British Columbia Hansard — Friday, March 21, 1986 — Morning Sitting (33rd Parliament, 4th Session)
33p 04s 860321a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1986 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 33rd Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
FRIDAY, MARCH 21, 1986
Morning Sitting
[ Page
7451 ]
CONTENTS
Tabling Documents –– 7451
Oral Questions
Coal cutbacks. Mr. Williams –– 7451
Housing studies. Mr. Blencoe –– 7451
Vancouver Island highway. Ms. Sanford –– 7452
GAIN program. Mr. Barnes –– 7452
Budget lockup. Mr. Rose –– 7452
Municipal transit. Mr. Williams –– 7453
Private Members' Statements
Youth unemployment. Mrs. Dailly –– 7454
Hon. Mr. Segarty
Reverse mortgages. Mr. Davis –– 7456
Mr. Cocke
Armed services pensions. Mr. Mitchell –– 7457
Ms. Sanford
High-tech industry in B.C. Mr. Reynolds –– 7458
Hon. Mr. McGeer
Budget Debate
Mr. Stupich –– 7460
FRIDAY, MARCH 21, 1986
The House met at 10:05 a.m.
Prayers.
Hon. A. Fraser tabled the annual report of the Ministry of Transportation and Highways for the fiscal year 1984-85.
MR. D'ARCY:
Mr. Speaker, in the gallery today we have two individuals from
Fruitvale, B.C.: my hard-working executive assistant in the riding,
Sean Philp; and a volunteer assistant, Bob Warning. They do their best
to serve the public in Rossland-Trail in a fair and even-handed way. I
would ask the House to bid them welcome.
MR. PASSARELL: Visiting sunny Victoria today is a long-time resident of Atlin, Mr. Joe Florence. I wish the House to pay him adieu for today.
MR. CHABOT:
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, standing order 8 says: "Every member
is bound to attend the services of the House, unless a leave of absence
has been given by the House." I understand the member for
Burnaby-Edmonds (Ms. Brown) is in the precinct but refuses to come into
the House. I'm wondering, Mr. Speaker, whether she has permission from
you to be absent from this chamber.
MR. SPEAKER: On
the point that was made by the member for Columbia River, which the
Chair has ruled on numerous occasions, the first member for Victoria
seeks to respond.
MR. HANSON: Mr. Speaker, the
member for Burnaby-Edmonds is ill, and it is my understanding that she
has advised the Speaker. That member has no right to cast any
aspersions on a hard-working member of this House.
MR. CHABOT: What are you, the minister of defence for that member or something?
MR. SPEAKER:
Order, please. The standing orders and the rules that guide us in this
chamber are well known. However, I would advise that the Chair has no
such information and has not been made aware specifically of....
Nonetheless, that is not a duty of a member. In any case the Chair does
not have to be....
Interjections.
MR. WILLIAMS: Could you advise me, Mr. Speaker? Is the question period commencing now, or...?
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, the point made by the member is a valid one. The question period will commence as of right now.
Oral Questions
COAL CUTBACKS
MR. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker, we learned last night that there have been
major cutbacks in southeast coal at the Greenhills mine of BCRIC — Westar — a
43 percent cutback on last year's volumes and a 15 percent cutback in price.
Clearly the Japanese are whipsawing British Columbia with these two coal areas
in the northeast and the southeast. My question is to the Minister of Labour:
is he prepared to intervene to deal with the unemployment problem in the East
Kootenays, which at 21.4 percent now exceeds Newfoundland, and see that government
is at the bargaining table, so that there is not this whipsawing by the Japanese
on price and volume in terms of coal shipments from British Columbia?
HON. MR. SEGARTY:
I wonder, Mr. Speaker, if the member for Vancouver East would like to
table the number of contracts that the Greenhills mine has with
Japanese coal companies.
MR. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker,
the response is that the minister is not prepared to intervene to deal
with the gross unemployment problem in his riding and deal with the
problem that we have, developed by northeast coal.
HON. MR. SEGARTY:
Mr. Speaker, I'd still like the member for Vancouver East to table in
this House the amount of contract tonnage that the Greenhills mine has
with the Japanese steel industry.
HOUSING STUDIES
MR. BLENCOE:
Mr. Speaker, I have a question for the Minister of Lands, Parks and
Housing. In January 1986 the provincial government tabled and brought
down a report on social housing in the province of British Columbia.
Now the minister has announced another study, a matter of only a few
months later, the trash and thrash study — a phony study that's going
to be done in the province of British Columbia....
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. BLENCOE:
I'd like to ask the minister how much this January 1986 study cost the
taxpayers of the province of British Columbia, and how much your new
study — the phony study — is going to cost the people of British
Columbia?
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. The question
is out of order, hon. member. If the hon. member is going to bring
argument and debate constantly into questions, the Chair will rule him
out of order. The first rule that guides us in questions, hon. member,
is that the question must be a question, not an expression of an
opinion, representation, argumentation or debate. The member can phrase
his question in a proper form, and the Chair will give him the right to
respond.
MR. BLENCOE: How much did the January 1986 study cost the taxpayers of British Columbia, Mr. Minister?
HON. MR. KEMPF: Mr. Speaker, in order that I bring that exact figure back to the member, I will take that question on notice.
AN HON. MEMBER: Who paid for the hot-tub?
HON. MR. KEMPF: I paid for the hot-tub, my friend.
[ Page 7452 ]
VANCOUVER ISLAND HIGHWAY
MS. SANFORD:
I have a question to the Minister of Highways and Transportation. The
Vancouver Island municipalities, the association of the chambers of
commerce on Vancouver Island, the Vancouver Island MLAs and the
candidates for the New Democratic Party on Vancouver Island have
requested that the government proceed this year to complete four-laning
of the Vancouver Island Highway. What decision has the government made
regarding this request?
[10:15]
HON. A. FRASER: First of all to the member, the
ministry's proper title is the Ministry of Transportation and Highways,
not the reverse. I like to go by the legalistic things that we have.
reference to the requests from Vancouver Island, we've got a warehouse
full of them, and they conflict with each other. I think you're
interested in Courtenay–Campbell River or wherever that area is — in
that area. What I'm getting at is that we have conflicting views. Yes,
we have people who want us to do something about the road — a new
freeway or bypass, if you want to call it that — but we also have a
resolution from the city of Courtenay, the member's home town, saying
they're opposed to it.
So we're analyzing all that material, and we aren't in any position to make any announcement at this time.
MS. SANFORD:
Mr. Speaker, I think the minister wants the word transportation before
highways because he is so embarrassed about the fact that he has done
nothing for highways on Vancouver Island. We have learned that $14 per
capita has been spent on Vancouver Island in 1984 for highway
construction, while $203 per capita has been spent in the rest of the
province. That's a totally unacceptable disparity but I shall ask my
question.
Will the government begin to equalize the
spending of highways funds by starting the much-needed inland bypass
route on Vancouver Island this year?
HON. A. FRASER:
Mr. Speaker, first of all, on the cost per capita, that sounds like
socialist arithmetic to me. I don't accept that at all, and I have a
question. Did the member for Comox include the ferry subsidy? B.C.
Ferries is all under transportation. I assume you got that in there in
your....
MS. SANFORD: We're talking about highways.
HON. A. FRASER:
Well, we're talking about transportation, and maybe we should look at
that as well. But again, to reply to you, we have not got right-of-way
for the area you're talking about. We have to acquire right-of-way, and
then we have to call tenders to get the work done, and that would be
physically impossible in the year 1986-87. If we started tomorrow to
acquire right-of-way, it would take over a year.
GAIN PROGRAM
MR. BARNES:
I was very disappointed with the budget speech yesterday to find that
the government failed to provide any new income for people on GAIN. My
question to the Minister of Human Resources is: would the minister
confirm that the $14 million special warrant in February of this year
was to cover an overrun in the income assistance budget?
HON. MR. NIELSEN:
I will respond generally; I do have the details on that special
warrant. The largest overrun was in Pharmacare. Some other programs
also had expenditures in excess of what was estimated, but the largest
single overrun, I believe, was in the Pharmacare program. I'll be
pleased to bring back the detail on that. But it was not only in one
specific area; it was a combined number of overruns totalling that $14
million. I have the details on my desk, but I'll have to get them for
you.
MR. BARNES: I appreciate the difficulty the
minister may have in the fact that he's taking over a new portfolio,
but whatever portion of the $14 million was specifically for providing
the extra needs in the income assistance portion.... As the minister
knows, those people on income assistance have not decreased in numbers;
they have remained constant. Could the minister indicate why the budget
does not at least reflect a consistent appropriation for that category,
as opposed to reducing that amount?
HON. MR. NIELSEN:
I'd be very pleased to provide some detail on that $14 million special
warrant — a very quick calculation. Pharmacare accounted for $6.9
million. Services for families and children were $3 million. The GAIN
program, health care and dental services, was $1.6 million. The
excessive amount required for income assistance was $1.6 million.
Direct community services — this is salaries — were $1 million. Those
are the component parts of that special warrant.
BUDGET LOCKUP
MR. ROSE:
I'd like to address my question to that great Canadian novelist, the
Minister of Finance. Some of us are very concerned about what happened
yesterday, when special interest groups and lobbyists of various kinds
were invited into a lockup and yet members of the opposition were
denied. Is the minister aware that the federal government and all other
provinces, according to our recent survey, do not have regular
procedures for locking up members of lobby groups with the press so
that they can see the budget before members of the opposition can?
HON. MR. CURTIS: While I have....
MR. HANSON: Propaganda stunt.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Oh, why don't you just go and do something else, eh?
Mr.
Speaker, I have respect for the member, but I don't have confidence in
that party's research. I wonder if he would attempt to determine that
that which he says is correct in all other provinces. With respect to
lockups, the press lockup is managed by the press gallery. With respect
to the....
Interjection.
HON. MR. CURTIS: The interjection is incorrect, as usual.
With
respect to the second lockup, I indicated publicly that we have tried
to make the budget information available to those who advise
individuals and organizations. We've turned to accountants — using the
generic term — and it's still in its experimental stage. I appreciate
that there will be
[ Page
7453 ]
varying views regarding lockups, Mr. Speaker, and if the member wishes to discuss
this with me privately at some time, or if the opposition House Leader wishes
to do so....
Interjections.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
Or we can discuss it in my estimates, Mr. Speaker. I'm not attempting
in any way to push the topic away, but there are varying views with
respect to lockups. So long as I hold this portfolio I would welcome
suggestions as to how they can be improved. I think there is a
tradition of lockup in this province, and I would not personally like
to see that discontinued insofar as the press is concerned —
representatives of the news media.
MR. ROSE: I
wonder, Mr. Speaker, if I could have a supplementary. Is the minister
aware that in addition to accountants there was a representative of the
mining association in that lockup yesterday? There was a special
representative of John Turner, the Liberal opposition leader — his
acolyte; and perhaps there were others representing Mr. Mulroney and
all sorts of different special-interest groups and lobbyists
sympathetic to this government. When is the minister going to allow
members of the opposition to have a jump on the budget at the same time?
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Speaker, if there was a representative of John Turner, he could hardly be characterized as friendly to this government.
MUNICIPAL TRANSIT
MR. WILLIAMS:
A question to the minister responsible for transit, Mr. Speaker. The
SkyTrain and the tremendous debt tied to SkyTrain is now having an
impact on the citizens in greater Vancouver. There will be a 360
percent increase in the Hydro surcharge, as well as a significant
increase in the fares. Can the minister advise whether she's considered
an alternative system that would be less burdensome on the low-income
people who are bearing the cost in this system?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY:
Mr. Speaker, I'm very pleased to respond to the question from the
second member for Vancouver East. First of all, the formula we have for
the public transit system in British Columbia and the provincial
government's sharing of the burden is the most generous in all of
Canada. The SkyTrain, the ALRT, to relieve the problems of congestion
and to help in the redevelopment of the lower mainland, was a project
agreed to by all the member communities in the lower mainland — the
GVRD group. The people who arranged the formula to underwrite and
amortize the cost of SkyTrain over a period of years were
representatives from all the lower mainland municipalities.
