposition to be aggressive. We expect them to be
critical of us; that's what their role is. That's what their obligation
is —not to us, but to the people of British Columbia. But it's
interesting that that hasn't even reared its head in the opposition
leader's speech. It's probably an embarrassment to him, because it's
something he would have to approve.
So I can only assume that the failure of the hon. Leader of the
Opposition to address the items raised in the throne speech is a
reflection of the fact that he supports most of those
[ Page 3477 ]
items, that he has nothing critical to say of them, that he has
nothing to offer, and that in order to take up his time in this House,
he's had to address himself to issues that, weren't raised in the
throne speech.
I think we are faced in British Columbia not with a government
that's not doing its job, but with an opposition that's not doing its
job. It's too bad that
whereas governments can be defeated, there
really isn't any place else for opposition to go, and I fear that the
people of British Columbia may be saddled with this incompetent
opposition for some time to come.
MR. SIHOTA: I'll tell you where that previous speaker's
going; she's going, going, gone to Tory-nomination land. What we just
heard was a kickoff for her nomination speech to the Tory riding in
Vancouver Quadra. There she goes, Mr. Speaker, finding her way to the
door after making her final speech in this House. There she goes out of
the door, off to Vancouver Quadra to seek the Tory nomination and to
fall victim, of course, to our candidate in Vancouver Quadra in the
next federal election.
[11:00]
It was interesting listening to the previous speaker. Actually, what
I want to talk about — and maybe I'll put this in the record right at
the top — are a couple of things that were missing from the mishmash of
a speech that has been described as the throne speech with respect to
legal issues and judicial affairs. I'm going to come down at the end of
my speech with some of the things we would do that are important,
necessary and vital in this province in order to reform the matters
that fall within the purview of the Attorney-General's department.
But I want to go back and reflect on some of the comments made by
the previous speaker. It's interesting to listen to her talk about the
kaon factory. What's really interesting about this is the way in which
the Social Credit governments in the past and today sort of cling on to
one project. Now this year it's: "Cling on to kaon." A couple of years
ago it was: "Cling on to northeast coal." Before that, it was: "Cling
on to Coquihalla." Before that it was: "Cling on to B.C. Place." And
before that, it was: "Cling on to SkyTrain." The theory over there is
that the great economic salvation for this province is going to be
another half a billion dollar project. Not once did they deal with the
matter of the debt: $700 million dollars on SkyTrain; $500 million on
the Coquihalla; $20 billion in total. There is madness in their
approach to economic development in this province. You track yourselves
and attach yourselves to one project, to the detriment of the rest of
the province.
You spend a billion dollars on northeast coal, and you decide to do
nothing about 40 percent unemployment in Terrace; you attach yourselves
to the construction of a great fair in Vancouver that runs at a
deficit, and you ignore the 27 percent unemployment in my riding in the
fishing industry. You attach yourselves to Coquihalla — $500 million of
which is over budget and then you try to hide it. That's the amount you
need for the kaon factory.
The first member for Vancouver-Point Grey (Ms. Campbell) was in the
Premier's office when this $500 million was being over expended on the
Coquihalla. Where was she then, talking about kaon? There was no reason
to talk about it, because she wasn't seeking a federal nomination. She
was more interested in the chaos and the confusion caused by her good
friend Mr. Bennett. Now, interestingly enough, she's more interested, I
would submit — and has been accurate in many instances — in the chaos
and confusion caused by her narrow-minded and bigoted friends — as she
called them; those are not my words. When she talks about ideological
fog, does she not pause for a moment to consider the ideological fog —
which has a different hue and tone to it every day because it changes —
emanating from the office of the current Premier? Different policy from
the car door to the office door.
Then she supports a project in the form of the kaon project which,
as I understand it, has been rejected by the scientific community at
the university and is now prone to economic development considerations
and considered as an economic development project, a la northeast coal,
and which is now being reviewed by a federal department that is going
to be dismantled.
MR. WILLIAMS: A black hole in Point Grey.
