British Columbia Hansard — Thursday, October 10, 2019 p.m. — Number 274 (HTML) (41st Parliament, 4th Session)
20191010pm-House-Blues
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
Fourth Session, 41st Parliament
(2019) OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Thursday, October 10, 2019
Afternoon Sitting
Issue No. 274
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Routine Business
Motions Without Notice
Amendment to Standing Orders to allow head coverings
R. Singh
S. Cadieux
S. Furstenau
Orders of the Day
Second Reading of Bills
Bill 36 — Gaming Control Amendment Act, 2019 (continued)
C. Oakes
Hon. C. Trevena
M. Lee
J. Sims
Hon. S. Simpson
J. Brar
A. Kang
Hon. G. Heyman
Hon. M. Mark
N. Simons
M. Dean
R. Kahlon
Hon. L. Beare
Hon. H. Bains
Hon. D. Eby
Motions Without Notice
Appointment of Special Committee to Appoint an Auditor General
Hon. M. Farnworth
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 10, 2019
The House met at 1:35 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Motions Without Notice
AMENDMENT TO STANDING ORDERS
TO ALLOW HEAD
COVERINGS
R. Singh: By leave of the House, I move:
[That effective immediately, the Standing Orders of the Legislative
Assembly of British Columbia be amended as follows:
Standing Order 36 is replaced with the following:
Order in addressing the Chair.
36. Every Member desiring to speak shall do so from
their assigned place and address the Speaker.]
Leave granted.
R. Singh: Mr. Speaker, on October 3, I wrote a letter to your office
regarding a ruling on Standing Order 36. Standing Order 36 states:
“Every Member desiring to speak is to rise in his or her place,
uncovered, and address the Speaker.” I said in the letter that it is my
understanding the term “uncovered” made reference to anything covering
the head. My concern was…. If a member of the Legislative Assembly wore
a turban, kippah, head scarf, Indigenous headdress or any other
traditional and spiritual symbol, would they be permitted by you to
speak in the Legislature?
I understand that the Acting Clerk’s report on dress guidelines
says, certainly: “Indigenous attire, traditional cultural attire and
religious attire continue to be considered appropriate dress.” But it
was not clear how that guideline pertained to the rules that are set out
in the standing orders. My question to you was to make an official
ruling on whether Standing Order 36 or any other rule of the Legislature
attempts to prohibit religious and Indigenous head wear in the
chamber.
As I also said in my letter, at a time when we are seeing
alarmingly frequent expressions of hate and racism, our Legislature must
be a reflection of the great diversity in our wonderful province. We
must also acknowledge that we can all do more to push back against those
who seek to divide us.
I thank you for your response that I received earlier today, which
made it clear a change to the order would be necessary in order to
ensure the Legislature remains a welcoming space for all Canadians. I’m
making this important and urgent motion to change the standing orders to
reflect our mutually held values of diversity, religious freedom and
reconciliation.
There is a precedent across Canada for updating standing orders to
include religious, cultural and ethnic dress. Therefore, I look forward
to unanimous consent and support from this House on this motion for
British Columbia’s Legislature. Further, I hope to see this guarantee
extended to every public institution in our great and diverse
province.
S. Cadieux: I’d like to thank the member for bringing the motion forward. To
be honest, I don’t think I ever noticed that that would be a problem in
the standing orders. While I hope and fully expect that the Speaker
would have seen fit to overlook this for the purpose of respect of an
individual’s religion or Indigenous attire, I certainly think there are
plenty of things that this House can disagree on, and this is definitely
not one of them.
Just as the dress code needed a reboot, things change. It’s
surprising to me, however, that this is something that has stood in the
standing orders for as long as it has. In a country that places such
great value on our diversity and multiculturalism, in our communities
where we are all friends and neighbours and respect each other’s
religions, cultures and celebrations that we gather together so
frequently for, it is surprising that we have not noticed this and done
something about it sooner. I thank the member for bringing it
forward.
[1:40 p.m.]
When I heard about this, I reflected upon images that I can recall
observing in the United Nations. We can all have our opinions on the
work of the United Nations, but one of the things that I always found
most powerful and one of the things I enjoyed most was seeing the photos
or the images of the United Nations and all of the different people and
all of the different genders and all of the different attires —
business, cultural, religious — coming together to have discussion, to
learn from one another and to come together on issues of common purpose,
much as we do here.
While we do often find plenty to disagree upon, diversity is not
something that I believe the members of this House disagree on.
Religious freedom is not something I believe members of this House
disagree on. Certainly, we are happy to put our support behind this
motion for a change in the standing orders. It is a small world after
all.
S. Furstenau: I’m delighted to stand up today to support the motion brought
forward by the member for Surrey–Green Timbers to make this adjustment
to the standing orders.
I want to echo her comments as well as the comments from the
member for Surrey South that, particularly in a time when politics has a
tendency to be more of a divisive force than a uniting one, it really is
up to us all the time to recognize the very serious responsibility that
we have in a country that is built on multiculturalism, that is built on
diversity, that is built on respect for a wide variety of religious
traditions and a deep acknowledgment of the Indigenous foundation of
this nation. I am very happy that there is support from all of the
caucuses to move forward with this change to the standing orders and
delighted that we are so united on moving forward in this
manner.
I want to thank both of the members.
Mr. Speaker: Seeing no other speakers, you’ve heard the question.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: I just want to thank the members — the member from Green Timbers,
the member for Surrey South and the House Leader for the Third Party —
for so well articulating this. It’s great to see. Thank you.
Orders of the Day
Hon. M. Farnworth: I call continued second reading debate on Bill 36, Gaming Control
Amendment Act.
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
Second Reading of Bills
BILL 36 — GAMING CONTROL
AMENDMENT
ACT, 2019
(continued)
C. Oakes: It truly is a privilege to have the opportunity to rise as the
member for Cariboo North and add my contribution to the debate on Bill
36 and to bring forward the concerns from my constituents with a
thoughtful approach on how we can improve upon legislation and make sure
that, for constituents in Cariboo North, decisions, policy and
legislation that are being debated here in this House reflect the needs
of constituents, First Nations and Indigenous communities in Cariboo
North.
Having reviewed this piece of legislation that is before the
House, there are three areas that I wish to touch upon today. The first
is the mechanism of distribution of this bill. The second is the formula
that is being discussed. The third element is the community gaming grant
discussion that I think is incredibly important to bring forward in the
discussion of this bill.
[1:45 p.m.]
Following the member for Maple Ridge–Mission and his comments
about the importance of going out and listening before designing
programs first, I believe that a critical component to the aspect of
listening is actually going out and talking to the First Nations and
Indigenous communities first.
Based on conversations that I’ve had with my local governments,
local First Nations, local alliances and Indigenous populations in my
communities, their experiences and stories, I wish to take a moment to
bring forward to this House their experiences with some of the programs,
policies and legislation that have been actually brought forward by the
government and the impact that is actually having in our rural
communities.
We have instances in our communities where revenue-sharing has
been incredibly successful. I think that is an important foundation of
what we’re discussing today. We want to ensure that all people in
British Columbia, whether Indigenous or non-Indigenous, have
opportunities of prosperity and economic growth and that they can know
their next generation — and generation and generation and generation
after that — will have opportunities in the fantastic communities we are
so incredibly blessed to live in.
The first element that I wish to discuss, as it plays into this
piece of legislation, is the mechanism of how these funds will be
distributed. The top-down approach that is being presented in this
legislation…. I believe we need to have a more thoughtful conversation
on and recognition, in truth, of what is actually best and what will
have the greatest impact for our First Nations and Indigenous
populations.
We understand that revenue-sharing agreements that are in place,
which actually put funds into the hands of our local First Nations and
Indigenous communities — respecting that they know best, that they
understand their communities best and that they know the needs of their
communities best — are a principle that we should be
following.
We hav, again, had some significant examples — for example,
revenue-sharing agreements in the Cariboo, such as the forest
consultation and revenue-sharing agreement. That has been supported in
our community. That has helped support both Indigenous and
non-Indigenous in our region — workers, businesses — that have found
economic opportunity through these types of revenue-sharing agreements.
That has helped increase prosperity and has helped create work for
people in communities.