April of last year, in spite of the fact that we had negotiated a
formula with that group, we renegotiated the formula to a far more....
Interjection.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Does the member wish to listen to the answer, Mr. Speaker?
We renegotiated the formula and we underwrote $275 million of capital in the
SkyTrain guideway in order to lessen the burden on the riders. In the last week
and a half or two weeks....
The
Vancouver Regional Transit Commission, who set the rates for the fares,
had two ways in which they could make a decision as to how to finance
the new system — which they unanimously agreed to do. They could take
the increased budget for SkyTrain — and as we all know, it is an
increased budget because any time you increase service you increase
budget — and amortize it. They could assist....
Interjection.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: I can see the member doesn't want to have the answer.
They
could take the budget and they could increase the fares, or they could
decrease the service in various areas throughout the lower mainland.
the member may not know, B.C. Transit covers more miles in the lower
mainland than any other service in Canada. In providing that service,
Mr. Speaker, there may be routes which the transit commission can
reduce; but at this point they felt there were none. Therefore they
increased the fares. I know the member will understand that in the 15
stations on the line between Vancouver and New Westminster, the
resulting economic impetus provided by SkyTrain is dramatic and adding
to the assistance for the lower mainland.
His reference to
people who cannot afford.... It should be noted that the seniors in
this province — some 28,000 — pay $28 a year to ride the SkyTrain and
every other kind of transportation in the lower mainland. Students and
seniors who do not qualify for the seniors pass have rates as low as 60
cents and 50 cents, which I suggest is lower than any in Canada.
Interjections.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: If you don't want the answer, don't ask the question.
[Mr. Speaker rose.]
MR. SPEAKER:
Order, please. Hon. members, open-ended questions tend to elicit
open-ended responses, but in the case of the minister the time for
question period had elapsed during the response, and that was the
reason that was permitted. However, hon. members, I wish to raise
another matter of importance.
Yesterday, prior to the
commencement of the budget speech by the Minister of Finance, the
member for Skeena rose on a point of order proposing, as he did in
1983, that the speech of the financial critic of the official
opposition should be televised. In support of his position, the member
stated that the Chair had put a motion to the House seeking unanimous
consent in 1983 and stated further the Chair would be inconsistent not
to do so during yesterday's sitting.
The proceedings of
July 8, 1983 disclosed that when the matter was raised, the Speaker
clearly stated that under the special circumstances of the day,
including those of time constraints, he would put the question of leave
to the House, and he did so. What the member failed to bring to the
Chair's attention was that the Speaker clearly stated at that time he
was prepared to put the question to the House, but this was not to
establish a precedent.
[10:30]
[ Page 7454 ]
The
difficulty that arises here is that when an hon. member of this House
extracts only such portions of a previous decision as will support his
argument, without quoting the full decision, it has the obvious
tendency of misleading the House and the Chair. The Journals
state clearly that the action taken in 1983 was not to be considered a
precedent, yet the member for Skeena urged the circumstances on the
Chair as a precedent. The Chair suggests this shows something less than
total candour with this House and the Chair.
All hon.
members know that if they wish to effect change in relation to the
televising of proceedings or any other usage of this House, proper
procedures are available. Those procedures do not include selective
quotes from previous decisions, which unless quoted in their entirety
can be, and often are, totally misleading.
[Mr. Speaker resumed his seat.]
Orders of the Day
Private Members' Statements
YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
MRS. DAILLY:
I'm taking the opportunity today, having had my name drawn for a
statement this Friday morning, to speak on a subject which I'm most
concerned about and spoke about just last week during the throne speech
debate. I believe that this subject is of such importance that it needs
and bears repeating and repeating. It is the whole subject of
unemployment of our youth today.
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
I consider that when you
have over 20 percent of the young people in the province of British
Columbia between the ages of 18 and 25 without work — in some areas
even higher — it is a crisis. It's a moral crisis, also, for the
government which does not come to grips with dealing with it.
have had the opportunity to go through the budget, although not in too
much detail yet. In the budget — which of course will be elaborated
upon in great detail later on this morning — in reference to the amount
of money for students, I see that the government has at least
recognized the fact that it's a basic problem by earmarking some extra
funds. So we'll give them credit for that recognition, but we cannot
give them credit for the amount of money which is placed into it. It is
not going to come to grips with the serious crisis of the youth of
today in this province. Mr. Speaker, to put in the amount that has been
put in, an extra $10 million in one area, in the area of Challenge '86,
plus some other student work-creation jobs and an increase for student
loans, is only a small step towards what we have to do in this province
to work on solving youth unemployment.
Of course, the major
problem we're dealing with is a government whose economic policies are
such that they have created this environment for the youth of the
province. But we have to deal at the moment with the government that is
in office, with the government that in the last ten years has allowed
this situation to take place. Mr. Speaker, if you look at the amount of
money allocated for youth unemployment and then compare it to the
amount of money put aside by the NDP government in 1975, you would find
that to match in today's dollars the contribution of the NDP government
toward youth and youth programs, you would have to have approximately
$100 million from this government today. And yet look at what is in the
budget.
Mr. Speaker, this government talks a good line
about their concern for youth unemployment, but they simply have not
come to grips with it. Let me give you an example of what is happening
in other parts of the country. You know this government always says
it's a worldwide problem. Well, they will accept the fact that the
other countries in this world have the same problem with their youth.
As you well know with your background, Mr. Speaker, the European
countries — and particularly may I use Germany, Sweden and Austria —
have an extensive apprenticeship system combining on-the-job and
classroom training for an average of three years. West Germany
particularly leans heavily on the enterprise-based system.
find Sweden far more interesting, Mr. Speaker. Just to look at the
figures in Sweden, do you know what the unemployment rate is in Sweden?
In 1984, youth and adult combined, it is 3.5 percent. We know what it
is in Canada today. I don't know what the latest national combined
figures were, but I think they were well over 12 percent. Mr. Speaker,
we have to then say: "Well, what is it that another country can do that
British Columbia and Canada do not seem to be able to do?" Well, there
is no time in this brief statement to go into the details, but I would
like to get it on record that Sweden has had remarkable success.
put this to the minister in charge of youth programs, who I know will
respond. Look into what is happening in Sweden today, particularly the
youth teams which have been established for all 18- and 19-year-olds,
and all physically disabled youth up to age 25, for between four and
eight hours a day. You know, Mr. Speaker, after the establishment of
those youth teams in 1983 in Sweden, unemployment for young people
dropped from 8 percent to 5.5 percent in 1984. Therefore, if we are
serious in this province about doing something about this tragic
situation, then I say to the minister, through you, Mr. Speaker, that
you simply must look at what is going on in countries that have
achieved success.
Mr. Speaker, it is most unfortunate that
when talking on a subject as important as this, one which needs more
detail, that my time is up. I hope to have a further occasion to speak
on this very serious matter. I look forward to hearing from the
minister.
Interjection.
MRS. DAILLY: Oh, I thought you meant I was finished. I couldn't see from here. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
would like to say to the minister that we need — and I do hope that he
will respond on this — only to look at successful programs in other
countries but to build up a great coordination between the Education
ministry and the Labour ministry. To speak only about what's happening
in education in relationship to preparing youth for the scene when they
leave looking for work would be the subject of a complete speech. But I
want to get this said at this moment. I realize this is not the
responsibility of the Minister of Labour, but I hope he'll discuss it
with the Minister of Education (Hon. Mr. Hewitt). The Ministry of
Education's tendency to start standardization and centralization of the
whole school system is not going to have anything but a negative effect.
[ Page 7455 ]
Mr. Speaker, I'll have to leave Education for another day. Thank you very much, and I look forward to hearing from the minister.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Again, for the benefit of hon. members, during this process of our
Friday agenda, the green light always comes on at the two-minute time
period.
HON. MR. SEGARTY: Mr. Speaker, it's a
pleasure to respond to the member for Burnaby on this very important
subject this morning. I thank the member for her comments, and I know
that she made them in all sincerity and in true regard for the problems
that young people face today, not just from British Columbia but across
the country and indeed throughout the entire world.
It was
with this in mind that the government of British Columbia established
last year a Youth Advisory Council. It provided me as Minister of
Labour and the young people of British Columbia direct access to
government. Rather than the government coming out and telling them what
they feel is good for the young people of British Columbia, I took the
approach that we would go directly to young British Columbians. We
would be able to select young British Columbians from the various
regions of the province, from the various professional backgrounds,
from the various cultural organizations and groups throughout the
province, and also ask that the student union council select a
representative of their organization who would be able to participate
in the British Columbia Youth Advisory Council.
I've got to
say that that council has worked very hard over the course of the past
few months providing me with input and ideas on how the government of
British Columbia can best respond to their needs, particularly in the
area of unemployment, areas relating to transit matters in Vancouver
and other areas affecting youth.
I'm pleased with the
budget announced yesterday by the Minister of Finance. It recognizes
the advice that young British Columbians, particularly the Youth
Advisory Council, have given me over the course of the past few months
on matters dealing with youth unemployment in British Columbia. They
gave me good advice on changes that we could make to the Challenge '86
program. That, of course, is a follow-up to the Challenge '95 program,
which was very successful — a joint program in cooperation with the
non-profit agencies. I'm pleased that that program is part of the
budget process this year.
As well, there is in the budget a
program of $10 million that we hope will create approximately 5,000
jobs. I hope that during estimates we will be able to provide the
member for Burnaby and other members of the House full details of those
programs, as the Youth Advisory Council continues to mature and develop
those programs in cooperation with the Ministry of Labour, industry and
small business, which play an important
part in that.
Also,
the program that was announced yesterday by the Minister of Finance
identifies $5 million that we hope we will be able to cost-share with
needless to say.
In recognition, too, of the difficulties
that many young professionals have on graduating from universities with
particular degrees in certain areas that may be in short demand in the
marketplace today, we hope to be able to develop some sort of
internship program in cooperation with the business community in
British Columbia to accommodate some of those young people who graduate
from school and have difficulty finding a job or placement. More
details on that program will be announced during the next few weeks and
during my estimates.
As well, we have other programs in the
Ministry of Labour that have been recognized and advised on by the
Youth Advisory Council. These are in the area of trades and things like
that, where we hope that we will be able to provide some sort of
on-the-job subsidy for employers to hire young people and get them into
training programs and things like that.
All in all, the
Ministry of Labour and particularly young people in British Columbia
have done pretty well in the budget. I hope to have more dialogue and
consultation with young people in British Columbia as they continue to
advise us on the role that government can play in assisting young
British Columbians help them help themselves. Without question, we have
a gifted group of young British Columbians. Every place I go across the
province I see young, enthusiastic British Columbians. Quite frankly,
they're getting tired of being called the lost generation or the
useless group. There are lots of positive things that those young
people have done and will continue to do as they play a major role in
the further development of British Columbia's economy.