MR. SIHOTA: From this forester, this logger, from Point Grey.
The previous speaker ought to have talked about developments over
the last year and the way in which this government operates. She's had
the opportunity outside the House to talk a little bit about how this
government has performed in the last year, because this opportunity on
this throne speech allows us to go back and look at what's transpired
over the past year and then assess what ought to happen this year.
Let's take a look at what happened last year. It's difficult to
decide which policy to pick on. "Privatization" became the buzzword for
this government. I think the part that bothers me most is that no one,
particularly the Premier, ever thought about the human angle. He never
thinks about the human angle of privatization. What happens to people
when you take 300 or 400 government employees and tell them that their
jobs are going to be eliminated by March 31? What does that do to them
psychologically? I invited the Premier the other day to come down to
the highways maintenance yard in my riding, where at least two
individuals have been booked off since that announcement to today's
date because of stress leave caused by the uncertainty of not knowing
what was going to happen with their lives due to a program that now, in
many ways, is off the track because of the Verrin decision.
No one ever pauses to think, in the larger political game being
played by the Premier, what effect it has when you bring 200 or 300
employees of the Ministry of Energy into an auditorium and tell them
that somehow they're going to be shifted off to work not for the
government and not for the private sector — something that's sort of in
between. I'm sure more will be said about that. What does that do to
them in terms of the performance of their work today as they return to
their desks from that meeting? What does it do to the chaps out there
looking after the highways in this province — and particularly on the
island — when they don't know if they're going to be there tomorrow?
Does anybody over there have an ounce of conscience to even think what
effect those kinds of decisions have on people?
Apart from all of the other arguments that we've had on privatization, what about the human dimension?
MR. WILLIAMS: Nobody's home over there.
MR. SIHOTA: The member says that nobody's home over there, and it is true. I scan across and I see the empty
[ Page 3478 ]
seats. Maybe they're better if they're empty, because often the
minds have the same quality to them. There are empty seats, and a
little bit of chatter going on between a couple of ministers, and no
one is really listening. That's not surprising, because the other
characteristic of this government that we've seen evolve over the past
year is the fact that they don't listen. They don't listen to what the
people have to say.
If I could just pick one small example of something that falls
within my critic area to highlight the point.... In December 1986, the
Premier met with representatives from the Law Society about legal aid.
They walked out of the meeting, and I remember reading in the Benchers'
Bulletin on it. There was a nice picture of the Premier and
representatives of the Law Society, and there was a lot of optimism
that something would be done about legal aid, because the Premier said
he would listen to the representation, and he recognized that there was
a need to do something about legal aid.
There was a lot of optimism within the legal community, particularly
with the Legal Services Society, that something would be done. The
budget came down, and there was a paltry $500,000 increase in the
budget. There was no commitment to meet the task force recommendations
of $33 million in funding, and we still sit at about $18 million for
legal aid.
That's the game that we're seeing from this government. I just
picked a small example: take people in, talk to them from time to time,
look receptive, pretend that you're listening, pretend that you care,
let them go out of the door feeling optimistic, but when it comes time
to deliver the goods — no way. So it doesn't listen.
It didn't listen on Bill 19; it didn't listen on Bill 20. It didn't
listen on privatization. It hasn't listened on decentralization. It's a
government that is radical in every form and is stubborn and
bully-headed to the extent that the Premier wants to put his foot on
the accelerator and go as fast as he can to try to achieve his mission
before the next election. As that vehicle makes its way down the path,
who cares about how many people are tossed to the side? Who cares how
much damage is done? Who cares how much chaos and confusion there is in
this province? Who cares how much it costs?
This government is moving on a radical ideological track with little
sensitivity to where people are coming from, with no intention of
listening to what people have to say, and no care whatsoever as to the
consequence of its policies. That's where this radical, right-wing and
— as the member for Vancouver Point-Grey said — narrow-minded and
bigoted government is coming from. That's not what was promised to the
people of British Columbia a year ago in terms of consultation.