You know, I am very proud of Nazko First Nations logging. They are
one of the largest contractors in our community and one of the oldest,
actually, First Nations logging contractors in British Columbia. They
have been incredibly successful. They have hired and employed and
supported not just Indigenous communities but non-Indigenous as well. I
think examples of programs that recognize that we all can benefit and
all of our communities have a great opportunity when we invest in rural
communities is an important foundation.
Where there is nervousness right now, which I think is important
to bring forward into this House, in communities like Nazko — and, in
fact, quite frankly, the entire Cariboo — is that policies and
legislation that are being brought forward by the NDP government, while
looking good on paper, often have unintended consequences in our rural
communities and, quite frankly, can be devastating for our individual
communities.
That is why, as we debate bills that are being brought forward, we
are trying to bring the voices of our communities: to make sure there
are not unintended consequences to policies that I believe are brought
forward, of course, in good faith and wanting to improve the lives of
British Columbians; to make sure that the reality in our communities,
that the boots on the ground — that we are seeing the impacts and that
we’re seeing the revenue actually coming into our small
communities.
[1:50 p.m.]
I found it deeply discouraging that it required a convoy of
logging trucks, which had to make a difficult journey from our
communities down to Vancouver, to ensure that our voices were heard on
the implications and decisions that this government is having on the
forest sector.
Our First Nations do not want decisions being made top-down. We do
not want to see people living, sometimes, in the urban settings or in
Victoria — this very building — who may not understand the realities of
what it means to live in rural British Columbia, making those
decisions.
There is real evidence of the type of top-down approach in
decisions made by this government that is concerning to constituents in
my region. Evidence, for example, of the recent cancellation — or you
can spin the language however you wish — of the rural dividend program.
Our First Nations communities had critically important applications in
to this fund. This fund was designed to respect and understand the
unique challenges, the needs that small and rural remote communities,
First Nations communities face — communities, First Nations communities,
such as Lhtako Dene First Nation.
You see, they had an application in for a sawmill. We all know of
the devastation that we’ve had with pine, and now we have fir beetles in
this area and, of course, our wildfires. They had an application in to
build a sawmill that would employ nine people to help remove the Douglas
fir beetle infestation that we currently have in our community, that the
First Nations community needs to address.
Now they have to find a way to figure out what is next in
communities where, really, work is limited, and they are very
challenged. They’re disappointed that funds that have been put forward
for rural communities, for First Nations communities, have
disappeared.
Lhtako Dene also shared a story with me when I was talking about
the impacts of legislation being brought forward in this House. What was
their experience on the ground? They shared a story of what they are
currently witnessing and, actually, all of us in the Cariboo are seeing.
We regularly get press releases that there are large burn piles that
happen regularly in the attempt on fire mitigation, and we support the
efforts that are being made to keep our communities safe. I think it’s
critically important.
What the First Nations are asking of us is: why are we burning
that fibre? Why are we not using that fibre? They have partnerships with
other companies for pellets. Why are we not utilizing some of the
land-based fibre that currently exists to create value? In press
releases that the government last year had put forward, that was where
the government was moving.
First Nations communities in our area, many who are out of work,
are asking why those decisions are not happening — value-added
opportunities with companies such as C&C Wood Products that develop
panelling and wood products, that are not subject to softwood lumber
tariffs. The First Nation resource worker asked me last week why the
stumpage is the same rate on the value-added products that we could be
producing in our communities that are not subject to softwood lumber but
would actually get people working in our communities.
The language that consistently comes out of this government is
that they spin some of the communications that: “Hey, things are better
than ever. We have these policies, these legislation tools that are
coming forward that are going to make things great in our rural
communities.” But the challenge becomes that we’re not seeing that money
delivered on the ground in our communities.
[1:55 p.m.]
Earlier today the Premier discussed the money that’s being
reallocated to support forest workers, and this fund, of course, was
being pulled away from the rural dividend program, a program that helped
First Nations and smaller rural communities. Both the Premier and the
Minister of Forests brought forward that they are important
announcements.
What is happening on the ground in our communities — and I have
had multiple calls into my office, as I’m sure other MLAs have had as
well — is that there is no access to this funding. The application
process has not been set up yet. So we make press releases saying:
“Things are great. The government’s here to help. Money is on its way.”
But the reality is that it’s not getting into the hands of the people in
our communities. As rural MLAs, we have to fight. We have to advocate.
We have to make sure that the decisions that are happening in this House
go into the hands of our communities.
Literacy Now is another example of an important application that
had been put forward to the rural dividend program — $50,000 to help
improve literacy for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities,
important upgrades that are required to improve the work outcomes for
natural resource workers who are out of work, who are now required to
have grade 12.
Imagine that you’ve worked in a mill for 30 years of your life,
and that mill is now closed. You have to go back out into a workforce,
and you have to find a new job. The challenge is that you now need grade
12. For many people in our rural communities and Indigenous populations,
30 years ago, the idea of going in and working in a forest community was
that there were opportunities out there where we didn’t require grade
12. To cut those very types of funds that would help our communities
move forward is incredibly troubling.
Another comment that my constituents, my First Nations, wished for
me to express here in this House is around the fire-mitigation
experience. I certainly appreciate the funds that have been put forward
by the government. I think it is important to put that investment into
the communities.
When I talked to the Chief of the ?Esdilagh First Nation, Chief
Stump, he asked me…. He would use my name, but I’m not allowed to do
that. “Why do we keep getting consultants? Why does the government
channel and say: ‘This is the type of funds that you are going to get.
We will get you consultants. We will get you somebody to write a plan
for you.’?” The First Nations are saying: “We know our community best.
We do not require a consultant to come in for us to understand what we
need to do to protect our communities.”
The member for Langley East graciously raised a story that really
has been something that, as an MLA, is not only troubling. Quite
frankly, it breaks your heart that communities, year after year, who’ve
felt the devastating impacts of wildfires and floods know what they need
to do in their community to protect their communities and to make their
communities safe, continue to get denied access to very simple capital
funding — two trailers and some firefighting equipment that would help
keep their communities safe. Why is it so difficult to get access to
funds into the hands of our communities, our First Nations communities,
who know what they need in their communities?
Programs and services are continuing to be gutted. And while the
members opposite continue to heckle, if they had heard the first part….
There are three components of the challenge of this legislation. The
first challenge is the distribution of the funds. We feel that those
funds should go directly into the hands of our First Nations
communities.
The second piece of the legislation — I encourage the members to
read, because I’ve heard them talk about the formula time and time again
— is that the formula that is currently being used, a component of that
is population-based. When it is population-based, our rural communities
always end up on the short end of the stick.
[2:00 p.m.]
For rural communities, for First Nations communities to have funds
that are based on population versus needs means that we will always not
have the same access to funds that other First Nations communities may
have.
We have stories. It’s not just us creating some element of
cynicism on what is happening. They are real, on-the-ground stories that
we’re hearing. It doesn’t matter how many press releases you send out
and how many times you send our mayor out and say how things are great
in Cariboo North, I can tell you that there are real challenges that we
need to overcome, and there is real support that needs to happen into
the hands of individuals.
The third component which I wish to address is the community
gaming grant program and how the conversation of what we need to secure
not just revenue-sharing for Indigenous and First Nations populations
directly into their hands…. We need to secure funding to ensure that all
of our volunteer organizations across the province of British Columbia
that rely so heavily on community gaming grants have the same
opportunities. It needs to be fair.
I have multiple examples that I wish to bring forward, but I’m
going to start with a story. The member for Maple Ridge–Mission talked
about the importance of storytelling, and I agree. So let me share a
story that has recently come into my office.
“I’m writing to you on behalf of the Quesnel Figure Skating Club. We
were recently denied from community gaming grant which has left our club
about $28,000 short of funding to pay for our season. This is a huge
problem for us and a lot of money to make back in fundraising. I have
been on the board of this organization for six years, and we have never
had this happen before.
“Normally, we receive our gaming by early August. But this year, we
hadn’t heard anything going into September. So of course, we had to go
with our registration programs like we were going to receive this money.
One month into our program, we received the email stating we were
denied. Anyways, long story short, I’m contacting you to see if there’s
anything you can do.”
It’s not just the Quesnel Figure Skating Club that has seen a
significant reduction and gutting of programs. It is multiple agencies
that we have seen in rural British Columbia. The Baker Creek Enhancement
Society received $44,000 last year, and to date, they have had no
announcement.