[10:45]
MRS. DAILLY:
I appreciate the minister's response. I think he too is sincerely
concerned. Where we differ is that I think he's still only skimming the
surface of this major problem. I am particularly concerned.... I give
him credit for establishing the youth council; I think that that's at
least giving him some eyes and ears from the youth themselves. But
there is a whole group of youth.... The ones who suffer the greatest
unemployment are the dropouts — the students who are voiceless, the
ones who have come from homes where unfortunately, because of poverty
and low income, they have not had the opportunity that some others have
had. I'm afraid they are not the ones who end up on youth councils. So
my concern is that the minister remember that one must keep in touch
with that large group of young people, many of whom are, unfortunately,
illiterate. As someone who was once in charge of the school system, I
take my share of the blame for the fact that we still have children
graduating or dropping out of school who are illiterate. We have not
come to grips with some of the programs needed to keep those young
people in school.
The minister knows that he's also going
to have to work very carefully with Health on this whole increase in
the use of liquor and drugs. British Columbia has one of the highest
rates. It probably goes together with the fact that we have one of the
highest rates of unemployment. The minister has a massive job to do,
and I sympathize with the scope of the job he has. All I would like to
say in conclusion is that that job you have been given is at the moment
one of the most important things any minister in your cabinet has to
deal with. I say to you that I wish you good luck in dealing with it,
but I also ask you to widen your scope, to look at other countries, to
took at new programs, and to pay particular attention to what goes on
in the Education ministry and the Health ministry and work together
with them.
[ Page 7456 ]
REVERSE MORTGAGES
MR. DAVIS:
Many senior citizens are property-rich and income-poor. Their life
savings are locked up in their homes; their pensions are small. The
result is near poverty in a land of apparent plenty. I'm saying in this
statement: give them a choice. Let them live off their real estate and
enjoy their savings during their remaining years.
In the
United Kingdom older people can take out what are referred to as
"reverse mortgages." They can take these mortgages out on their homes.
This gives them a cheque monthly for the rest of their lives. They have
less property to leave to their children, but a better income to
cushion their remaining years. Here, as in the United States, it is
difficult to put reverse mortgages together. Real estate and insurance
companies are separate entities. Government must therefore bridge the
gap. Surely Ottawa, or CMHC, for example, working with our provincial
Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing, can make the necessary
arrangements to facilitate the development of an industry which can
offer reverse mortgages to our older people. Then home annuities for
the elderly will be commonplace here as well as in Europe.
the United Kingdom, for example, Home Reversion Ltd., a private
company, will purchase an individual's home outright, giving him in
return a guaranteed annuity for life and lifetime occupancy. The
current market value of the house is discounted by the individual's or
couple's life-expectancy, and the annuity payments continue until the
death of the surviving member of the family. The annuity, less a fixed
but nominal monthly rent, is paid in advance. The annuitant must insure
the property and maintain it in good condition. A minimum age of 69
years is recommended for entry into the plan, as the monthly payments
drop sharply for entitlements at lower ages. Variations allow the
senior annuitants to retain some equity in the home. There's a
corresponding reduction in monthly payments, of course, but this way
the homeowner secures part of the inflation-induced depreciation of
home market value.
In France, a personalized variation of
the split-equity plan has been in effect for decades. This "vente en
viager," as it's called there, is a transaction between two parties
arranged through a notaire — I assume that's like a notary public in
British Columbia — specializing in property matters. The senior citizen
or couple sells their property to a buyer, and the price, less a down
payment, is divided by the seller's life-expectancy. The buyer then
pays the seller a monthly annuity which continues until death,
whereupon the payments cease and the property belongs to the buyer.
Canada and the United States, meanwhile, there have been studies upon
studies. We've been slow to develop equity conversion loans for
seniors. The main reason given by our Central Mortgage and Housing
Corporation officials is that life insurance companies here are not
involved in the residential mortgage market. In this country a reverse
mortgage transaction would have to be carried out in two steps instead
of one as it is in the United Kingdom, France, Italy and so on. This
gap, or deficiency, or lack in our financial institutions, could be
overcome by some government agency, federal or provincial — CMHC
perhaps, at the national level, or an agency set up by Lands, Parks and
Housing here in B.C. — to make payments against properties held in
trust and in the interest of the elderly.
There are several
concerns. We would have to be sure that the annuities paid under plans
of this kind would not be subject to income tax, as they would be
proceeds from savings, savings accumulating after tax. There should be
no income tax liability in this case, but legislation may be required
to insulate the recipient of the annuity from that liability. Also, I
think, in the initial stages anyway, it may be necessary to have a
government agency involved because the differences in interest rates in
and out of the plan should only cover the cost of the plan's
administration. It should not be in excess of that; there should not be
any undue profit taken in instances of this kind.
Mr.
Speaker, there are numerous variations on the U.K. and French plans
possible. Central Mortgage and Housing has done various studies. I
would like to think that our own people here would look at this
opportunity, as I see it, for the elderly, and hopefully come up with a
plan which could be used here in British Columbia.
MR. COCKE:
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the member for North Vancouver–Seymour
respecting the idea that he's presented today. We have two problems in
this country. We have had a better economic background than Europe has
had over the years in terms of people's ability to build an estate,
property and so on. We have two groups here. We have one group that is
property poor, as the member points out. Generally speaking, that's
their only asset.
We have another group who have, by virtue
of having been brought up in the Depression, saved and saved, and they
not only have property, they also have liquid assets. But generally
speaking, those liquid assets are in bonds and that kind of very safe
investment where that money isn't circulating. So I think we have to
encourage them to use their assets, travel around the province and
spend some money so that we can help our economy. Then we have the
other group, who are, as the member points out, property poor. I have
no objection, and I'm sure that we have no objection on this side.
could also be used, in my opinion, as agreements between heirs and
their parents, the parent being late into their sixties and the
children will look forward to inheriting something that they haven't
worked for. It might be an idea to encourage those children to pay in
advance for what they're hoping to receive and that way assist the
parents in surviving the rest of their lives.
The only
concern that I would have around this is that it would have to be,
regardless of how you go into it, tightly legislated. The most
vulnerable people, probably, in our society are senior citizens.
Virtually every week you pick up a paper and find out that senior
citizens have been ripped off by some construction outfit that has come
around and said: "We'll put vinyl on the outside of your house." By the
time they're through, they find they've got a big mortgage that they
can't handle, and they've been very badly deceived. I would worry that
con-men, con-people, would get into the business of annuitizing homes
in this way and having agreements that would not be fair.
Therefore
I feel that the member's suggestion, while it's great.... I think it
would have to be most tightly legislated. The government has to be
involved in this, as much as some of us feel that government should
stay clear of this, that and the other thing. This is one area where I
believe the people would have to be really protected. Were they not
protected, the opportunity to deceive here would be too great a
temptation for some people in our society, unfortunately. Some of that
property that the seniors own is very valuable property.
[ Page 7457 ]
Therefore it has to be protected; they have to be protected against people who might abuse the system.
question, as far as I'm concerned, that where it's applicable, this
would be an excellent idea to help people, and it would help us all. It
would help society spread the income around so that people can live
gracefully in their twilight years, as opposed to having to pay taxes
and so on and so forth, holding on for dear life so that their kids,
who are generally.... We're talking about an age where their kids have
come through a pretty good time too. We're talking about the fifties
and sixties and so on, and they really don't need all they're going to
inherit.
I suggest that it's a splendid idea, providing it's very tightly controlled.
MR. DAVIS:
Mr. Speaker, the hon. member for New Westminster says that government
should be involved. I agree with him. In the United Kingdom, they have
building societies. Their charters are tightly legislated. We would, at
least, have to have legislation governing the private sector which
involved itself in this kind of activity.
I think
initially, though, Central Mortgage and Housing nationally, or a small
agency provincially, should administer a plan of this kind, get it off
the ground. Having established the guidelines, perhaps the province,
the nation, could legislate in this area and ensure that there were no
ripoffs.
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
It could cover
a substantial part of the population. Statistics Canada tells us that
four out of five senior citizens own their own homes in Canada; the
British Columbia figure is slightly higher than the national average.
The great majority of those homes, when owners reach age 65 or later,
are mortgage free.
So there is a substantial inventory of
assets out there; they're not at all liquid. It is very difficult for
our senior citizens to draw on those lifetime savings. Therefore, like
the hon. member for New Westminster (Mr. Cocke), I would urge that the
provincial Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing have someone look hard
at this opportunity.
[11:00]
ARMED SERVICES PENSIONS
MR. MITCHELL:
Today I'd like to talk about a special group within my constituency
who, because of a change in the federal unemployment insurance
regulations, are finding themselves in a very extreme position; that
is, retired members of the armed forces and the RCMP.
think it is important that we look at what type of personnel we do need
in the armed forces. Basically, we need a young, bright and active
group. To maintain that standard you have to have an early retirement,
and many people are retiring from 42 to 50 years of age. Part of the
recruitment package in Canada to attract personnel into the armed
forces is that you have an early retirement pension and then you can go
on to a second career. All through their years of active service — 20,
25, 30 years — they have been led to believe that at the end of that
career they would have a resettlement package; that they could move to
whatever part of Canada they felt was the best place to retire to, and
buy a home. Many of them, because of the job, travel throughout Canada,
or into Europe or to Cyprus, and are living in what is commonly called
PMQs, or military housing. So they do not have that opportunity to buy
a home and settle down.
So when they get to that age of
retirement, what has happened? The federal government has changed the
regulations so that the pension they've built up over the many years of
service is classed equally with unemployment insurance. Before, they
could collect the unemployment insurance that they had been promised
for the last 20-odd years; that has been denied them. Although they
have paid into UIC.... They have resettled. Many of them have planned
to build, to buy a home. They have been banking on the pension to make
the mortgage payments, and on their second career to support their
families.
We in Canada have never really accepted the
of dole system. We have always encouraged people to invest, to build up
a second.... I guess we could say a second safety net so that we can
live in dignity. The armed forces have been actively counselled to do
that. Because of the change that came into effect this year, the
federal government cut off their rights to collect UIC, but it is still
demanded that they pay. When they're in the armed forces, or if they
take a second job and are working in a second career, they still must
pay their UIC.
If they had taken their pension and invested
it in rental properties — or anything — they could collect the rents
and the income from those investments. But because it is classed as a
public pension, they cannot collect that pension and also collect the
UIC payments that they have paid for, or the UIC payments that they are
forced to pay in the future. It's like paying fire insurance on your
house, and then when the house burns down they say: "Well, too bad. We
can't pay it." In fact, the situation is worse than that. We had people
who were collecting it, and then all of a sudden, on January 5 — I
believe the date was — it was cut off. That's like if your house burned
down, you had a contractor in and he got it half constructed, and then
they say: "We're not going to pay any more. We're not going to honour
our insurance. We're not going to honour our commitment."
There
are some real horror stories, particularly in my area, because my area
is the centre of the armed forces on the Pacific coast. We have people
who have retired, who have these mortgages to pay. The large proportion
are younger people; they have younger families. They're in their second
career, they're out of work, and all of a sudden they're cut off their
UIC, and their pension is already committed to their mortgage.
There
are other horror stories of families who have broken up, and part of
the marital settlement was that the wife took the pension, and the
husband has gone into a second career and all of a sudden he's out of
work. He would normally be able to collect UIC from his second career,
but though he's been paying it all these 30 years, he is denied the UIC
benefits. When they are in that position, all the Unemployment
Insurance Commission says is: "Go to your wife and see if she will help
you." This isn't right. People who have joined the armed forces, they
have served Canada, all parts of the world.... There has to be a
different phase-in policy if you're going to change the regulations. I
won't get into an argument on the legal position, if it's right or
wrong, but it's morally wrong, and I feel it's important for that
group. A lot of that group sit around here as attendants. They have
served their country, and today, though they have their second
[ Page 7458 ]
jobs and are paying their payments, they are not allowed to benefit.
call on the government to bring pressure on the federal government to
rethink the position they have put a large group of people in British
Columbia in. They have changed the goalpost in the middle of the game.