Let's reflect a little bit more over the last year. I see the
Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. Dueck) is in the room. Let's take a look
at health care policy in this province and see what this government has
done with respect to the erosion of health care in this province. We
were told in this House that heart bypass surgery was trendy. We had
people sitting in lineups waiting to get into hospital, and this
government had the audacity to say to them that certain types of
necessary medical procedures were "trendy." We saw cutbacks in health.
We saw confrontation with doctors.
I want to talk again about the human dimension. We all talk and hear
about the human dimension with patients. But have you ever sat and
talked, as I had the opportunity to do last week, to nurses in this
province about the stress with which they operate in the hospital
setting because massive government cutbacks have reduced staff loads?
They've reduced the number of RNs in hospitals; they are removing LPNs
from hospitals. There are patients galore trying to get in, and there
are hospital beds that are closed upstairs. So what happens? The nurses
I talked to told me about patients housed, if I can put it that way, in
linen closets and hallways. Is that quality health care?
I talked to staff at hospitals. They told me about absolutely
intolerable working conditions, about having too many patients to deal
with, about walking onto the floor and, because of changes in charting
procedures different than what they were accustomed to, not having an
accurate report on the various patients, not knowing what medication
had been given half an hour before.
You talk to nurses in this province, as I did — and I confess I've
got the advantage of being married to one, so socially we tend to meet
with more nurses than might be the case otherwise. Do you know what
they do? They try to survive seven and a half hours or even 12 hours on
shift, and hope that they haven't committed any negligent act, and walk
home and get into bed after a long shift and dream about it. They wake
up in the middle of the night in a cold sweat wondering whether they
told their replacement about a medical procedure that had been
conducted on a patient, or whether a particular medication was done,
because the shift is a blur because of the demands placed upon them.
Do you know what that does to the morale of people —people who
entered into a profession because they cared about people, because they
wanted to spend some time with people, because they wanted to help
people with both their physical and mental health? Their understanding
of what they were getting into, their appreciation of the profession
and the opportunity they thought they had to give care is a far cry
from the factory-like atmosphere in many hospitals today. I say that
because the Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. Dueck) is here. Talk to the
nurses. Incredible stress. When people feel that way and their morale
is affected in that fashion, you're not going to get — in economic
terms, because that seems to be the only thing in the equation in the
government's mind —the best value for your dollar. So it's not
surprising to hear nurses complaining.
[11:15]
It's not surprising — and I see the Attorney-General (Hon. B.R.
Smith) is still here as well — to see the vast increase in stress leave
due to government cutbacks in the prison system. Again, you've got
people — citizens who don't break the law but are there to took after
the criminal element — in a setting where they are badly outnumbered.
If you want to use the Oakalla example, where they don't even have
emergency beepers to enable them to tell head office that there's a
problem going on.... They're tied up, gagged and bound as security
officers, and they're sitting there looking at the phone. The phone
starts to ring, and they're listening helplessly as the phone rings.
Someone is checking in to see what they're up to, and they don't have
an emergency beeper to tell head office that there's been an escape. If
you put people in that kind of setting, as this government has with
respect to the prison system, it's no wonder that you have sick leave
problems, stress problems and people walking away.
What's lacking with this government is the willingness to deal with public sector workers and their human problems, to
[ Page 3479 ]
deal with the realities of the situation; instead, cut out the
budget; let's push them to their limits; let's erode the service; then
let's just say the service is so bad that the only way you can improve
it is with privatization. That's the game plan. Don't you think the
people in this province are beginning to catch on to that?
We have a Premier who goes around this province and says that his
workers, the public civil sector in this province, don't do their job
properly. Why doesn't he listen to them for a change and understand
what their problems are, instead of playing a bigger political game
based on an ideological fog which he walks around in in this province?
That's the shame of this government: the insensitivity, the insanity of
that type of approach.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA: One of the members opposite said: "When are you
going to get positive?" I do want to talk a little bit about some of
the things that we think are missing in terms of legal issues. But
before I get to that, I want to make a comment about the style of this
government.