The Quesnel Women’s Resource Centre. And it was great that this
morning in the introductions I believe we had a women’s resource centre
announced in this House. They do great work, so we supported the
community gaming grant back in 2017 of $122,000 to our Quesnel Women’s
Resource Centre. This year they received $80,500. That’s quite the
reduction.
How about we look at the Scouts? The Scouts do great volunteer
work — last year $7,700, this year $5,600. Quesnel Rotary — last year
$32,235, this year $20,000. How about the Quesnel Lions service club? In
2018, $29,058. This year it was $20,000.
How about victim services? Victim services is a critically
important organization. This week we are recognizing the importance in
all of our communities to stand up for those who’ve been impacted by
domestic violence. At a time when our communities are being devastated
in the forest sector and at a time when we have, unfortunately, seen
increases in domestic violence in our communities because of the
incredible stress of people being out of work, the North Cariboo Métis
society has had their healthy relationship program cut — completely cut.
Now, I met with the minister to talk about that. His response to me was
that the program has been oversubscribed.
Forgive me if I stand before you and raise the concerns that my
constituents are having when, time and time and time again, programs and
services are being gutted in our communities, both Indigenous and
non-Indigenous, at a time, Member, when the numbers speak for
themselves.
[2:05 p.m.]
I have pages, and I can show you, because they go on line. I
encourage the members to see where the funds have been last year on
community gaming grants in our communities and where they are
now.
My message to anyone who may be listening to this conversation is:
contact your local non-profit volunteer organizations that have put in
applications to the community gaming grant program, and find out where
your funds are this year. Are they delayed? Have they been denied? Have
they declined? I want you to contact your local MLA. I want you to share
your story, because your story is powerful.
It is as powerful as those 250 logging trucks that came down to
Vancouver because it was the only way they would get the attention of
this government. While the Minister of Transportation laughs and points
her finger at me, here’s the message I would say from ?Esdilagh First
Nation.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members.
C. Oakes: “We have written multiple letters. We have letters to the minister
on the orders of questions around West Fraser Road.”
Do you remember that road, Minister? Year after year we have
received letters from this minister. “Oh, we will be fixing these
funds.”
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members, one member at a time.
C. Oakes: Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
It is the element, again, from First Nations communities who do
not have a lot of trust in this government, because we continue to hear
that funds are coming to your community. We get wonderful press
releases, and we continue to wait.
Interjection.
Deputy Speaker: Member.
C. Oakes: I’m incredibly proud as the member for Cariboo North to bring
forward the voices of my constituents, both Indigenous and
non-Indigenous. I believe that our community members know best the needs
in their community. I believe that they shouldn’t have to wait for a
government to say “I know best” and to control the types of social
engineering funds that come into our communities.
Again, in closing, if you’re a community member that has seen a
reduction in your funds, please contact your local MLA. If you want to
make sure that funds are distributed directly into the hands of your
community, make sure you raise your voice on this particular bill.
Finally, if you believe in self-determination, if you believe that the
fact that the First Nations know best in their community, I invite you
to make sure that you read this bill, understand this bill and to
contact your MLA.
Hon. C. Trevena: I’m very proud to stand up to talk about the Gaming Control
Amendment Act introduced by our government.
Unfortunately, I think that the member who spoke before me, the
member for Cariboo North, hasn’t read the bill. If she had done, she’d
know there was, as she describes it, self-determination — that it is up
to those communities that are getting their share of the gaming grants
to decide how best to spend the money.
I’d also just like to put the record straight for all those many
people who are going to be getting in touch with their MLAs as a result
of the conversation from the member for Cariboo North. Nothing has
changed. There is still 31 percent of gaming revenues going to community
organizations and health services and local governments.
The member’s various social clubs, organizations and others that
have applied…. You don’t always get it. It happens in my constituency.
It happens in everyone’s constituencies. You apply. You don’t
necessarily get it.
Of the $1.391 billion of net revenue from gaming activities, 31
percent of that is going to health services, community organizations and
local governments. The balance, as the member…. She was, I believe, once
a member of executive council. So she should understand this but most
likely has forgotten: that the balance goes into general revenues. The
new gaming revenue share does not change any of that. This 7 percent
comes from what would go into general revenues, just to put it in
context for the member, who clearly has forgotten some of the things she
may have learnt while she was on this side of the House.
[2:10 p.m.]
As I say, I’m very excited by this act. It’s a very important act,
because it’s going to entitle B.C. First Nations to a portion of B.C.
Lottery Corp.’s net income for 23 years. That’s 23 years where
Indigenous communities can plan, where they know that they’re going to
get a source of revenue, where they know that it’s stable funding. I
think that everybody is aware that we shouldn’t always be relying on
lotteries, that we have to be funding in other ways. But on this, there
is a large amount of revenue available, and there will be a 7 percent
share of this for the next 23 years — very significant.
Members opposite have been debating this for some time and are
getting very concerned about various parts of this bill. They could have
done this. First Nations have been asking for gaming revenue to be
shared by the province for years. In fact, back in 2007, when Premier
Campbell was there and he had his “New relationship” — I think that’s
what his banner was that year — First Nations leaders presented that
government, the B.C. Liberal government, with what was a First Nations
investment plan. It recommended allocating 3 percent — just 3 percent —
of revenue towards economic and community development initiatives in
Indigenous communities.
At that time, back then, 12 years ago…. The members on the other
side of the House forget that, for 16 years, they were government and
could have made an impact for Indigenous communities but didn’t. At that
time, First Nations leaders described the plan of a 3 percent share as
the single most important action that the provincial government could
take to “ease First Nation’s poverty and begin to close the economic and
social gap for all First Nations.” It is significant.
But somehow…. I should not be surprised. On this side of the
House, we should not be surprised that the former government, the B.C.
Liberal government, didn’t do anything, because their record on First
Nations relationships, to be honest, is, frankly, distasteful. It is
awful.
It started back…. They formed government in 2001. In 2002, I think
people can remember the referendum, the referendum on First Nations
treaty rights. The then Attorney General Geoff Plant put it to the
public. Well, he said that the public should have a say in the treaty
process.
At the time, they said it was an experiment in direct democracy,
but even pollsters were saying that it was amateurish and one-sided.
Among those people who criticized the outrageously racist referendum
were the Anglican Church, the United Church, the Presbytery of New
Westminster, the Canadian Jewish Congress, the Canadian Muslim
Federation, the B.C. Federation of Labour, Council of Senior Citizens
and the David Suzuki Foundation. It was described as immoral and
amateurish and racist, and it was. It was a racist approach to First
Nations relationships.
I mean, that was a significant stain on the B.C. Liberal
government’s record, their 16-year record. But it went on. We’ve had the
failure to implement the calls to action from the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. Back in 2015, Christy Clark, the Premier —
watch this space — refused to appoint a new chief commissioner to the
B.C. Treaty Commission, unilaterally undermining the treaty process. She
was, like always, thinking only about politics and not what was in the
best interest of Indigenous communities, First Nations and our
relationship as the Crown with First Nations.
Earlier we had the Missing Women’s Commission urge the then B.C.
Liberal government — they had been government for a number of years — to
bring in an enhanced public transportation system on the Highway of
Tears. The former Minister of Transportation, the minister from
Kamloops–South Thompson, said at the time that it was “not identified as
a practical solution by the people who live up there.”
[2:15 p.m.]
I’m very proud to be the Minister of Transportation. It’s an
honour to be working for the people of B.C. on this file, and I have to
say that one of the areas of which our ministry is most proud is the bus
system that is operating along the Highway of Tears. It is an
extraordinary, extraordinary system. It links communities. It means that
Indigenous communities off the highway can get to the highway. It means
that people can get a ride, an affordable ride, from community to
community. It keeps women safe because they don’t have to hitchhike. It
keeps families safe because they don’t have to hitchhike.
I’ve ridden on the bus and talked to the communities, talked to
the people who are riding it. It has made a huge difference. That is
working for Indigenous communities.
We know their record for Aboriginal children in care. They had
recommendations after recommendations from Grand Chief Ed John and took
little action, and they were reprimanded by the Representative for
Children and Youth in 2017 for their underfunding of delegated
Aboriginal agencies. So I think that their record on Indigenous
relations stands for itself.