They have left people who have been counselled and planned and promised
by Canadians to depend on it, to plan for a future, and they are cut
loose.
MS. SANFORD: I had assumed that some member
of government might give some response to this, because this is a very
important issue that is affecting some 20,000 people in our province. I
know that legislatures in other parts of the country have made an issue
of this, and yet we have no response from the government at all to the
statement made today by my colleague the member for Esquimalt–Port
Renfrew.
There are 20,000 people in this province, and
another 150,000 people across Canada, that are being affected by these
changes introduced by Flora MacDonald. Within my constituency it is a
very important issue, because as you may know, Mr. Speaker, Comox is
one of the largest air bases in Canada and hosts a very large
contingent of armed services personnel. In addition to that, we have a
large number of RCMP people who are going to be affected by this
legislation as well.
The argument, I think, that this
government should be making to the government in Ottawa is that because
people are in the armed services and are forced to retire at an early
age, their pensions are often inadequate. Mr. Speaker, I think that in
your constituency as well as in every constituency in this province,
people recognize how difficult it is to find a second job when you have
already reached the retirement age, even if it is an early age of
retirement, 40 or shortly after. We know that there are no jobs for
those people, and if they do come up with a job it is usually a very
low-paying job, which means that the Ul that they will collect will
also be low. Yet these are the people who have very high expenses at
that time in life, because it is very often the time when their young
people are teenagers, their children are at the teen-age level, or they
are entering university. Now as a result of those additional expenses,
they are asked to deduct from the small UIC payments they are likely to
get — if they've been lucky enough to find a job — the pension that
they have paid into and the pension that they deserve. It's an unfair
situation, Mr. Speaker.
The other problem, of course, is
that many of these people are faced with relocation costs at precisely
the same time. As my colleague pointed out, they are shipped all over
Canada, sometimes into Europe. Many of them are living on air bases
right now in PMQs which they have to vacate once they are out of the
armed services. These people should be entitled to full Ul benefits if
they are fortunate enough to get work.
I certainly hope
that the government will take some action on this and make the views of
those 20,000 people who are now banding together, raising money to take
this case to court — that the government of British Columbia will
support them in their efforts, as other legislatures have done.
MR. MITCHELL:
Mr. Speaker, I must go on the record that I was shocked that the
Minister of Human Resources (Hon. Mr. Nielsen) sat in this House and
did not stand up and give any support to people whom he is watching the
federal government legislate into poverty This is what we are setting
up in Canada, a legislated level of poverty at the UIC level. Granted,
it's larger than the welfare level in some cases, but in many other
cases it is not. I feel that this government is completely unbelievable
about what is needed to get this economy going.
We have in
my riding a young lawyer who is an alderman in Esquimalt, Moe Sihota,
who is taking class action with the veterans, the members of the armed
forces, to fight this issue through the board of referees, through the
federal court umpire, and it may eventually be appealed before the
federal court of appeal. I feel that if one alderman, working out of my
constituency office and Jim Manly's constituency office, can give that
type of leadership.... The government is so insensitive to 20,000 of
the citizens of this province, and they sit there and do absolutely
nothing. The ex-Provincial Secretary will go out on a pension of
$39,000 or so a year, and he won't have to worry about a second job
because he is at the age where money is not important. But when you
have people 42, 45 or 50 years of age who are denied all the benefits
that the other residents of Canada have, and who have given their best
working years, and the government does nothing....
I know
there are at least 20,000 people out there who will listen to the
silence that this government gave in support of their cause. And
they'll know that this government is solely ready and prepared to go
along with the Conservative government to legislate poverty at the
lowest minimum wage possible. This is the sort of stuff where if we
don't have cooperation and we don't have these issues that arise at
times pointed out to the federal government and a stand taken on, then
we will never have the continuity of full employment that we need. We
must build in something better than the safety net of poverty. We must
give people that opportunity to build that second career, to build for
investments, to be able to live in dignity. I thank you, Mr. Speaker. I
will take the message of the silence of the government to the
constituents.
HIGH-TECH INDUSTRY IN B.C.
MR. REYNOLDS:
It's a pleasure to get up this morning and talk about the high-tech
industries in British Columbia. High technology in B.C. Is an exciting
story of dynamic economic growth and dramatic scientific breakthroughs.
An industry barely known some 15 years ago is today providing new jobs
and new opportunities. It truly represents the progressing front in our
province's fight for economic renewal.
[11:15]
High
technology is one of the fastest-growing industries in British
Columbia. The software sector of the industry alone averages a growth
rate of 25 percent per year, and in 1985 saw sales of $200 million.
Between 1982 and 1985 the hardware sector's total sales increased from
$250 million to more than $640 million. Some high-tech companies double
or even triple their sales annually. The success of high technology in
British Columbia contributes to more than just economic growth.
Economic
renewal also means economic diversification. B.C. must diversify its
economic base to meet more successfully the challenges of the coming
decades. High technology is crucial to this process of economic
diversification, as the industry creates many interesting and diverse
companies.
[ Page 7459 ]
existing companies become more firmly established, they in turn create
demands for other products within the industry which can be made
locally. The jobs created by high technology are many and varied.
Although 60 percent of all high-tech companies number fewer than ten
employees, it is these very companies which grow the fastest. A good
example is Softwords of Victoria. A finalist in the 1985 Canada Awards
for Excellence, Softwords has increased its employees from five to more
than 25 over the span of three years. That is an astonishing fivefold
growth of jobs. Examples of such dynamic growth are many.
The
fastest-growing high technology companies are those that create unique
and original products. Often these products are developed to enhance
the operation of a resource industry within the province. British
Columbia has a particular advantage in developing these kinds of
products due to the strength of our resource-based industries. Geomin
Computer Services of West Vancouver exemplifies the type of company
that is achieving great success in this area. Geomin has developed
excellent software for use in the mining and engineering industries.
Software was developed in response to a provincial mining project, but
its application is not limited to just British Columbia. An
international market for the product exists. In fact, Geomin has signed
a sizeable contract with China to export the software. Such a contract
enhances British Columbia's value as a Pacific Rim trading partner.
Burnaby, Newtec Industries Inc. In 1984 had five employees and sales of
$225,000 a year. It is in the business of making fume detectors on
recreational vehicles, boats, etc. Over the last two years the number
of employees is up to 24 from five and is doing sales of $1.1 million
and expanding every month. They are also becoming the standard
equipment in many international companies that make recreational
vehicles and boats.
Another company that has recently won a
major contract with a foreign country is Photofax of Kelowna. Photofax
will be selling $(US)4.5 million to Bulgaria. The Bulgarians are also
building a $(US)2 million facility in which to house this equipment.
Photofax beat out such competition as ITT of West Germany and Xerox of
Great Britain to secure the contract. Company president Mr. Bob
Asseltine says that he believes this is in part due to the good
reputation Canada has as a trading partner, and it enjoys it in many
other areas. British Columbia can pride itself on the
part it plays in
maintaining and furthering this good reputation.
Entrepreneurs
like Mr. Asseltine are the driving force behind the success of high
technology in British Columbia. Our Social Credit government applauds
their ingenuity, hard work and enterprise. To further encourage these
entrepreneurs and others like them, the government has established such
bodies as the Science Council of British Columbia, the Discovery
Foundation and the discovery enterprise program. These programs provide
a vital helping hand especially to young people and young companies
seeking to establish themselves in the market. The rate of economic
growth in high technology, Mr. Speaker, has given new meaning to the
initials of R and D. As well as standing for research and development,
they now also signify renewal and diversification. High technology is
contributing to a bright economic future in British Columbia, and that
is good news for everyone.
HON. MR. McGEER: Mr.
Speaker, I waited vainly to hear from the opposition agreeing with the
member for West Vancouver–Howe Sound about the dynamism of high
technology in British Columbia and the contribution that it is already
making to the future economic growth of our province. I associate
myself with everything that the member for West Vancouver–Howe Sound
has said, and I can only say that if anything he was too modest about
the accomplishments and about the future.
We will, Mr.
Speaker, soon be releasing a report giving a quantitative assessment of
just what the Science Council grants have done in terms of economic
return to the province of British Columbia. I think it's the first time
any government has attempted to make this kind of economic quantitation
as a result of the science investment. I have seen the figures from
that report, and I can only say that it will astonish the members of
the House, and it will astonish many members in the government. It does
say, however, in our own experience in British Columbia, why it is that
jurisdictions that have invested in science and companies that have
invested in science have obtained for themselves returns far beyond
their wildest expectations.
In addition to this direct
investment of science grants, we have been supporting an innovations
office through the Science Council and the Discovery Foundation joint
sponsorship. This isn't related as much to high advancing science as it
is to the small ordinary inventor who has a new product that he wants
to develop.
The result of that, quite apart from science
investment — just counselling and giving a little bit of assistance —
has produced the equivalent since its inception of a megaproject in
British Columbia, comparable almost in its total effect to that
produced by northeast coal, itself a stunning success. But this is
diffused in small companies — several hundred of them — which in total
have had this economic impact in British Columbia. That's a second and
rather small part of our science policy here in British Columbia.
Then
in addition to these two we have the discovery enterprise program,
which is providing the bridge funding for those enterprises that are
now ready to step into the larger market of world competition. All of
this adds up to the most rapidly growing sector of industry in British
Columbia, and one which I have predicted in the past and predict now
with even more confidence will become by the turn of the century the
province's largest employment sector.
MR. REYNOLDS:
Mr. Speaker, the minister said I was a little modest in my initial
comments. I wanted to make sure that he would have a chance to get up
and talk eloquently about his department as he has done such a great
job, but it was interesting that we didn't hear from the doom-and-gloom
boys across the....
Interjection.
MR. REYNOLDS:
Oh, you get up and talk about the positive things, about what this
government is doing in this province, especially in the high-tech
areas. The Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Curtis) is sitting here to
listen to the Finance critic for the opposition, which event will be
happening immediately after I sit down. I'm sure we'll hear the doom
and gloom. We won't hear about some of these good high-tech things that
we're doing in this province, the jobs that we're creating in this
province, the employment that
[ Page 7460 ]
we're
creating, the new British Columbia that we're building. We'll hear the
doom and gloom. It's unfortunate when they have this opportunity.
Where
were they? Tongue-tied? They couldn't get up and.... I would have
expected them to at least find one or two that maybe went broke. In any
good economy any free enterpriser has the right to start a business and
go broke, and I'm sure there's a couple that did. But, my God, they
didn't even get up and talk about that.
Once again, I want
to say congratulations to the minister and to our government, who have
done so much hard work in these high-tech industries. They are
blossoming around the province. There are some exciting stories around
the province. To the Minister of Finance, with his great budget
yesterday — it will encourage even more high-tech development in this
province — congratulation goes also.
I just know that we
will continue over the next years and past the next election to keep on
building this province the way the people of British Columbia want it
built, with new high-tech industries, and to keep this province going
and flourishing. I'm looking forward to the next election, when we can
talk to the people of British Columbia about these high-tech
industries, because people are working out there in the Chemainuses and
Squamishes — in the north, the east, the south — in all these new
industries. They know what this government is doing; they know we're
doing our best. When you look at the rest of Canada, we're just doing a
great job in this province in building with these industries. It's
exciting to look at these, especially exciting when you have to sit,
probably for the next two hours, and listen to the Finance critic for
the NDP with the doom and gloom. They won't tell us what they would do
for this province; they'll just get up with the doom and gloom about
what they think we've been doing.
HON. MR. NIELSEN: Adjourned debate on the budget, Mr. Speaker.