I see the Minister of Education (Hon. Mr. Brummet) is leaving to
join the second member for Point Grey to seek another Tory nomination.
Elected on style. Charisma. No substance was required. In a funny
sort of way, he's delivered. He's delivered on exactly what were the
worst fears of all of us. Policy, like I said, that is made without
thought. Take decentralization, for example — a classic example. I
honestly believe now that someone whispered in his ear as he made his
way up to the podium at the Union of B.C. Municipalities, and he made
this announcement of decentralization. No thought, no background
analysis, no policy analysis — all those things that you would look for
in terms of justification for a radical departure in government policy.
We've asked for the studies, the background papers to support this
concocted scheme, and we haven't received anything. That's how
decisions are made in this province now: policy on the fly.
The last year, I say, has been disappointing. It's been traumatic to
the people of this province. A radical, bigoted, narrow-minded
obsession of an ideological point of view, which really, as my leader
said, is out of touch with British Columbians. I don't have to repeat
it. I've said before in this House that we're out to make that change,
and we will.
I want to turn to some of the things that were missing from the
throne speech that we as New Democrats believe ought to have been there
and if we were in government today would be interested in implementing.
These are important things. I do believe that it is important for us as
a party not simply to go on the attack but to lay out some of the
positive and constructive things that we think are necessary for this
province. I want to talk a little about some of the things that were
omitted from the throne speech that fall within the purview of my
critic area, judicial affairs.
Legal aid — I touched upon that earlier on. It's a major problem in
this province. I was astonished to see that there was no reference to
any commitments for legal aid coverage in this province. If we would
move to embrace the task force recommendations on legal aid, over three
or five years, we would try to meet the target of $33 million that was
laid out in the task force recommendations so that people could have
adequate legal aid representation in areas like administrative law, for
example. We believe that's important. We believe that when someone goes
in front of a UIC tribunal and has difficulty understanding the UIC
regulations or act, they're entitled to legal assistance. We believe
that when someone goes in front of a tribunal, let's say. for GAIN or
the Environmental Appeal Board and wants to deal with a stream that
runs through their property and doesn't understand the law, they're
entitled to some type of legal assistance in the area of administrative
law.
It's not that expensive to provide. It's less than a tenth of what
the government overspent on the Coquihalla; in some reports, it's
actually a hundredth of what the government overspent on the Coquihalla
— so that people have some assistance, so that a woman or a man who
wants to enforce a maintenance order has legal assistance to make the
best case in front of the court.
People don't understand the law. They are intimidated by the legal
process; they are intimidated by court rooms; they are intimidated by
judges. So it makes sense to provide some type of legal assistance to
these people. Right now, if you are in, I believe, $891 — or $1,201 if
you've got children — you're not entitled to legal assistance. There is
an element in the community that can afford to get legal services, but
the working poor — if you can put it that way — and a lot of the
average people in this province find it a very expensive proposition.
There must be some type of legal aid, and the task force that this
government appointed suggests that this province ought to fund it to
the tune of $33 million. It does it to about $[8 million or $19 million
in 1984 dollars, and that needs to be improved. We as a party would
make a commitment to improve that. We're not going to fund it to the
top level tomorrow. As the Leader of the Opposition said earlier on, he
has balanced every budget he has ever had to deal with. He knows that
you have to work towards these things on a gradual basis. But the
people want to know whether there is a commitment. From that side there
isn't; from this side there is.
If I can move on to another topic, we saw over the Christmas period
the coming forward of a whole series of problems with our prison
system. We've seen an inquiry going on now for about six weeks dealing
with the matter of an escape — one escape that happened on New Year's
day. We as a party don't believe that it's sufficient to look at one
escape that happened on one day which all of a sudden got all sorts of
media attention. We have to take a look at our prison system and ask
some hard questions. There ought to be an inquiry, in our view — and we
would have said this — that goes around the province trying to
rationalize the prison system. How can you, on one hand, have an
antiquated facility at Oakalla that is full and a modern facility at
Wilkinson Road here where two of the wings are closed? And it is a
modern facility.