What has been quite haunting — and I’m sure my colleagues will
have more examples than this — is that in this debate, in this House
here in 2019, when we are discussing something as fundamental as sharing
some of the prosperity of British Columbia, some of the wealth that
comes in through gaming, back with Indigenous communities, we have had —
I’m not going to label them — such worrying, worrying comments from
members opposite.
The member for Nechako Lakes, a former Minister of Indigenous
Relations, talked about First Nations being addicted to government
cheques and asked: “Is this not just another government cheque coming
in?” He said that this legislation seems to be “more about paying off
friends than…about getting resources to the bands.” I think that’s
disgraceful — that they could even be thinking about that when we’re
talking about revenue-sharing, through gaming funds, with Indigenous
communities to let them determine how best to invest in their
communities to make their communities and the lives of their community
members better.
Indigenous people. I think everyone should be aware of the history
that they have lived through and that they continue to live because of
what happened to their families, their forefathers. It’s gone on for
generations. We are still dealing with that. Indigenous communities are
dealing with that. We are trying to assist through this
process.
I’ve got to say that the member for Kelowna West was questioning
the financial accountability that could come. I quote what he said. I
find it, as I say, very disturbing that a member of this House could
have this sort of view — express it and stand up to talk about this bill
and still express this — questioning the financial accountability of
Indigenous communities. He said their processes are not the same as what
we would have in terms of our democratic systems, in terms of
accountability.
He went on to say that almost five million B.C. citizens represent
the non–First Nations population, and they haven’t had a chance to have
a say in it. As I say, I find this extraordinarily
worrying.
Our government has been acting. I think everybody could say that
we could act faster, that we could do more. Everybody wants to do more.
But we have done a huge amount, made great steps in working on
Indigenous relations, on building out. We have talked about
reconciliation, are absolutely committed to reconciliation. In this
session, I think everybody’s very well aware, we’ll be bringing in
legislation to ensure that reconciliation is a true reality in our
province.
Just to hit a few highlights. I mentioned Grand Chief Ed John’s
recommendations; we’ve committed to implement them. We have spent $6.4
million to keep Indigenous families together to improve outcomes for
children and youth.
[2:20 p.m.]
We’ve been working on implementing a strategy to increase the
number of Indigenous employees to train child welfare staff. We have
broadened the education experience requirement for front-line child
protection. We have ensured that we have a First Nations law degree now.
Through my ministry, again, we have our community benefits agreements
which are putting Indigenous hires first in the line for local hiring.
We are working, day in and day out, to ensure that we work towards true
reconciliation, whether it’s acts of individual ministries, acts of
government or acts that are, like this, directly assisting Indigenous
communities.
As I say, I think that the member who spoke before me clearly
hasn’t read the legislation. We committed, in our budget back in the
spring, to share 7 percent of net provincial revenue from gaming for 23
years, 25 years. Two years are already set. That is expected to give
First Nations $100 million a year. If you get a roughly 2 percent annual
growth, which would be a very nice annual growth to have, year after
year for the next 25 years, it will be a $3 billion share with B.C.’s
First Nations over the term of the agreement — $3 billion. Communities
can do a huge amount with $3 billion.
It’s set up. I think if the member had read the bill, she would
find out that it’s set up to be administered through the First Nations
Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership. They will receive, manage
and distribute these funds to participating First Nations. I hope the
member from Kelowna West was listening to that when he talked about
accountability. There is absolute accountability, and there is absolute
trust that this will be, I think, very positive.
There will be a share, on formula, of participating First Nations.
It’s going to be by community, by population and then waiting for those
that are geographically remote. I know that in my constituency…. The
members opposite like to act as though they are the only rural members
in this House, but there are a number of other rural members in this
House, myself included.
I represent an Indigenous community who have lived for millennia
in Kingcome Inlet, which is an extraordinarily remote and difficult
place to get to. I think for the community itself…. I would say that one
of the benefits of that was that they avoided the Indian agent. They
were just too far away for the Indian agent to come, so they were not
taken to residential schools.
I think that we have…. The opposition does not have the lock on
representing rural communities. Our side of the House understands the
needs of rural communities, and we want to work with Indigenous
communities to ensure that they are served well.
I go back to the division of the money. I just talked about that.
How can it be spent? I think it’s important that we recognize that it’s
not us that are dictating anything. It is First Nations governments
determining their priorities for the use of funds. There are basically
six areas that support governance, capacity-building and strength in
program and service delivery. It’s on health and wellness;
infrastructure, safety, transportation and housing; economic and
business development; education, language, culture and training;
community development and environmental protection; and
capacity-building, fiscal management and governance.
Basically, it’s money. It’s money that will promote creative
approaches to help design programs and help deliver services in these
broad categories. It’s not directed to individuals. It’s working with
communities for these categories. I think this is something that every
member in this House should be supporting. Every member in this House
should be recognizing that this is the way forward — that we have to be
allowing Indigenous communities to invest in their future. They need
revenue to do that. What better revenue than some of the money that is,
at the moment, going to general revenue coming from gaming?
[2:25 p.m.]
The member for Cariboo North talks about all the potential loss of
community grants. There is still the same 31 percent going to community
grants, but 7 percent, an additional 7 percent, will be taken out of
general revenues to ensure that First Nations can have an opportunity to
invest in economic development, in housing, in so many different ways
that will benefit their communities.
It makes me very proud that this is another act of our government.
Working with First Nations, working for First Nations, we’re making sure
that when we come to discuss reconciliation, we discuss what it means to
each of us. It means something different to everyone. It’s one of these:
how do you define it? It is so important that we do this.
I’m extraordinarily proud of our record on our relationship with
Indigenous communities and moving forward on the UN declaration and on
the Truth and Reconciliation recommendations. I would hope that the
other side of the House joins us in supporting this bill, but I have to
say I have been absolutely shocked by some of the comments that my
colleagues on the other side of the House can still express in
With that, I’ll take my seat.
M. Lee: I also want to join this discussion on Bill 36, the Gaming Control
Amendment Act. Certainly, I think this has just been a discussion around
the need to find and strike the right balance of the
gaming-revenue-sharing agreement with First Nations in British
Columbians.
There are certainly a number of considerations on Bill 36, which
I’d like to discuss, recognizing that there needs to be a more detailed
discussion to follow during the committee stage of this bill. I would
agree with the member opposite that we have more to do on reconciliation
in this province with First Nations. Revenue-sharing has been a
continued desire of First Nations in British Columbia and, if structured
correctly, could serve to strengthen the relationship between First
Nations and our province, furthering the goal of reconciliation shared
by all members of this House.
Reconciliation certainly is an incredibly important issue. We need
meaningful recognition for reconciliation to make progress against
closing the gap on issues of health, education and employment for First
Nations. This province, through leadership of the previous government,
has a strong record of supporting greater economic prosperity in First
Nations communities, partnerships which are built on mutual trust and
respect, and agreements that need to be balanced and fair.
Revenue-sharing is certainly a path to partnership. It’s one path,
and the previous government certainly recognized that. The previous
government worked to improve the quality of life for Indigenous people
through new economic partnerships, resource development revenue-sharing
and closing gaps, as I just mentioned, in health, education, skills
training and employment.
There was sharing with 40 First Nations of mineral tax revenue
from mining, with payments beginning in 2013. As of December of 2016,
British Columbia had signed over 260 forest consultation and
revenue-sharing agreements with 156 First Nations. As all members of
this House know, and as this government has come to realize, the LNG
sector in British Columbia has presented opportunities for our
government and First Nations to work together. Throughout the province,
62 natural gas pipeline benefit agreements have been reached with 29
First Nations, for four proposed natural gas pipelines.
[2:30 p.m.]
The previous government had also put in place over 500 economic
and reconciliation agreements with First Nations, including strategic
engagement agreements, reconciliation agreements and forestry and clean
energy project revenue-sharing agreements. Many of those agreements were
put in place under the leadership of the member for Nechako Lakes. As he
indicated yesterday in this debate, the previous government in British
Columbia was the first government in Canadian history to share resource
revenues. Other governments across Canada, while they may have the same
intentions, did not go down the same road. Instead, they went with a
sharing of gaming revenue.
The previous government certainly believed that it was more
appropriate that revenue go to First Nations from the resources and
activities that were happening in their traditional territory. That says
something in terms of the division of the revenue under this
revenue-sharing arrangement. But I’ll come to that in a
moment.