ON THE BUDGET
(continued debate)
DEPUTY SPEAKER: The Chair recognizes the member for Nanaimo.
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH:
The Minister of Finance notes underwhelming applause. For a moment I
thought he and I and you were going to be the only ones here this
morning, but we've done a little better than that. He had a much wider
audience yesterday. I envy him that.
Well, here's a quotation:
" ...and we believe" — we being Decima Research,
the Progressive Conservative Party, the Social Credit Party, etc. — "that
we can take what the pollster is telling us and change your mind. We can move
you to do something that you may not have agreed on as a logical thing to do.
I know that sounds provocative and unrealistic, but I can prove it to you, because
we've done it. I've done it in campaigns where, on an issue basis, I've
been able to persuade you, notwithstanding what you told me a minute ago. We
can move you from one side of the ledger to the other."
That was Patrick Kinsella addressing SFU marketing students in November 1984.
was with that theme in mind that the fiction writers who prepared this
budget drafted it as it was presented to us yesterday. It is a
provocative and totally unrealistic budget — unrealistic in its
portrayal of the state of the province and provocative in the extent to
policy, about the state of the economy and, ultimately, about their own
powers of observation. The mission of this budget is misinformation and
deceit. It attempts to fool people into believing that the government
has a magic formula to turn the economy around without an economic
policy. In the end this budget will fail in its mission. It will fail
because it is patently unbelievable. It represents an impossible
combination of policy choices all at once. Everyone knows you can't
increase spending, cut taxes and balance the budget simultaneously.
Everyone
knows that only a desperate government would attempt to pawn that one
off as government policy in British Columbia in 1986. Moreover,
everyone knows that the Socred government is interested only in
bluffing its way through until the next election. There is no effective
economic plan coming from this government. How could there be? There
isn't even a commitment to being truthful to people. If you don't
believe me, listen to what is written by one of our airport-bookshop
economists, Milton Friedman:
recent election in a Canadian province illustrates our generalization
in a rather different way, one that clearly brings out a major reason
why the generalization is valid and also bears particularly on the
prospects after re-election. William R. Bennett was recently re-elected
for his third term as Premier of British Columbia. Immediately after
his re-election he announced a sweeping program to reduce the role of
the provincial government. He proposed to cut the number of government
employees by 25 percent — that's all of the employees in the public
sector, some 75,000 people — and to reduce spending on a wide range of
programs. In addition, he abolished outright a number of politically
sensitive commissions. There has, understandably, been an outcry of
rage and frustration from threatened civil servants and other groups
directly affected by his actions.
[11:30]
"Now
Mr. Bennett could have introduced these measures before the election
instead of immediately thereafter. Why didn't he? The answer is so
obvious that it is embarrassing to spell it out. Had Premier Bennett
spelled out his intention to cut personnel and funds before the
election, he would have aroused immediate and vocal opposition from the
special interest groups affected and only lukewarm and far less vocal
enthusiasm from the taxpayers affected in general. By waiting until
after the election to spell out his program, Premier Bennett could hope
that the bad effects on the concentrated groups would dissipate before
the next election, while the good effects on a broad constitutuency
would have time both to take effect and to be recognized as the result
of the measures he took."
That's from Milton and Rose Friedman's Tyranny of the Status Quo , Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984, pages 6 to 7.
[ Page 7461 ]
What
can you expect of a government which was brought to power on a
deliberately hidden agenda? Forthright honesty? I think not, Mr.
Speaker. In the budget speech yesterday and in the throne speech and in
the Premier's televised speech before, the message has been the same.
Unfortunately, the government does not see the importance of the values
of truth, honesty and a well-informed public.
The
relationship of elector and elected is a powerful thing in a democracy.
There comes a time in the life of every democracy when the government
finds it must call upon that bond and seek extraordinary performance on
behalf of the public good. This government has shattered that bond. It
has no reservoir to draw on. It has lost a significant part of the
moral basis for governing. In a sad way it has destroyed a part of the
social fabric of our province. But sadder still is the realization that
this budget is designed to put over another one, to help the government
bluff its way through one more time.
This budget cannot be
relied upon as an accurate estimate of anticipated revenues and
expenditures. You can't trust it any more than you could trust the last
budget before the 1983 election. Remember: actual revenues $703 million
less than estimates; actual expenditures $281 million over estimates; a
total deficit of $984 million in the face of a predicted break-even
position — almost $1 billion. What's more, it was the first deficit for
B.C. In over 30 years. What's more again, if I may abandon my notes for
a moment, Mr. Speaker, the deficit in that period ended March 31, 1983,
together with the borrowing of the Crown corporations in that period,
was greater than in any other single year in the history of our
province and was 20 percent greater than the total borrowing of all of
the Crown corporations during the four-year period which included the
three-year reign of the NDP. In that whole four-year period, the Crown
corporations increased their debts by $1.8 billion. In this one year,
the year in which the government predicted a break-even position, they
borrowed an additional $2.2 billion, 20 percent more than was borrowed
during the whole four-year period during which the NDP were in office.
That budget was not to be trusted any more than the government which
presented it. It was part of the Kinsella-Premier-Minister of Finance
connection designed to fool the voters rather than to inform them.
these remarks, I will examine the budget record of this Minister of
Finance. I will comment on the economic fortunes of the province and
examine the budget proposals. I will discuss the economic mistakes of
the government and present some concrete solutions on behalf of the New
Democratic Party. It is a history of budget deficits. We should not be
surprised that this budget attempts to pull the wool over the eyes of
the public. Some of us should, I suppose, be less surprised than we
are, given the politicization of the Ministry of Finance under this
government.
I recently reviewed the budgets of the past
five years. There is a pattern: a history of deceit. In 1981 the
government was — and this is a quote — "not prepared to consider
borrowing to pay operating expenditures." The record of deficit
budgets, of course, has continued despite the bold statements made by
the Minister of Finance. Indeed, they started then. Since he made that
statement, almost $5 billion has been borrowed to pay for operating
expenses alone.
The Premier recounted an important
initiative taken to remove transit services from B.C. Hydro and "put it
where it belongs, in the hands of local governments but with the
support of generous and dependable provincial funding." It is ironic
that in the lead-up to this budget, the provincially dominated transit
authority for greater Vancouver raised fares and doubled the surcharges
on Hydro bills to pay for a transit budget that has increased by 125
percent. The citizens of greater Vancouver are paying 61 percent of the
cost of transit, compared with the province's contribution of 39
percent. Yet in contrast to the promises of 1981, they have absolutely
no control over the miserly and unpredictable financial directives
received and handed down from the minister responsible.
The
1981 budget made some truly extraordinary promises regarding the
northeast coal railway line, which the minister of international travel
called a tremendous success. Mr. Speaker, we can't afford any more
successes like northeast coal. At that time, the Bennett government
predicted that "financing for this line will take the form of
provincially guaranteed debt, issued on behalf of the BCR. A surcharge
on all rail shipments of coal will be used to repay the debt." Recent
calculations show that even if coal contracts are fully honoured, the
surcharge would cover only one-half the cost of the rail line. My
colleague from Vancouver East has consistently shown, and now the
member for North VancouverSeymour (Mr. Davis) has written, that the
surcharge will not be fully operative until 1989, by which time there
may be no more coal left.
The 1982 budget — the government
was resisting "the borrowing trap" and preserving the AAA credit
rating. Well, the trap baited its lure, and the AAA rating is long
since history. In fact, no government in B.C. has ever squandered the
credit of the next generation the way this one has. They have
quadrupled the debt in four years. No one can possibly sustain that
pace of borrowing, and with nothing to show for it. That's the tragedy
of it. It's not just that they've borrowed; they've borrowed us into
tremendous debts, and there are absolutely no positive accomplishments
to show for it.
AN HON. MEMBER: The Coquihalla Highway.
MR. STUPICH:
The Coquihalla Highway has been mentioned as their one positive
accomplishment. May I remind you, Mr. Speaker, it's the only toll
highway in the whole of Canada.
This budget was to carry us
through "without harsh and inequitable sacrifice" — that's the way it
read — "and would pave the way to recovery." The facts show that there
are now 70,000 to 80,000 fewer people working in B.C. than there were
five years ago. Is this "without harsh and inequitable sacrifice?" Is
this "the way to recovery?" Mr. Speaker, you can't trust their budgets.
This
budget grossly overestimated revenue. It overestimated economic
activity in the province by a factor of some $4 billion, despite a
multitude of respectable economic forecasts both inside and outside the
government. The 1982 budget was presented to us as balanced between
revenue and expenditures. Within a few hours I predicted the deficit
would be at least $500 million. It finally ended up at $958 million — a
politically inspired budget, not an accurate estimate.
Nineteen
eighty-three — this was the big lies budget. The first big lie was that
restraint leads to economic recovery. Where's the evidence of that?
What recovery? I was interested to read a story of a meeting where
David Tafler, the publisher of the Financial Times , was talking about Canada
[ Page 7462 ]
as a whole, the prospects for Canada and the need for something to happen.
"The program must emphasize British Columbia, and B.C.'s
forest industry. How can Canada press ahead as a whole when British Columbia
is on such a losing streak?"
This is dated February 20, 1986 — just four weeks ago. He told those at the
chamber luncheon:
"We see hard numbers which point to a region of the country
which has been almost crushed from the economic standpoint. The numbers are
stark. B.C. unemployment, now 14 percent, was under 7 percent in 1980. The province
once had the highest wages in Canada, but now it has pay raises among the lowest.
In 1985, for the fourth year in a row, B.C.'s economic growth ran last,
or near last, among all ten provinces. And the real volume of production last
year was the same as it was for nearly five years earlier."
Mr. Speaker, that is the product of restraint, restraint that was supposed
to lead us to recovery. And that's recovery, as Mr. David Tafler of the
Financial Times describes it. We predicted that the result would be a downward
pressure on economic recovery and direct job loss to the economy. Unfortunately,
our predictions were only too accurate.
The
second big lie in the budget was to say that the government had no
choice. "Restraint" was the term used to get rid of programs that had
been a thorn in the side of the Bennett government for a long time:
programs like the Human Rights Commission and the human rights branch.
The Bennett government abruptly and secretly ceased all direct lending
programs for small business under the restraint program. In fact, only
one-quarter of the funds promised under these programs was ever
delivered. It was "restraint for recovery." Following publication of an
error-ridden pamphlet, this slogan was dropped. Most of the province,
most of the country and much of the western world is fully aware that
the restraint package set our economy back on its heels and killed a
fragile recovery in 1983.
Now for 1984. This is the year
the Bennett government trumpeted "the first-ever reduction in
government spending." You can't even believe that. The fact of the
matter is that spending increased in 1984-85 by $382 million. Some
reduction. That was the year that the budget deficit jumped more than
$300 million over the budget figure. They've been worse, but that's
pretty bad. A temporary measure called the health care maintenance tax,
in the form of an 8 percent tax on personal income, was brought into
being in 1984. British Columbians are still paying for this "temporary"
tax.
Nineteen eighty-five saw the emergency of substantial
tax breaks for business, but nothing for their customers. This budget
committed the taxpayers to fund a $1 billion tax expenditure plan over
three years with absolutely no indication of where the money would come
from.
New programs for small business, introduced in 1985,
only provided partial loans for manufacturing operations, and there was
nothing for the bulk of small businesses, which are in the service
sector. Who knows to what extent, if any, they will ever deliver on
these promises? The myth of Social Credit as a government for small
business exploded when business bankruptcies in B.C. rose by 166
percent in the last five years, compared to Canada as a whole, where
they have dropped by 9 percent. There is a history of misleading
statements in budgets from this government.