Why are we closing down certain youth facilities in this province'?
I think Chilliwack was one of the detention facilities that was shut
down. Why are we shutting down a facility like Chilliwack when our
prisons are overcrowded? We've got an overcrowding, for example, in
Prince George.
What about the cost of those prisoners? I think someone said $40,000
a year. What are the alternatives? Is it true that up to 20 or 25
percent of the prison inmates are in there because they can't pay
fines" Are there any other alternatives to that? Is it true that a
disproportionate number of people within our prisons are natives. and
what do we do about that?
[ Page 3480 ]
Maybe there are some alternatives to dealing with people from that community.
We didn't need a six-week inquiry, Mr. Speaker, on what happened on
January 1. We needed a six-week or six-month inquiry with respect to
rationalizing the prison system that we've got in this province and
coming to grips with some of the tough questions that deal with prisons
and our judicial system. That's what was required, and it would have
been a better expenditure of a judge’s time to put him into that kind
of role. So that's another issue that I think we should touch on.
I see my time is running out, but nothing was said in the throne
speech about the Coquihalla. To date this government still has not
brought forward legislation which will serve as checks and balances to
safeguard us from a repeat of the Coquihalla — a misuse of power by
cabinet officials; a misuse of our money, an incredible amount of
money, $500 million. If you spent $1 every second, it would take you 69
years to spend that money. That much money was expended, and to date
the government hasn't brought forward any legislation to try to prevent
that from happening again. But we would have made that commitment in
the throne speech.
Mr. Speaker, I see my time is virtually up, but I have tried to
touch quickly on three areas that I think should have been in the
throne speech, things that we would have put in the throne speech as
alternatives. And you know, the underlying theme of all that is that
we're trying to deal, we want to deal, with the human problems faced by
this province. We want to be innovative in our approach, we want to be
disciplined in our approach and we want to be in touch in our approach.
The thing that's lacking with this government is.... Its programs are
not innovative; they're narrow, bigoted and radical. The problem with
this government is that it's not in touch with people.
MR. KEMPF: As I look around the chamber this morning, I
really do hope there's more interest among the people out there than
there is in here with respect to this throne speech. It would appear
that we're barely able to hold a quorum.
Mr. Speaker, I'd like to begin by quoting from an editorial this
morning in the Globe and Mail, which starts out saying: "Those whose
conduct gives room for talk are always the first to attack their
neighbours." I think that's what this throne speech was all about. As a
British Columbian, I'm very disappointed. I've seen several throne
speeches, as have you, sit, in this chamber, but none as disappointing
in my estimation as the one we heard two days ago.
[11:30]
I've seen questionable throne speeches, throne speeches that had
little in the way of content, but nothing as questionable as the one we
heard two days ago. This throne speech certainly takes the prize. I saw
it referred to.... I wouldn't use this description myself, but I'm
quoting from a news article. I've read of it being called "horse
manure." Frankly I couldn't agree more. It's littered with glowing
adjectives, it's steeped in fed-bashing, and it's very heavy in
innuendo. No wonder, Mr. Speaker, His Honour missed an entire page; if
I were he, I'd have probably missed the whole thing. Steeped in
innuendo and glowing adjectives such as "profound," "positive," "gains"
and "accomplishments...." What are these gains and accomplishments?
What were they in the last year? Regionalization — was that one of the
accomplishments? Super ministers running around this province with
their shadows, putting together unwieldy committees that know not what
they're for or what they're to do — is that accomplishment?
MR. MILLER: They had to get rid of that eight million bucks.
MR. KEMPF: They're getting rid of a lot more than $8 million,
Mr. Member. That $8 million was merely seed money. Let's take a look —
and I'm sure we will in the weeks and months ahead — at what is really
being spent on those partisan political offices around the province.
Mr. Speaker, the throne speech — and I'm going to do some quoting
from it, because I've heard very little of that done this morning in
this debate — talks so glowingly about, 'my government" and: "We will
consolidate our position." We surely will, it would appear, consolidate
yet more power in the office of the Premier, in the hands of the David
Pooles and Bob Plecases of this world.