[J. Isaacs in the chair.]
In reviewing the Gaming Control Act amendments under Bill 36, it
does provide an opportunity to look at the underlying agreement that was
put in place between the province of British Columbia; the new entity,
the B.C. First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership; the
First Nations Summit; the British Columbia Assembly of First Nations;
and the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs. This is an agreement
that was dated, made as of August 2, 2019, just over two months ago.
What’s appended to this agreement is a list of 198 eligible First
Nations that have the opportunity to sign on to this revenue-sharing
arrangement to become a limited partner, but only if they’re accepted by
the general partner.
As the Minister of Transportation invited all members of the House
to look at it, we have looked at this agreement. We have looked at the
details. And there are many questions to be considered as to the nature
of this arrangement and how it’s going to work, not just for the 198
eligible First Nations but all First Nations in this province. We’ve
been using the number of 203. Where did the other five go? They’re not
even listed in this agreement.
Let me say that the government is in the course of negotiating, as
we understand from the briefing that the member for Richmond-Steveston
and myself received two days ago, a long-term agreement for 23 years.
This long-term agreement is for a net present value of $3 billion — $3
billion of an important financial resource that I believe we all want to
see put in the hands of First Nations across this province so that they
can meet the needs to build the capacity, to continue to fill the gaps
on health, education and poverty and to continue down the road of shared
prosperity with this province.
Revenue-sharing is an important tool, but how we do it is what
we’re discussing here. There are some concerns, as members on this side
of the House have been trying to articulate over the last day and a half
of debate.
The agreement that’s in place currently is for a two-year period.
It goes until August 2021. It has a one-year renewal term on it. There
is time. There is time to ensure that there is proper consultation with
all First Nations in this province, that all First Nations understand
the nature of this further 23-year revenue-sharing arrangement and that
we consider how the funds are being distributed and on what basis
they’re being distributed.
[2:35 p.m.]
As we know, there’s a limit to the partnership that has been
formed. As I just mentioned, eligible First Nations have the opportunity
to become limited partners of that partnership, but it is by acceptance
of the general partner. If you’re not accepted as a limited partner,
that First Nation will be an unsigned First Nation. And as an unsigned
First Nation, you won’t be entitled, won’t be receiving these
funds.
This is an example of the layer of administration that this
government has put in place. From what we understand from the member for
Maple Ridge–Mission…. He indicated something that we’ve been asking for.
What was the level of consultation with First Nations? As I heard him
say, it was by listening to the First Nations Summit, the British
Columbia Assembly of First Nations and the Union of British Columbia
Indian Chiefs. I didn’t hear him say “consultation with each First
Nation directly.”
This is something that the member for Langley East attested in
respect of his ability to reach out to a number of First Nations in the
last day. He heard back from five. None of those five First Nation
leaders — five, presumably, of the 198 — were aware of the terms of the
agreement.
This is an agreement that was brought in place only two months
ago. So when we look at to what degree that level of consultation has
occurred, the government wants to talk lots about how they’re attuned to
reconciliation and First Nations, but where is that example? It sounds
like they’re primarily relying on the leadership council. It sounds like
they’re not consulting directly with First Nations on this. It sounds
like they’ve set up a partnership, put some money across, and that money
will sit there until the general partner for this partnership accepts an
eligible First Nation. If that acceptance doesn’t occur, the funds don’t
flow.
This is an example of the complexity and the administrative burden
that this government has established. Now, we are still trying to learn
more about this arrangement. This bill gives us the opportunity, for all
members on this side of the House, to talk about our concerns, and
that’s what members on this side of the House have been doing for the
last day and a half. We are still trying to learn all of the details of
the arrangements.
The amendments that are proposed in Bill 36 are relatively
straightforward to understand on their face, but they need to be
understood in the context of this 50-page interim agreement. And I
certainly would invite all First Nations, leaders and others, who have
not reviewed this yet to get a copy of this on the ministry website —
it’s a public document — and take a look, because there are elements of
details here in the agreement itself….
Certainly, I believe all members of this House would support the
principles. There are six named principles of focus: health and
wellness; infrastructure, safety, transportation and housing; economic
and business development; education, language, culture and training;
community development and environmental protection; capacity-building,
fiscal management and governance of First Nations. These are the
principles for which funding will flow under this
arrangement.
In terms of the common objectives, certainly we all want to
continue to work with First Nations and Indigenous peoples in this
province to enhance economic opportunities and improve socioeconomic
outcomes and to provide a way to support First Nations in their right to
self-determination, including establishing their own governance
models.
[2:40 p.m.]
In looking at the specifics of the agreement itself, there is, for
example, a reference to initial periodic review. Here is another
opportunity for this government to ensure that the proper consultation
has occurred. Presumably, that was the thinking. They put the agreement
in place first, with what sounds like top-down consultation, and then
provide for a period of time, which is not specified in the agreement as
to how long it is, for some review, some reconsideration of the terms of
this arrangement. We are still in that interim period, yet this
government chooses this time as being the time to bring forward
amendments to the Gaming Control Act.
They’re bringing forward amendments not before they entered into
this agreement but after, after they’ve committed this province to 25
years of funding without proper consultation with First Nations. We
haven’t heard that. And as they go forward, there’s a lot of backfilling
going on, because as we understood in the briefing, the reason this
amendment’s being provided, of course, is that there’s a $3 billion
commitment that we will recognize in this current budget year if this
amendment doesn’t go through.
Well, we know the state, unfortunately, regrettably, of the
finances of this province under this current NDP government. There’s no
room for a $3 billion current commitment.
As we look forward at more details in this agreement, we need to
look at….
Interjection.
M. Lee: It would bring forward that $3 billion cost recognition into this
current budget year. That’s what we understood in the
consultation.
As we look at the individual eligible First Nations, their funds
will effectively be kept in trust by the partnership. When they look at
the term of the actual agreement itself…. If you look at recital
K, it talks about allowing the relationship,
effectively, between the province and the provincial territorial
organizations, which are, specifically, the First Nations Summit, BCAFN
and UBCIC…. That relationship may continually evolve.
Well, this is a very fluid arrangement, with a companion
partnership agreement which, as we heard from government staff, is not
being made available to government because, of course — we understand
this part of it — this is for the First Nations to administer. Now,
likely we’d have more comfort around that arrangement if there was
proper consultation with every First Nation. But when it’s just with the
leadership council and when that relationship can continually evolve,
these eligible First Nations have no voice in that
arrangement.
First of all, they need to be the limited partners of the
partnership in the first place. Secondly, if there’s any change to this
arrangement, it needs to be agreed to by extraordinary resolution.
That’s not unanimous.
The actual balance that’s occurring here is one that doesn’t
favour every First Nation. It sets up a situation where the funds that
First Nations need to deploy it in their communities, as the member for
Skeena spoke about in detail yesterday — those very-needed funds — will
not be available.
[2:45 p.m.]
So we ask this government: why is it that they found the need to
put in place this administrative partnership structure? It seems that it
would be more effective to directly provide the funds to First Nations,
each of them, to ensure that they’re quickly and effectively deployed.
The same governance and accountability requirements that are under the
partnership agreement or under the interim agreement that’s referred to
can be ensured or put on each of these First Nations to ensure that they
meet those requirements.
There’s reference to an indemnity under
section 7.3 of the interim
agreement. We’ll be asking, at committee, the nature of this indemnity
and what potential exposure there is to the province.
Of course, the purpose of the amendment under the bill takes away
any Treasury Board ability to alter this financial arrangement. So we
need to be pretty sure at the beginning of all of this how this is going
to function for First Nations and what expectations First Nations have
about that revenue flow. It is tagged at 7 percent, and as we know, that
7 percent may not be the same in dollars every year. So we need to look
at what expectations this government has raised with First Nations about
that revenue flow.
There’s also a
schedule at the back of the interim agreement
regarding expenditures. What is that gaming revenue, anyway? Well, it
turns out that that gaming revenue doesn’t include certain deductions
for certain expenditures. Now, we are talking about gaming. This
government wants to talk a lot about their new focus on gaming, yet
enforcement and investigations are excluded from this.
There are many elements in terms of how BCLC is run, categories of
expenditure that are not being taken into account. As I mentioned, there
is no line of sight on the partnership agreement. So we do not know at
this time, for those First Nations that have not signed on and been
accepted as limited partners, what their criteria are — the conditions,
the terms — that are necessary for a general partner to accept an
eligible First Nation into this partnership.