Before dealing with the budget statement from yesterday, I want to comment briefly on the economic situation in our province.
The
outlook for economic activity in British Columbia is very mixed. On the
one hand, some sectors show the first modest signs of a fragile
economic recovery. The recovery is slow, considering that the B.C.
economy is in such a depressed state. Forecasting opinion holds that
economic growth will be somewhere between 3 and 4 percent. Employment
opportunities are predicted to improve during 1986, but they seem to be
tied to the short-term service sector jobs at Expo 86. Unfortunately,
the consensus also holds that there will be a steep downturn and a
decline in employment in 1987.
[11:45]
For
the first time since 1981, there was actual growth in retail sales in
1985. Tourism growth has been favourable and is likely to be very
strong in 1986 with the influx of tourists for the world's fair, and a
projected growth of 3 to 4 percent in real disposable income. For the
second time in this decade, B.C. Is poised on the verge of economic
recovery. On the other hand, there are a number of specific programs
which have arisen and which, I regret, the government has not dealt
with in this budget.
On March 4, more than two weeks ago,
Statistics Canada reported it had completed its survey of investment
intentions among investors. The results are a disaster for British
Columbia generally and for the budget in particular. What has happened
is that public and private capital spending declined almost 40 percent
in real terms between 1981 and 1985. A recovery was hoped for in 1986,
but StatsCan reports that investment in B.C. will again decline in 1986
by 6.7 percent in nominal terms.
The Minister of Finance
feels confident in ignoring this information. He has forecast an 8
percent increase. StatsCan says it's going to decrease by almost 7
percent; the Minister of Finance bases his rosy projections on his
estimate that investment will increase by 8 percent. That's a
difference of almost 15 percent. The authoritative data from StatsCan
shows that by the end of this year, investment will have dropped more
than 44 percent below 1981 in real terms. This news comes as a shock to
many forecasting agencies, which probably believed more than they
should have from this government's propaganda.
colleagues and I in the New Democratic Party see clearly that there is
a need to do something in this province which will return some degree
of confidence to private investors. The disastrous investment climate
is reflected in the resource sector. Continuing low commodity prices
and high costs relative to competitors have made it difficult for
resource industries to absorb new provincial taxes. Temporary relief
has been obtained for some of the closed mining operations through the
critical industries program. The participants know that this program is
a temporary one, and know that the Bennett government would follow a
familiar pattern if it became re-elected. The low value of the Canadian
dollar relative to the American dollar makes many products competitive.
Under these circumstances, protectionist measures continue to be a
constant concern if B.C. wishes to maintain its share of the U.S.
market.
Everyone who thinks about it realizes that we need
a long-range industrial strategy to meet the competition. This
government cannot expect to be bailed out forever by currency
depreciation. The world glut of coal will dampen any
[ Page 7463 ]
hope
of that sector recovering. Just yesterday, more price and volume cuts
for southeast coal were announced. The mistake in developing northeast
coal was in its timing. A perfectly useful and necessary economic
development can be a disaster if it is timed for political expediency
rather than timed to meet sound economic objectives. That's the crime
in this government's economic policy.
So the economic picture is very mixed for 1986. The longer term is a different story, and I'll deal with that later on.
Budget
outlook. Equally important is the state of the provincial government
budget. Last year, without ever revealing where the money would come
from, the Minister of Finance saddled this year's budget with a $340
million revenue hole in terms of new tax concessions to industry. There
was a heading: "Revenue: the more you give away, the more you get." The
revenue concessions: corporation capital tax, gasoline tax, small
business employment tax credit, non-residential school machinery and
equipment, non-residential tax ratio reduced, freeze on water rental
rates and others. Total tax concessions to business and industry: $382
million. Increased revenue from B.C. Rail tax: $12.5 million. Insurance
premiums and tobacco tax total increases, leaving a net tax expenditure
of just about $340 million.
Mr. Speaker, I think it's worth
noting that among these tax expenditures, some $18.2 million is being
raised — additional taxes from individuals — while business and
industry are getting welfare to the extent of almost $358 million.
Where are the jobs that were supposed to come from this tremendous
giveaway to business and industry? There are more people unemployed
today than when this program was introduced in the Legislature a year
ago.
The 1985-86 budget produced a deficit of $890 million.
Yesterday the Minister of Finance confessed that the actual figure will
be closer to $948 million. But what about 1986-87? The budget forecasts
a deficit of $875 million, just $15 million lower than the deficit that
was forecast a year ago. So when the minister talks about the reduction
in the deficit.... Let's compare the budget figures. The budget deficit
estimated last year was $890 million. This year it's $875 million — a
decrease of $15 million. Mr. Speaker, I intend to show you that that
figure will not be realizable.
Let us look first at the
revenue side of this picture. Personal income tax revenue has been
growing at an annual rate of 2.1 percent over the last five years, but
grew more rapidly, at an estimated rate of 8 percent, in 1985-86.
Clearly, part of this increase was due to the two surtaxes imposed. The
imposition of a surcharge will boost the rate of increase in income
taxes when it's introduced, but this growth rate levels off immediately
thereafter. Even if it did not, and income tax grew at the same rate as
in 1985-86, personal income tax revenues might go as high as $2.165
billion. But the minister has pegged them at $2.35 billion. In other
words, the revenue forecast exceeds an optimistic mark by almost $200
million. The budget is padded. This figure cannot be trusted.
Corporate
tax revenues were overestimated in the 1985 budget by $100 million, or
25 percent. The minister has failed to explain this discrepancy. The
third-quarter financial statement noted that the federal government had
decreased payments during the first two months of 1984-85, but that no
such problem was expected this year. So why was the government wrong by
$100 million in this one item? And why hasn't that $100 million
reappeared in this year's budget? Could it be that this figure is also
padded, Mr. Speaker? When you have a budget which offers nothing but
tax breaks for investors — tax breaks? giveaways! — it's hard to see
the forecast 28.5 percent increase in corporate tax revenues being
realized, especially if you look at the forest industry and realize
that it will be five to seven years before they will be paying any
corporate income tax. This figure cannot be trusted.
Social
service tax revenue has been growing at a rate of 6 percent over the
last five years. The budget projects the growth rate will escalate to
10.6 percent. At the outside, this may be feasible because of the Expo
world's fair. But on January 23, 1985, the government said that $126
million of Expo-generated sales tax revenue would be used to offset the
then projected $311 million deficit of the fair. This statement, issued
under the name of Expo chairman Jim Pattison, represents the only
budget information yet given by the government. Why is there no
provision in the budget for funding the Expo deficit? This is the year
in which it would happen. This figure cannot be trusted.
Natural
resource revenues will again be a fairly unstable area of government
revenue during 1986-87. In the mining and petroleum industries revenues
will be below those of the previous year, due to the instability of
world oil markets and flat commodity markets. Coal and natural gas
prices will remain low. In 1985 the forest industry saw profits for the
first time since the major turndown in 1981-82. The industry should do
moderately well in 1986-87, provided high interest rates, a stronger
Canadian dollar and protectionism in the U.S. do not choke off this
sector's recovery. Revenues are not expected to increase, and I agree
with the government's assessment in this respect.
In terms
of other revenues, the government has forecast a huge increase in
lottery proceeds. We're going to gamble our way to prosperity. Booze
and gambling are the two growth industries under Premier Bennett. This
government has taken all the cash in tax increases; it has eliminated
job opportunities. Now many people have nothing more to look forward to
than cashing a social assistance cheque of some kind and gambling with
the proceeds. Lottery revenues were budgeted one year ago at $78
million; this year they are budgeted at $110 million. In addition,
perhaps a like amount will be turned over to Expo.
With
these assumptions, one would expect the budget to look vaguely like
this, Mr. Speaker. Looking at personal tax revenue, the budget figure
is $2.35 billion; I predict $2.165 billion. Corporate tax revenue:
budget, $0.406 billion; I say $0.350 billion. Social service tax
revenue: budget, $1.623 billion; I say $1.580 billion. Other taxes:
budget, $0.808 billion; $0.798 billion in my figures. Natural resource
revenue: $0.681 billion in the budget; $0.665 billion in my figures.
Federal transfers: $1.892 billion in the budget; $1.85 billion in mine.
Government enterprises: $0.43 billion in the budget; $0.42 billion in
mine. Other: $0.577 billion in the budget; $0.57 billion in mine.
The
total in the budget is $8.768 billion; the total in what I call
realistic figures is $8.398 billion. Then subtract the tax expenditures
inherited from last year's budget, in the amount of $340 million, and
we're left with actual revenue, which should have been presented to us
yesterday — realistic figures — of $8.058 billion.
preparation for this debate the NDP caucus research staff examined
various economic indicators and prepared forecasts of government
revenue under existing tax legislation. The estimate thus produced was
just under $8.4 billion. When the effect of tax reductions for
investors in the '85
[ Page 7464 ]
budget
was considered, the revenue estimate dipped to just over $8 billion.
Even this estimate might be considered optimistic, because it did not
take into account the decline forecast by Statistics Canada in capital
investment that I referred to earlier. Somehow the Minister of Finance
has managed to coax his fiction writers to produce a much larger
revenue figure of $8.768 billion. How he did this we'll never know.
This
year's budget revenues were reduced in the 1985 budget programs by over
half a billion dollars, according to the minister yesterday. The funny
thing is that the revenue effects of the '85 budget were supposed to be
$340 million in the '86 year. I'm not sure which figure is correct, Mr.
Speaker. That bears more analysis.
In this year's budget
the Minister of Finance has further reduced revenues by almost $45
million, yet he shows a revenue increase to the province of $593
million. Mr. Speaker, these figures don't add up. They cannot be
trusted.
Expenditures. The expenditures announced in the
'85-86 budget totalled $9.056 billion. The revised total, according to
the government, is $9.123 billion. The average increase in expenditures
has been 4 percent over the past two years. This year's budget calls
for an increase of $587 million, or just under 6.5 percent on an
estimate-to-estimate basis. The increase runs ahead of expected
inflation. There are, however, a number of strange items in the
spending estimates which need an explanation. Here, too, the rubber
numbers in the budget lack credibility. This is most obvious in the
three areas highlighted by the minister yesterday: health, education,
and forestry. All British Columbians know what they have been denied up
till now. They know that the taxpayer-financed polls show the
government is weak in these areas. So as in 1982 — history
repeats itself — we have special funds and new initiatives and all
kinds of smoke and mirrors to show some signs of activity. The working
people of this province who pay the bills for all this carry-on are not
going to buy it once again.
[12:00]
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
Education.
The only case where the commitment to increased funding for education
is clear is in the minister's office, which has shot up 17.7 percent —
the largest increase in the ministry. Grants and contributions for
education as a whole, excluding the excellence fund, are down 1.01
percent to $16.6 million. The base funding for public schools is down
$24.5 million, comparing contributions to school districts, school debt
service, homeowner grant and non-residential property tax. Some of this
base funding shortfall will be made up by the $15 million allocation
from the excellence fund — the slush fund that's available to cabinet
to do with as they will, where they will, when they will. So the
shortfall is still about $9 million. A shortfall of $9 million is
hardly a major new commitment to education, as it was described by the
minister.
What funding does exist for the school system
carries a lot of baggage with it. The whole concept of putting the
Bennett cabinet in direct control of education funding decisions
through this fund is highly questionable, to say the least. Educational
autonomy at all levels is always a concern. That concern is a growing
one in our province, and rightly so.