Interjection.
MR. KEMPF: The Provincial Secretary (Hon. Mr. Veitch) should
know what I'm talking about. He should know very well, if anyone does
in this chamber, what I'm talking about. Consolidation, indeed.
It talks about "increased decision-making at the community level."
What hogwash! What absolute balderdash! Consolidation of power in the
Premier's office, in the hands of not-even-elected people.... How
absolutely disgustingly inaccurate this throne speech is with respect
to what's really happening to the democratic process in the province.
"My government will play its part" — you bet it does. It plays its
part: it's the only part. Not only are they not discussing these matters
with communities or with the people of this province, they're not even discussing
them with cabinet ministers. We have one sitting in the House today who knows
a lot about that. We saw that in the throne speech, where it talked about health
care, and I'll get to that later.
"My government will play its part." It'll play its
part in the
demise of the democratic system and in the demise of the civil service as we
have known it for many, many years in this province: people not knowing from
day to day, not only whether they have a job or not, but whether they have a
ministry or not. If I were some of those in the front benches of that government,
I'd really start to worry about that as well, because when things such as
the firing of a deputy minister are done when the minister is out of the province,
you can expect anything.
province is in a turmoil. They don't know where to turn next. They
don't know whether they'll be there tomorrow. They know not what's
happening from one day to the next, because not only are the cabinet
ministers not conferred with as to what's going to happen, neither is
the civil service of this province. They don't know where they're at.
I heard someone speak glowingly this morning about "listening." This
government is "listening." To whom is this government listening?
They're certainly not listening to my constituents, because I hear them
loud and clear on a daily basis, wondering what is really going on in
this province. They're not listening to cabinet — that's evident;
that's quite clear. They're not listening to caucus; we hear the
grumblings. Who are they listening to? Government listening....... .
[ Page 3481 ]
We "encourage closer ties with Washington, Oregon, California and
Alaska." They'd better make friends with someone, because it certainly
wasn't a throne speech that made any friends with our eastern
counterparts in this country. What a lack of diplomacy! They expect —
and it says it right in the throne speech — to beat Ottawa over the
head with a big stick and then expect better treatment as well. You
can't have it both ways. It's absolutely and totally unbelievable that
this kind of garbage should be presented in this House in a throne
speech — a total disregard for the British parliamentary system, Mr.
Speaker.
"Look at the record, " the speech says. Well, let's look at the
record indeed. It talks about surrendering sovereignty and valuable land to
establish South Moresby Park — a giveaway. They gave away the store in South
Moresby, and now they can't even collect the paltry few million dollars
that they got for that most beautiful part of British Columbia. They sold the
store for a pittance, and they can't even collect that. How disgusting!
"We will monitor and evaluate British Columbia's standing within the
federal system." What does that mean? Does it mean that if we don't
get our way, we're going to secede? 1 haven't heard such talk since
the Parti Quebecois. Is that what we're looking at in British Columbia?
Do we have such a distaste for the parliamentary system that we would even secede
from Confederation? What does that line mean?
On health care. As if our health care system wasn't in enough
turmoil, we have to see the kind of innuendo in the throne speech that
speaks of changes to the health care system. They're going to have a
pilot project in the Victoria area that no one in the health care
system in Victoria or the CRD knows anything about. Absolutely
indescribable! I have never, in the years that I have been in this
House, seen such a disgusting throne speech.
If the direction they are going in with respect to health care were
actually true, well that's even worse, because I've never heard so much
talk about socialized health care since 1972 to 1975. 1 can well
imagine a gentleman who sat in this House for many years — and I don't
know where he happens to be at this point in time — almost falling off
a chair in reading what was in this throne speech with respect to
health care. You know, Dennis Cocke would have a fit, because what the
throne speech speaks of is the very thing that the NDP government was
defeated on in 1975.
MR. MILLER: Is that true?