This is the very concern that many members on this side of the
House have been speaking to. It’s the concern around what we are giving
up here — when I say “we,” that’s all of us, including First Nations —
to this partnership, this new structure. Why the need for that? The
government should have the responsibility to ensure that those funds get
provided directly to all First Nations.
We’ve talked at length about the distribution formula here. We
understand, of course, that it’s a 50-40-10 split — 50 percent to all
First Nations, 40 percent based on population, 10 percent to be
distributed based on whether a First Nation is in a remote geographical
location.
Well, that last category is an indicator, certainly a recognition,
that for some First Nations who are in remote geographic locations,
there’s likely — and there is — a greater need for a greater share of
funds beyond population and the mere dividing up of funds amongst all
the eligible limited partners. That’s an indication of need. That’s an
indication that not all First Nations are in the same economic benefit
in terms of their current geography — where they’re located, close to
resources — and, as I mentioned earlier, the previous government being
the first government in Canada to share revenue from resource
development.
[2:50 p.m.]
Well, much of that sharing has been going on. That’s one aspect of
economic partnership in this province. It’s one way for real change for
First Nations. Certainly, we recognize remote geographic locations and
those First Nations that are in areas of the province that are remote —
areas that don’t have the benefit, necessarily, of the rich resources
that others may have.
If we’re taking into account remote geographic location, aren’t
there other indicia or factors of need that we should be taking into
account? This is our second suggestion. The first, again, that
government distribute the funds under this gaming revenue-sharing
arrangement directly to First Nations. Secondly, that the distribution
formula take into account other considerations around need. Those
considerations can be, in other ways, based on the economic capacity of
that First Nation.
There are some First Nations, including ones that are with the
traditional territories around my riding — Musqueam First Nation,
Tsawwassen and others — that have access, certainly, to greater economic
capabilities.
Those that don’t…. Aren’t those really the First Nations that
we’re trying to be working with and assisting here? There should be a
greater recognition of that need. That’s when we have the discussion
around whether that distribution model should be altered.
Again, with First Nations who haven’t been properly consulted, how
will they get their voice heard? This is the opportunity to ensure that
we have an ability to ensure that those First Nations are getting the
funds that they require and need.
I think that in the context of dividing up the pie…. I heard the
House Leader for the Green Party, the Third Party, talk about the other
day, in reference to the miscellaneous stats bill, a recognition of the
tax base. Well, as we all know, there’s only one taxpayer, and we need
to consider what’s available.
When the Minister of Transportation just spoke, there’s one thing
that I would quibble with her about, which is that under the Gaming
Control Act, there is no set guarantee or limit threshold for funding
for community gaming grants. It is at the discretion by appropriation
under the Financial Administration Act.
As much as it’s been the case that there’s been funding made
available and that community organizations, like the ones that I used to
sit on the board of, that enable, in the case of Arts Umbrella, for
example, the expansion of important arts education and training programs
to the municipality of Surrey through two new locations…. Community
gaming grants are very important to support those initiatives:
after-school care, after-school training for vulnerable children and
youth who weren’t receiving access to any of those additional
opportunities to learn, in this case, visual arts.
There are numerous examples, and the member for Cariboo North just
went through a number of stories which were very compelling about the
reliance of various communities on community gaming grants.
I understand, from the briefing, that the government has said that
in their view there will be no impact in this arrangement. I think it’s
important that we consider, as we look at the Gaming Control Act and we
look at the opportunity of setting up a much-needed…. This is the way
the government has chosen to do it. Again, as I say, we would see it as
based on revenues from resource development and other economic
opportunities.
[2:55 p.m.]
If this government wants to follow the lead of other provinces in
this country — to put it on gaming revenues — then we need to consider
the access and the continued reliance of community gaming grants, that
program — that they have steady, reliable access to those funds. Those
funds, of course, as we’re hearing, are shrinking, in terms of meeting
the number of needs in our community.
I appreciate that when we look at this revenue-sharing
arrangement, looking out 23 years, we need to ensure that there has been
proper consultation with First Nations; that we are working to establish
the best funding arrangement to ensure effectiveness of these dollars,
these much-needed resources, for First Nations around this province; and
that we take into account the recognition of those needs. What are those
needs? Treating every First Nation the same, at least for 50 percent of
these funds, and then based on population, and only leaving 10 percent
of that funding pool for any recognition of geographic or other needs….
We’re suggesting that that ought to be considered.
We will have the opportunity to ensure that this funding model, in
the interest of reconciliation with First Nations, be done in a balanced
and fair way for all of British Columbia, and that we look at, as we go
into committee stage on this bill, addressing those concerns.
J. Sims: It’s my pleasure today to rise and speak in support of Bill 36,
the Gaming Control Amendment Act, 2019. I’m really very proud of our
government and of the minister who has brought this legislation forward,
because I believe that this is long overdue.
I know that for the First Nations community, this has been a major
concern for a number of years. I believe that as far back as 2007, they
did raise their concerns with the then government of the day. The First
Nations leaders have been presenting a variety of proposals to get game
sharing. They had talked about 3 percent of the gross gambling revenue.
They wanted it towards economic development.
I also — when you look at history, history is always a great
teacher — looked at what the First Nations leaders had to say. They
talked about this revenue-sharing being the single most important action
the provincial government could take to ease First Nations’ poverty and,
again, to close the economic and social gap for all First Nations.
That’s quite a significant statement coming from the people who are the
most impacted.
Now, I don’t have to review our commitment to truth and
reconciliation. As you know, the Premier and our whole government take
this very, very seriously, every person on this side of the House. It’s
not just words that were written in ministers’ mandate letters. Every
member that is part of our caucus — it doesn’t matter where they sit on
this side of the House — has a very strong commitment to making truth
and reconciliation a reality.
I know there are lots of people who are going to be saying: “Well,
we’ve been talking about this for a long time.” I certainly feel that
I’ve been talking about it for a long time, even as way back as the time
that I was a teacher.
[3:00 p.m.]
At this time, I do want to recognize the work done by the B.C.
Teachers Federation in the area of truth and reconciliation. I have
nothing but huge admiration for the commitment of the teachers of this
province to move the dial forward, to truly, truly, in this province,
have an understanding about truth and reconciliation and to include that
and to say that that does not just mean words. It means looking at,
first, as the words imply, facing the truth and then moving towards
reconciling.
It’s not about punishments for the past, because we can’t undo the
past. We know terrible things happened. I, like many of you, have
listened to the stories of grandparents who spent time in residential
schools and said that once they came out, their lives were not that
great. As a grandfather, he could say that he never learned how to be a
dad, how to be a son, how to be a brother, how to be a father and how to
be a husband, and that that experience in the residential schools
impacted not only him but generation after generation of his
family.
We can’t undo that, but we acknowledge the harm that was done.
What we can do is reconcile and move forward in a nation-to-nation
partnership. That is what our government is committed to.
As I started off by saying, I’m glad that we’re bringing this
forward and that we’re bringing this forward this early on in our
mandate. Just so you know, Madam Speaker — I know you know this already
— we have already forwarded $194.84 million in revenue to account for
the first two years of this 25-year agreement that we have reached. For
the next 23 years, it is going to be 7 percent, which translates into
about $100 million per year. That does factor in the growth rate, about
a 2 percent growth rate.
Unlike some of the terms that were used yesterday — and I will be
getting into that a little bit later — this money is not being put in a
vault. This money is being shared with First Nations across this
province so that they themselves can determine how they’re going to use
it for economic boosts, capacity-building, for education, for language,
for culture retention. Part of truth and reconciliation is not in having
the answers for others but in enabling. That’s what this will
do.
This is also a commitment to the long term. You know that when
funding is announced on an annual basis, it creates a lot of angst,
because people feel they cannot do long-term planning. This allows First
Nations to do that long-term planning, knowing that the funding is
coming.
I did hear from my colleague across the way that, well, there is
no guarantee that it will be $100 million, because the revenues are
unpredictable. But we based it on past history. That’s why it says 7
percent. It talks about a percentage point. I think all of us — First
Nations communities, those on the government side and my colleagues
across the way — understand that if it’s a percentage, it is a
percentage, and that’s what it’s going to be.