Most other commitment
consists of promises for the future. Ordinary people have learned the
hard way that there is no guarantee this cabinet will provide anything
from the excellence fund for the next year. The power-grab is further
heightened by the erosion of base funds of school districts and by
making them compete for funds — $75 million left to allocate — against
other districts, colleges and universities; funds which may never be
allocated. Meanwhile universities, colleges and institutes are frozen
at exactly last year's level of operating.
The vote that
provides for special initiatives in the colleges and institutes and
other educational agencies has actually been cut by $1.8 million.
Lip-service to education. Again, portions of the budget that would have
been spent anyway are being transferred to the excellence fund so that
the Socred cabinet can have a photo opportunity.
For
example, the ministry published 16 press releases last week, all of
which claimed to release $4.8 million from the excellence fund for
student aid. "Student Aid Funds Doubled," screamed the headlines,
which was not quite the case. All that had been doubled was the
opportunity for more students to rack up a debt to get an education,
when this government should have been providing grants. Within this
government all the people get are new ways to get into debt.
Forests.
The Ministry of Finance has announced an increase in funding for
forestry, including a silvicultural initiative. We're pleased to see
that this government is finally beginning to learn — and I say that
with tongue in cheek — that forestry is not a sunset industry. We are
pleased to discover that this government has perhaps even been
listening to concerns and suggestions that our party has been making
strongly in this Legislature on behalf of British Columbians concerned
about the forest sector. So much time has been lost, and I'm afraid
we're looking at too little too late.
For example, help to
update our number one industry was turned down by the Socreds in the
form of federal money for a pulp and paper modernization program. As a
result, independent reports warned that our industry is stuck with
producing low-value products with outdated technology. Furthermore, we
have seen this government neglect to replant and tend our forest well.
NSR, non-satisfactorily restocked, land has increased by 50 percent in
the past five years alone.
Only last month the Premier
stated in a television address that forestry will no longer be able to
provide additional jobs for B.C., yet now the Minister of Finance tells
us that he wants to "emphasize that our basic resource industries will
be the backbone of the provincial economy for years to come."
The
question is: can we trust this government? Are they really turning over
a new leaf and committing themselves to properly managing the renewing
of one of the world's richest forest resources? Or is this just a
pre-election spending boost or a promise of a spending boost to give an
impression of some new commitment to forestry? Their record speaks for
itself. They cannot be trusted.
If we look more closely at
the $58 million increase in the Ministry of Forests budget it is worth
noting that some of this money was slated to rise in any case. For
example, about $18 million of this increase was planned for 1986 under
ERDA signed last year. Further, $9 million of that is actually federal
money, not a new provincial commitment. A further $8 million of this
budget increase is committed to silviculture.
In Mr.
Curtis' budget of last year, he cut $4 million from this crucial area
of forestry. Yet this year the minister is apparently trying to tell us
that he wants to make up for past mistakes. Their record speaks, Mr.
Speaker. They cannot be trusted. We have a serious concern with this
approach. A
[ Page 7465 ]
good
administrator does not just throw money at a problem when it becomes
apparent that he or she has made a mistake. There must be a system in
place to deal with this increased silvicultural funding to ensure that
taxpayers' money is used wisely.
Unfortunately, under the
restraint budget of 1983, the staff of the Ministry of Forests was
slashed by 35 percent. Is the ministry properly prepared to deal with
the new $61 million silvicultural project? Their record speaks. They
cannot be trusted.
Finally, the largest portion of this
increase in the Ministry of Forests' budget will be to establish what
the government calls "a forest stand management fund." Once again we
are tempted to think that this government may have actually been
listening to NDP policy suggestions. This idea is similar to the
forestry for the future fund which our debate leader in forestry has
introduced as a private member's bill before this House. But their
record speaks. They cannot be trusted.
We have to be
encouraged by this lip service, but we do have concerns, Firstly, the
moneys allocated to this fund are insufficient. Experts have estimated
that at least $300 million needs to be spent annually on reforestation
and silviculture if we are to fully recover from Socred neglect.
Secondly, we repeat the question: can this government be trusted to
carry through on its promises? Once again their record speaks. They
cannot be trusted.
In the forest and range resource fund
for 1985, the government had to admit it had reduced silvicultural
activities to meet planting targets. It was on page 21. A promise not
kept is a promise broken. They cannot be trusted to keep even their own
estimated programs going.
British Columbians concerned
about our forest sector remember only too well events in 1982 when the
Socreds wiped out the forest and range resource fund and used its
remaining $83 million contents to offset the provincial deficit. Our
forests cannot afford such neglect again.
Finally these
attempts by the government to gain some credibility on forest issues
fail in their neglect of the industrial side of the picture. About
14,000 IWA workers have lost their jobs in the past five years and the
volume of raw logs exported has tripled. Reports like that of
Woodbridge Reed and Associates point out that our forest industry must
move into higher process goods, seek out new markets and develop a much
stronger research and technology base.
However, the
Ministry of Forests and the Ministry of Industry have taken no
initiatives in this direction. Their inaction means lost opportunities
for British Columbians who could be working producing specialty wood
products, printing paper, specialty pulps and remanufactured lumber.
Health.
I would like to review some of the methods by which Social Credit
finances our health care system. Again, we get a blast from the past.
In the 1982 budget, the Minister of Finance announced the creation of a
health care stabilization account for the purposes of protecting the
standard of health care in the province — $77.8 million which the
Minister of Health announced during committee stage of the Health Cost
Stabilization Act. "The moneys which are being appropriated in this
bill will be used for various aspects of health care in the province,
not only for hospitals, although hospitals will receive a portion of
the money." That was 1982, Mr. Speaker. Is it starting to sound
familiar?
In the 1984 budget the Minister of Health announces the Income Tax (Health
Care Maintenance) Amendment Act which, by imposing an 8 percent surtax on working
British Columbians, raised $166 million in fiscal 1985-86. Now in the 1986 budget
the Minister of Finance announces the Health Improvement Appropriation Act,
which will provide $120 million for 1986-87, and at least $720 million over
three years. Taxpayers will continue to pay the surtax. British Columbians will
continue to pay medical premiums that will increase regularly, to the tune of
$367,475,285 this year, and we will continue to lose $2.7 million each month
in federal money as we continue to charge acute-care hospital user fees.
The
health improvement fund worries me. I'm afraid that the decisions of
where the money will be sent will be partisan in the worst sense, just
as the decisions have been made as to where and when health care
capital projects will be approved.
It is obvious that we
will spend a great deal of time reviewing the impact on our health care
system of the Ministry of Health budget: the $30 million cut in the
Medical Services Commission budget; the continued lack of commitment to
community and preventive health care; budget cuts in long-term care
facilities, in home nursing care, in community physiotherapy, homemaker
services, adult day care, emergency health services; the studied and
very deliberate policy of denying the chiropractic association the
courtesy of even a hearing; budget cuts in those vital cost-effective
preventive programs and the money set up in a fund that will be
controlled and doled out by cabinet members if, as, where and when
there are political advantages in so doing.
Social
assistance. This budget has betrayed the 226,000 men, women and
children who are forced, through bad economic policies, into dependency
on income assistance for their food and shelter. There is no
recognition that the payments are worth only 75 cents on the dollar
from when rates were last increased in 1981. Instead we get a
deliberate underestimation of the numbers who will be forced onto
social assistance this year. Nothing new here. In the 1985-86 fiscal
year an extra $14 million was required because of budget overrun in
that area.
It's all so familiar, so reminiscent of another
phony budget. Again, back to 1982. The then Minister of Human Resources
admitted that the department had failed to predict the huge increase in
welfare recipients that resulted in a $117.3 million welfare budget
overrun. Deputy Minister Noble said in an interview in December 1982:
"Our budget of $493 million (1982-83) was based on the understanding it
would be insufficient and a contingency would be required." Mr. Noble
also said in September 1982 that the Ministry of Human Resources works
on a contingency basis, and that during an economic downturn general
revenue must be tapped to make up the budgetary overrun. What he didn't
say was that the 1982 budget was the last one until after the following
election. The government in the 1982 budget were not prepared to tell
the people of British Columbia the extent to which the numbers of
people on welfare were going to increase. They weren't prepared to tell
them, so they provided for the increases by having a contingency in
mind but not in the budget.
The government announces that
it is providing a new allocation of $10 million to fund new programs
developed for the specific purposes of assisting unemployed British
Columbians to enter the labour market and meet the changing needs of
employers. Why is the emphasis not on retraining and education needs of
those outside the boundaries of Social Credit land, the unemployed? The
$10 million is not new money; it is taken from the support and shelter
allocation of the GAIN program.
[ Page 7466 ]
The
budget had little to say about women. I note that although the budget
for the Ministry of Labour women's programs has been increased by
$100,000, the amount of money allocated to grants to further the role
of women in society remains exactly the same as last year at $47,000.
The
pattern is clear. The fine print does not deliver what the press
releases promise. In as few words as possible, that's what's wrong with
this government: they cannot be trusted.
The Bennett
economic policy. There are elements of this budget presentation which
are very close to the essence of this government's approach to public
life. In short, they put propaganda ahead of the needs of ordinary
people. Ordinary working people have suffered. They have paid the price
in these four consecutive restraint budgets, and now the government
believes it can fool people into thinking otherwise. As the leader of
the New Democratic Party observed in the debate last week: "But what
really bothers me about this speech is its attempt to describe a
British Columbia that isn't the real British Columbia." He didn't give
us the real British Columbia; they didn't even give us the real budget.
I honestly think the government prefers to dream up results it wishes
it had obtained from economic programs and to trumpet these as if they
had actually taken place.
There is so much in the
government statements which cannot stand up to scrutiny. The government
knows that the only way it can routinely recycle and rehash statements
about the economy — which cannot be believed — is through saturation
advertising. Not only is the government squandering $20 million of
precious tax dollars through its own advertising program; a like or
larger amount is being spent through Crown corporations and the
Lotteries Fund.
By now, Mr. Speaker, I'm sure that you,
along with the rest of us, have heard from media outlets in our own
constituencies about the packages of press releases, several inches
high, that are to go on the radio and to be in the newspapers starting
immediately, telling everybody what a great budget it is. That has not
happened previously, Mr. Speaker. That's a departure, and it's going to
come out of this extra $20 million that's been provided to try to
persuade people that this government has indeed been doing something
for them, rather than to them.
[12:15]
further attempt has been made to bury the government's advertising
program in this year's budget. I'm not talking just about burying the
accounts in Crown corporations and the Lotteries Fund, although I
could, but there's another part of it. The 1985-86 Government
Information Services budget presents another example of the propaganda
dollar shuffle. Instead of presenting the accurate figure of $20
million as published in last year's estimates, this year's estimates
have reduced the 1985-86 expenditure to $12 million. With magical
transparency the government tries to pretend that Government
Information Services actually spends only $12 million, or 40 percent
less than they originally stated they would last year. To reduce the
political heat on the minister, $8 million for advertising and
marketing costs has been transferred to other ministries — the majority
to the Ministry of Tourism. The Bennett government, in an attempt to
deceive, has tried to bury this $8 million.
The advertising
is of the sort referred to as "opinion advertising." Its purpose is to
actually change people's views of themselves, their society and their
political choices. Remember that it was Patrick Kinsella who said in
his public address at Simon Fraser University: "We can move you from
one side of the ledger to the another." They really believe that, Mr.
Speaker. This budget is one more move in that campaign. They really
think they can change people's heads with propaganda over there. What
malarkey! If they weren't wasting so much taxpayers' money it could be
comical. Ontario admen and political hucksters come to B.C. They take
the taxpayers' money and give themselves jobs and titles, set up
consulting firms, and pay themselves salaries and a percentage on the
gross. But that's where this government is today. It is spending untold
millions in a vain attempt to mislead and misinform people about
government policy, about the state of the economy and ultimately about
their own powers of observation. They are still trying to move people
from one side of the ledger to the other, without bothering to resolve
economic problems in between.