MR. KEMPF: That's true. That's one of the nails that was in the coffin.
Mr. Cocke, wherever he may be, has probably a very difficult time in believing
his eyes and ears with respect to what is said about health care in this year's
throne speech. This is coming from a Social Credit administration? I look around
at some of the very quiet — but, I'm certain, very disgruntled — back-benchers
of that party. I * ve said it before . and I'll say it again probably: imposters!
The throne speech bears that out.
[1:45]
A number of things that showed up in last year's throne speech never
came through; we see them again this year. I think one of the most
important things and one of the things that the people of this province
should certainly be paying attention to is the suggestion in the throne
speech that new regional district legislation will be enacted. I have
to ask again: what does that mean? Are we finally going to bring to
fruition the Premier's dream of a county system? Is that what it means?
Are we going to have a county system? Are we going to do away with most
local government, which is really what that means? Is that what the
suggestion in the throne speech of new regional district legislation
means?
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Interjections.
MR. KEMPF: No, I know the back-benchers wouldn't know. I know
the cabinet ministers wouldn't know. There is only one person who would
know what that means. Are we finally going to see come to fruition the
county system, which is what the now Premier left cabinet in a huff
about not too many years ago, calling his colleagues gutless because
they wouldn't go through with it? He picked up his marbles and went
home — although it would appear that they weren't very great in number,
because he hasn't many marbles today.
So we're going to change the whole regional district concept, are
we? We're going to do away with yet more local government. We're going
to throw it into that pot of huge committees so that it can be stirred
and stirred, and no attention will be paid to exactly what is going on
in Victoria. Is that it?
Mr. Speaker, I don't want to go on too long, but I want to talk
about a couple of other items that were in this throne speech which I
don't understand.
There is a line that says: "Initiatives to double the amount of
timber available for competitive sale and changes in the tenure system
will be introduced." Does that mean that finally this administration is
going to make good on promises that Social Credit administrations have
made for years: that at least 25 percent of the annual allowable cut is
going to be put in the small business or other such program, put on the
auction block? Is that what it means? If that's what it means, let us
spell it out, because your friends in the multinational monopoly will
be very interested in that. Is that what it means: is we're actually
going to get at least, if not more than, 25 percent of the annual
allowable cut put on the auction block so that real British Columbians
can partake in their own forest industry. which they haven't been able
to do for 40 years?
It talks about agriculture. I see the minister has left, probably to
seek out who will be his deputy today. It talks glowingly about a
long-term strategy in agriculture. This administration can't even fill
the place of a secretary long overdue and much needed in an
agriculturalist's office in Smithers. And they talk about a long-term
strategy with respect to agriculture.
And if all this weren't enough, they throw Rick Hansen into the
throne speech. These people will use anyone or anything to bring about
their own partisan political purpose.
I said earlier that 1 was ashamed as a British Columbian to see what
was in this year's throne speech. It says we're going to change
everything — everything has been wrong and everything will be changed
in British Columbia. We're even going to change the direction in which
the sun rises. Well, that's interesting. Can you believe that? You must
have been watching too many of those MacMillan Bloedel ads and really
think you can walk on water. And it says the best is yet to come. Mr.
Speaker, it seems to me to be more of the same
[ Page 3482 ]
— as a very good friend and colleague in this House for many years put it: simply piled higher and deeper.
I said at the beginning that I'm embarrassed; and I am, as a British
Columbian, to have seen this kind of throne speech in this House. And
as an embarrassed British Columbian, I'll not endorse this throne
speech.
HON. MR. REID: Mr. Speaker, inasmuch as all of the comments I
have to make would be difficult if they were disjointed at this point —
and I'd like a larger audience to hear the comments I'd like to make on
the throne speech.... After the encouraging comments offered by the
member for Omineca, his last comments before he leaves the House, I
would certainly like to respond in a more elaborate manner. So I move
this debate adjourn until the next sitting of the House.
Motion approved.
Hon. Mr. Strachan moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 11:52 a.m.
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