I’ve also heard: “Well, you know, there are a whole lot of things
that could be done with this legislation that isn’t in here.” I found
that a little bit difficult to listen to, coming from members who were
in government for 16 long years and had the opportunity to address many
of the issues that they now see as a problem. I just want to remind them
that it was under their watch that colossal money laundering was allowed
to flourish as it did. I want to go on to say that on this side of the
House, we are committed to working with the First Nations.
[3:05 p.m.]
We didn’t just create a structure. What we need to know is that
the First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership — a long
name, I know — was set up at the direction of leadership from the B.C.
Assembly of First Nations, the First Nations Summit and the Union of
B.C. Indian Chiefs through the First Nations Gaming Commission. So this
is not an imposed structure. This is another structure that has been
established nation to nation — a structure that we respect. There is a
formula, but no set prescription beyond the formula. That’s what going
to nation-to-nation agreements means.
Yesterday I also heard some of my colleagues across the way
talking about equality a lot — that this was not fair, that this was not
equal. I have found, over a huge number of years, that the word
“equality” is often used to confuse people.
What we need to focus on is the word “equity.” We all must admit
that inequalities have existed for over 100 years — inequalities in the
type of education and the type of infrastructure, inequalities in the
treatment of the First Nations people. Yes, when you have huge
inequalities, that’s when we talk about equity. Maybe we will have to
focus on equity for the next 100 years — I hope not — in order to undo
the inequality that has existed for such a long time.
At this stage…. I’ve heard people say: “Well, you know what? We
don’t really know what the money is going to be used for.” But I think
if you take a look at it, it’s sort of does talk about it. It can be
used for capacity-building, to support governance; health and wellness;
infrastructure; economic and business development; education, language,
culture and training; community development and environmental
protection; and capacity-building, fiscal management and governance. You
could go on and on.
I can tell you, as I have travelled around this province over the
last two years, that I have seen firsthand the colossal divide that
exists between First Nations communities, our rural communities and our
urban communities. This is an opportunity for the First Nations to start
addressing, with these funds, some of those inequalities that have been
imposed on them for such a long time.
Let’s talk about education. I hear about that a lot from First
Nations leaders — how education is their focus, not just the K-to-12
education and the post-secondary. I want to do a shout-out to the
Minister of Advanced Education for the amazing work that she has done in
this area to move forward the dial, to encourage First Nation youth in
apprenticeships, to establish a master’s and a doctoral program, and
also to really focus on education in our First Nations communities as
well that responds to those First Nations communities.
Also out of that education, we often forget about language. I’m
proud that the minister has allocated money for the reclamation,
retention and growing of First Nations languages. I think every one of
us in this room recognizes the importance of the mother tongue. I think,
as I talk with First Nations, that one of their top priorities is to
capture languages that are dying and languages that they are very close
to losing. When you capture your language, you capture far more than
words. You capture your culture; you capture your history. The
importance of first language is recognized by every First Nation across
this province.
I know that amazing work is being done. When I’ve visited some of
the communities, I’ve actually ended up in a room where a class was
being given in a first language where the grandmother, the daughter and
the grandson were all in the same room, learning a language that that
nation almost lost. So some of this money can also be used to augment
the teaching of language.
[3:10 p.m.]
Let me also now talk about infrastructure. My other colleagues
have talked about housing. I will say that we’re very proud of the work
that we have done on building homes with First Nations on First Nations
lands. But there’s also other infrastructure. We know that there is a
huge digital divide between our rural and urban communities and an even
bigger digital divide between First Nations communities and the rest of
us.
There are things so many of us take for granted. For example, when
I’m in Surrey and I’m visiting a high school, they’re doing a deep-sea
dive. They’re talking to a diver in the ocean off the coast, just off
Bamfield, and they’re actually beginning to talk about the flora and the
fauna of the ocean bed. They’re able to ask questions.
It’s hard for us to believe, I know, because there’s a lot of
connectivity in urban areas, but there are parts of the province, in
many, many of our First Nations, which don’t have cell service. They
can’t text. They don’t have access to Netflix. They don’t have access to
education on line. They don’t have access to the economic potential that
exists when you have that basic infrastructure.
Because of that disparity, the digital divide gets bigger and
bigger, of course, as we move forward. We know the importance of having
connectivity, not only to access government but to support traditional
businesses, whether it is your traditional mining, forestry industry,
tourism and fishing, or whether it is to attract the new industries that
exist into your area when you have high-speed Internet and you get that
connectivity.
Only last week I was in Haida Gwaii and in Port Clements. There,
you had tears in the eyes of people because they now have cell service.
It’s something we just take for granted, but they have that now, and
they were so, so happy. But there were other priorities that they laid
out at that meeting. Funding like this will allow people in our remote
and First Nations communities to be able to focus on what is really
important in their community.
I also, at this stage, would like to say that — I was talking
about language earlier — my first language, in case any of you didn’t
know, is Punjabi. I grew up speaking that to the age of nine. When my
well.
I know how important it is to retain your mother tongue. I know
how important it is. Even then…. I can tell you that when we did the
Connected Coast announcement a year ago, at that time, when a director
from Haida Gwaii was at the mike, what he said was: “Having connectivity
— having a cell phone, having high-speed Internet — is going to allow us
to bring our children home. It’s going to allow us to keep our language.
It’s going to allow us to promote our culture, keep our culture and keep
us connected.”
I think there isn’t anything more moving than when somebody says
that having access will allow them to bring their children home. As a
mother, grandmother and now a great-grandmother, I can tell you that I
am so moved every time I think about that clip.
I’m now thinking that as this money, $100 million a year, is
shared out amongst the First Nations, they’re going to use it for what
is a priority in their communities. I cannot decide what is a priority
for each one of these First Nations. They know. This is going to allow
them to do the capacity-building that needs to happen. That is always
part of it. We talk about capacity-building, even in government and in
our own spheres. It’s very, very important for everybody.
[3:15 p.m.]
I can tell you that yesterday, when the member for Nechako Lakes —
this is an exact quote — talked about a quote from a book by Helin, he
goes: “It’s not about drug or alcohol addiction. It’s about addiction to
government cheques, money that’s coming in from governments. I wonder if
there’s an attempt, in terms of the gaming revenue and this
process….”
I was sitting in my room when I heard this, and I can say that not
too many times in my life do I become speechless, but I was made
speechless by this. We give out grants as a government — and the
previous government did — all the time, to a myriad of groups and
organizations.
Having grants given is not new. Having revenue-sharing from gaming
is not new either, because we already give out grants. We give out
grants to municipalities. We give out grants to community organizations
and health services. I have never heard my colleagues across the way
talk about that as an “addiction to government cheques.” So why is it,
when we’re talking about revenue-sharing with First Nations, that what
is quoted — they’re the exact words — is: “It’s about addiction to
government cheques”?
Let me tell you that many, many amazing leaders and community
members I have met in the First Nations community are hard-working,
determined, working for the best of their community. I don’t see them as
being addicted to government cheques. They are fighting to improve the
living conditions on their reserves, on the land and their nation.
They’re struggling with housing. They’re struggling with health care,
with access to doctors, with access to nurses. They’re struggling with
young people who need to be steered and to address mental health issues
and other types of addictions.
They are struggling with retention of the language, which is so,
so necessary for the preservation of a culture and a nation. They are
struggling with economically moving away from some of the older
economies and moving into the new economies that require high-speed
Internet and other infrastructures.
I hear them talking about how they want to make life better. I
hear them talking about how they want to work in partnership, nation to
nation. I don’t ever see them coming here saying: “I want a cheque
because I want to be dependent on you.”
I really, really felt badly that those who listened to this would
be so hurt by it. Then for the same member for Nechako Lakes to say that
this whole thing was “more about paying off friends than it is about
actually getting the resources to the bands….” I found that to be
insulting and disrespectful and also not comprehending the challenges
faced by our First Nations community.
I go back to what we heard from the First Nations. First Nations
leaders described the plan as “the single most important” action the
provincial government could take to “ease First Nations poverty and
begin to close the economic and social gap for all First Nations.”
That’s a quote from the First Nations leaders. That’s not something I
have just made up.
[3:20 p.m.]
We on this side of the House heard that loud and clear, and we
have a clear commitment to reducing the gap that exists, that is so
huge.