I want to deal with the
record of this government, and I want to look at two areas
specifically: restraint and unemployment, and provincial government
investments.
Let's look for a moment at the number one
problem this government has. Let's look at continuing high unemployment
and what it has meant to B.C. Let's look at the real legacy of the
first government in this half century which deliberately used higher
unemployment as a tool of government policy. This government likes to
boast about the alleged benefit of the restraint package. To take only
one self-serving pat on the back, I quote the Minister of Finance
yesterday: "With the clear support of the people of British Columbia,
we carried this process of reducing the size and scope of government."
will not come as news to anyone outside of the Bennett government that
we have an unemployment crisis in B.C. Some measure of the unemployment
crisis is found in the startling new information from the Canada
employment and immigration centre. Their recent survey shows an
alarming growth in the number of British Columbians unemployed six
months and longer. In this long-term category there were 11,000 at the
beginning of this decade. From there it has escalated to the point
where more than 65,000 are in the position of not having worked for
more than half a year. This figure has nearly doubled under the
restraint package. The worst of it is that B.C. has the highest
proportion of long-term unemployed of any province in the whole of
Canada. That's restraint, Mr. Speaker.
Even more serious is
the regional nature of B.C. unemployment. Recently I examined some
figures which compare unemployment in the regions of B.C. with the
national average. What would it mean to regional economies if we were
able to bring their employment levels up to the national average? What
are the true costs of high unemployment? Which has been used; high
unemployment has been used by this government as a deliberate tool of
public policy. Remember, they promised to increase unemployment by
75,000 among public sector employees alone. Looking at the region of
East Kootenay, unemployment is in excess of the national average by
3,000; the loss of wages, say $72 million; UIC and welfare benefits
paid out, $27 million. The West Kootenays: again, compared to the
national average, an additional 4,374 unemployed, with lost wages of
$104,976,000; UIC and welfare paid out, $39,366,000. Okanagan and the
South Interior: 7,900 more unemployed than the national average would
indicate. Lost wages of $189,600,000; UIC and welfare paid out,
$79,100,000. Kamloops and the Central Interior: unemployment in excess
of the national average to the extent of 2,328. Lost wages of
$55,872,000; UIC and welfare
[ Page 7467 ]
paid
out, $20,952,000. The Lower Mainland: one of the bright spots, and yet
even there, the number of unemployed in excess of the national average
is 7,990, with a potential loss in wages of $191,760,000. UIC and
welfare are being paid out to the extent of $71,910,000.
Vancouver
Island: one of the bad spots. Unemployment in excess of the national
average, the highest of all of these regions, 12,580. Wages lost,
$301,920,000; UIC and welfare paid out, $113,220,000. If the unemployed
on Vancouver Island in excess of the national average were put back to
work, then the Minister of Finance's budget of yesterday might be
attainable — just that one region. But there is no evidence of that.
Prince George and the Northern Interior: unemployment in excess of the
national average, 5,504; lost wages, $132,096,000; UIC and welfare paid
out, $49,536,000. The Peace River: a relatively small population, but
even there, unemployment in excess of the national average of 1,968.
Lost wages, $47,232,000; UIC and welfare paid out, $17,712,000.
Totals:
45,644 more people unemployed in British Columbia than the national
average would indicate. Wages lost, $1,095,456,000; UIC and welfare
paid out, $410,796,000.
If B.C. had enjoyed the average
unemployment — and I say "enjoyed" by comparison — there would be at
least 45,000 more of our people working and collecting paycheques and
paying income tax and buying things in the various communities in which
they live. These paycheques would total more than one billion dollars a
year. Taxpayers would save $400 million to $500 million in UIC and
welfare costs. Rather than collecting, these people would be paying
taxes. This government makes sure that every working person pays his or
her share — and more — in taxes.
This is the real legacy of
this government, and it is a problem which must be dealt with by all
British Columbians. Most people have by now come to terms with the
difference between what was promised and what has been delivered by
this government. It is for all of us to develop our courage to move
beyond this government and to find a formula for successful integration
of our citizens into a new full-employment policy,
The
minister was correct in pointing out yesterday that restraint was not
the only thrust in the government's policy. He has also mentioned
capital spending. Let's take a look at the record there. Let's look at
provincial government investments.
One of the ways in which
you can judge a provincial government's conduct is by the way it
handles taxpayers' money. Such a comparison is particularly inviting to
members of the New Democratic Party. There is a growing concern in this
province that the numerous major projects undertaken by the government,
however well intentioned they may have been, have saddled the taxpayer
with a debt burden that will be tough to bear. Through mistakes in
timing and execution, many have created problems for our province which
were unnecessary, and in some cases tragic.
First, I invite
members to consider a few examples of investments by B.C. provincial
governments over the past 13 years or so, going back to 1972-75.
Canadian Cellulose: the cost of acquisition was $1, a dollar that was
never paid. It was a guarantee that the government would stand behind a
$68 million debt load. It never had to pay one cent of that guarantee.
So the total cost to the people of British Columbia for Canadian
Cellulose, with all of its operations in the Rossland-Trail area and in
Prince Rupert, $1. It generated net profits of $135.4 million from 1973
to March 1978, when it was turned over to BCRIC. BCRIC acquired 81
percent of the shares of Canadian Cellulose that were held by the
province. Canadian Cellulose had a book value of $96.2 million at the
time of sale. It paid dividends out of its profit to the Crown of some
$13 million during those four short years — $13 million in four years
on an investment of $1. Mr. Speaker, it maintained employment in plants
which were on the verge of being shut down. It maintained employment,
returned dividends of $13 million, cost only $1, and was sold to the
newly incorporated BCRIC for its book value of $96 million. That was a
pretty good investment, Mr. Speaker.
Kootenay Forest
Products. This company was acquired by the province in 1974 for the
cost of $9 million through the B.C. Cellulose Corporation. It generated
profits of $2.048 million from 1973 to March 1978, before being sold to
BCRIC. BCRIC acquired 100 percent of the outstanding shares of Kootenay
Forest Products that were held by the province. Kootenay Forest
Products had a book value of $11.371 million at the time of sale. There
too, Kootenay Forest Products was bought not because it was a good
investment but because we wanted to maintain employment. We took action
to maintain employment, and employment was maintained as long as the
NDP was in office.
Plateau Mills. The cost of acquisition
of this company by the province was $7.6 million. It generated profits
of $7.4 million from 1973 to March 1978, when it was sold to BCRIC.
Plateau Mills had a book value of net assets of $10.964 million at the
time of sale. Cost $7.6 million, generated profit of $7.4 million. The
profits in those four years repaid the Crown almost the total
investment, and it was worth $11 million at the time that it was sold
to BCRIC.
[Mr. Strachan in the chair.]
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH:
Mr. Speaker, I've risen to the bait previously, and I'll do it again.
That member is not telling the truth when he says we stole it.
AN HON. MEMBER: You did so.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Just a minute, we have a little problem here. Would the member please
withdraw the statement. We may have varying opinions, but I would, in
terms of a parliamentary procedure, ask.... Order, please. The Minister
of Lands, Parks and Housing (Hon. Mr. Kempf) will also come to order.
If I could, please, ask the hon. member for Nanaimo to withdraw the
last statement.
MR. STUPICH: I'll certainly withdraw it. I'd far rather say he was lying, but I can't say that.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!
MR. STUPICH: I withdraw that as well.
Mr.
Speaker, we've gone through this before in the House and in public
accounts. In public accounts, when in its earlier years this particular
Social Credit administration used to let public accounts committee meet
from time to time, and used to let public accounts committee call
witnesses, the previous largest shareholder, Bill Martens, was invited
to public accounts committee to talk about Plateau Mills and to talk
also
[ Page 7468 ]
about
the sale of Plateau Mills. In that public accounts committee, where he
certainly owed us nothing — he may have owed the Social Credit; I don't
know — in spite of every invitation from various Social Credit members
at that public hearing to say that he got a bad deal from the NDP
administration, he insisted that he got the same price at which he was
prepared to sell it to some American investors, exactly the same terms,
exactly the same conditions, and he was treated fairly. I trust him, I
believe him, and when someone in this House, or anywhere else, says
something different, I can only question.... If they can't be accused
of telling something less than the truth, then they are certainly
straying from the whole truth. Now that's on their conscience.
[12:30]
Mr. Speaker, I've talked about three forestry companies that were
bought by the NDP administration at various prices — $1 in the case of
one, $9 million in the case of another, $7 million in the case of
another. All of them purchased, all of them which maintained employment
as long as the NDP were in office, one of them which contributed
substantially in dividends, and all of them which were sold to BCRIC at
substantially more than they cost. The total cost of these forestry
companies was $16.6 million. They returned dividends to the Crown of
$2.6 million, for a net cost of $14 million. They were sold at far less
than their market value to BCRIC for a total of $73.2 million. Now that
was a good investment, Mr. Speaker. In every sense of the word that was
a good investment.
Let's look at BCRIC. BCRIC acquired
these three forestry companies, total book value of $118.5 million, for
only $73.3 million. Now if there ever was a case of a silk purse being
turned into a sow's ear, then certainly our Premier must hold the
record. He took assets accumulated by an NDP administration, at a
cost....
HON. MR. RITCHIE: Swan Valley.
MR. STUPICH:
Mr. Speaker, they keep talking about Swan Valley. I'll put Swan Valley
up against northeast coal any day of the week and come out tenfold
ahead.
To get back to this brilliant administration that
turned a silk purse into a sow's ear, if I may, Mr. Speaker, assets
that were making money, that were returning dividends, that were
increasing in value regularly.... Our Premier took these and gave them
to BCRIC.
HON. MR. RITCHIE: Panco Poultry.
MR. STUPICH: I'll come to Panco.
They
cost a total of $42 million and returned to the people of B.C.
dividends of $60 million, if we include Westcoast Transmission, during
a short period that they were owned by the people of British Columbia,
and then they were turned over to BCRIC for a total of $110.6 million.
With the Premier's help and active campaign, citizens of B.C. were
persuaded to invest almost half a billion dollars cash in other shares
of BCRIC — in the new company. This company had proven income-producing
assets and a bankful of cash, but the directors, personally chosen and
appointed by the Premier of British Columbia — the still Premier of
British Columbia — have been able in the intervening eight years to
work the market price of those shares down to $1.53. They were issued
at $6; they went up as high as $9.50 or something; they had a book
value at one point of $11; they're now, the last time I looked, at
$1.53. Assets which maintained employment and produced dividends to be
shared by all of our citizens have been written down to the extent of
$350 million recently and show absolutely no prospect of paying
dividends to anybody during any of our lifetimes. That's the kind of
people we have directing the affairs of the province of British
Columbia. Is there any reason, Mr. Speaker, that people are saying more
and more often that it's time for a change?
Interjections.
MR. STUPICH:
Okay, Mr. Speaker, they keep throwing Panco Poultry at me. Let's talk
about Panco Poultry, shall we? Panco Poultry was acquired by the
province in 1975 for $4.8 million when it was going to be shut down if
we didn't buy it.
HON. MR. RITCHIE: ...took it away from the growers at a much higher price.
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please.
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. Order!
MR. STUPICH: Mr. Speaker, if that minister....
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
The Minister of Municipal Affairs will have every opportunity during
the budget debate to make his comments. The member for Nanaimo
continues. Please proceed.
MR. STUPICH: Thank you,
Mr. Speaker, I'm just concerned about the time. Otherwise I'd love to
debate it with him. But will he just listen? No, I don't think