This small step — because it is a very small step — is not going
to set everything right, but it is a small step in the right direction:
$100 million a year. As you know, over the course of the next 25 years,
that’s $3 billion — $3 billion that is going to go into addressing
health and wellness, infrastructure, economic business development,
education, language, community development, capacity-building and
governance, all what I am so proud that our government is committed to
doing.
Truth and reconciliation is not just about sharing here. We have
been living that for the last two years, and very soon there will be
legislation brought forward that will show the commitment that we do
have to this. But I do want to say that we have a fairly good record. It
would take me a long, long time to read everything into the record, but
let me just read a couple of things.
We have been implementing a strategy to increase the number of
Indigenous employees to train child welfare staff to provide culturally
relevant, meaningful and safe services for Indigenous children, youth,
families and communities, because we know that we don’t have all the
answers. As many books as we might read, as many movies as we might
watch, only the First Nations communities really know how to address
this, and we’re working in partnership with them.
In February 2019, MCFD broadened the education and experience
requirements for front-line child protection positions. That’s a good
thing, because we’re doing things from our end that will help to improve
the services. We passed legislation that allows MCFD to share more
information with Indigenous communities to keep children from coming
into care in the first place, so the first priority is to have the child
stay in the community.
We’ve invested $30 million to create more than 600 new, free,
licensed child care spaces and expanded Aboriginal Head Start in over 30
communities across this province. These programs support Indigenous
families and help them to become stronger and united.
You know what? There’s a lot going on in many, many ministries.
The work that has been done…. For example, a cell tower in Witset, which
was the last First Nations community along the Highway of Tears without
cell. As we know, that went live not so long ago. Four provincial parks
and one watershed protected area have been renamed to reflect the
traditional Indigenous name, to reflect the historic and cultural
significance.
There is still so much more that we still have to do. As people
travel across the province, and as I have had the pleasure to meet with
so many First Nations communities, I hear from them how, for the first
time in a long time, they feel heard, they feel included and they feel
listened to. When I was in Williams Lake, and we announced a project
there, I heard the chief say: “I never believed this would happen.”
Those are the kinds of things that are happening as we are trying to
move down the road of truth and reconciliation.
[3:25 p.m.]
As I said earlier, our truth and reconciliation cannot possibly
make up for the wrongs of the past. It cannot. I think it would be
foolish for anyone to think that it could. But what it does enable us to
do is to have a dialogue, to listen, to face the truth, to acknowledge
the truth and, once we have it, to move towards a path of reconciliation
that we can travel down together respectfully, nation to nation. And for
us not to see, when we give a grant or grant money from the gaming fund
into the aboriginal communities…. I don’t want that to be seen as just
cheque dependency, when we don’t see the grants that we give out to all
the other agencies in that way. That just seemed so, so
wrong.
Also, you know, one of the steps you have to take as you move
towards this road of truth and reconciliation is of using your courage
and taking a step forward. When you’re stepping forward into unknown
territory — which it is, as we move towards nation-to-nation partnership
— yes, there are going to be some who are going to say: “There’s no
level of accountability.” But the accountability is there.
The accountability is there with an organization set up by the
First Nations that is going to distribute this money. They know the
criteria that they’re going to be using. I’ve read it out twice just so
that everybody knows that the money isn’t just given without anything.
There is a list of the things that the money can be used for.
We’ve got to have that faith. When we give money out to community
organizations across this province, whether it be in municipalities or
in health services or whatever, we don’t then say: “Well, where’s the
accountability?” The accountability comes as the program gets
delivered.
In this province, we do have 203 First Nations. I think we have
about a third of Canada’s First Nations right here.
Deputy Speaker: Thank you, Member.
J. Sims: Thank you. I support this legislation.
Hon. S. Simpson: I’m pleased to have the opportunity to stand and speak a little
bit about the Gaming Control Amendment Act, 2019, Bill 36.
This piece of legislation is intended to fulfil a commitment that
was made by our government, a commitment to share a portion of B.C.
Lottery Corp. net income with First Nations across this province, and to
share it with First Nations in a way that ensures that they make the
decisions, that they are the decision-makers, about how that money will
be expended and what the priorities for the expending of that money will
be.
The commitment is a significant one. It’s a commitment for 23
years of dollars, approximately $100 million and increasing annually, as
7 percent of the revenue from lottery net income revenue. It’s an
important source of dollars.
I know that in discussions that I’ve had with First Nations who’ve
come to see me in my responsibilities around poverty reduction…. I’ve
had extensive discussions with First Nations around those issues, both
on and off reserve, and often the discussion, particularly on reserve
but not exclusively, is very much about the ability, the capacity, for
those nations to be able to make choices about how they move forward, to
be able to make choices about how they provide supports to folks in
their community.
They talk a lot about supporting young people and creating
opportunities for young people. They talk a lot about the need to have….
As one leader said to me, when he was very excited about this money
coming forward — I think at the last leadership gathering, where the
announcement of these dollars was made….
[3:30 p.m.]
I had leaders there, and one in particular I remember talking to
me about this money and saying: “When those dollars come, we will be in
a position to use that almost as a secured line of credit to be able to
deal with other issues in our community.”
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
In that particular case, it was the opportunity to build housing
where none had been built for a very, very long time and where the need
for housing for members of that nation on reserve was desperate. It was
very hopeful and expecting that the ability to go to the bank with this
guaranteed revenue source coming in to the nation would allow them to be
able to arrange the agreement that they would need to start to address
for themselves the housing challenges that they were facing. That really
was only a single example.
The resources that are going out…. The first $200 million has gone
out to the Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership, which will be the
body. It’s a body that was structured under the advice of the First
Nations Leadership Council and its member bodies to ensure that there
was accountability around the money, which the partnership provides,
and, at the same time, that the decisions were being made by First
Nations themselves.
What we heard, of course, is the desire to ensure that First
Nations would be the people who would make the decisions about how those
dollars would be expended and about how those dollars would move
forward. That’s why, when you look at the criteria, the criteria are
very, very broad for the use of this money. Pretty much any legitimate
project will find a place within this criteria if need be — for health
and wellness; for infrastructure, safety, transportation and housing;
for economic and business development; for education, language, culture
and training; for community development and environmental protection;
and for capacity-building, fiscal management and governance.
That’s a very wide net that is cast around the criteria that have
been established working in consultation with First Nations to determine
that criteria. It’s a very wide net that has been cast and consciously
so, to ensure the decisions are made by the nations about how they will
expend the dollars they will now come to expect every year.
I heard talk on the other side, of course, about whether there
should be other sources of money. Well, you’ll know this has been a
discussion around gaming revenue for a very long time in this province.
I recall it was in 2007 that First Nation leaders presented the previous
government, now the opposition, with an investment plan that recommended
allocating 3 percent of gross gambling revenue directly towards economic
development — to the previous government.
That recommendation and that proposal fell flat. It did not get a
positive response from the previous government. We have responded with 7
percent of the net income and created a fund here that will be under the
control of First Nations and that will be invested by First Nations at
the local nation level, as they see fit, to meet the needs in their
communities as they move forward.
This is a critical piece. It’s a piece that fits in with the
ongoing work that we are doing as government around reconciliation and
around what reconciliation on the ground means. We’ve been investing in
housing. We’ve been investing in looking to support child welfare
initiatives. We have invested in supporting the calls to action of the
Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
There was significant participation and a path forward developed
around the work of TogetherBC, my work around poverty reduction that we
continue to work on in partnership with First Nations moving forward,
both on and off reserve. We’ve been supportive of friendship centres,
which provide critical services to First Nations people living primarily
in our urban centres. And, of course, we will be talking at some point
here, not too far down the road, about UNDRIP again and about
legislation related to UNDRIP.
[3:35 p.m.]
This is a Premier and a government that is committed to the hard
work of making reconciliation work. It was Grand Chief Stewart Phillip
who said: “Reconciliation isn’t for wimps.” He acknowledged that it is
work. It’s challenging work, and it’s work that’s complicated. But
what’s not complicated is to understand at some point that where you
determine to share revenue, you don’t tie a bunch of strings to the
revenue. You share the revenue, and you ensure that the nations have the
authority, the authority they quite appropriately deserve, to make those
decisions about what will and what won’t happen with that revenue that
they have.
This legislation, the Gaming Control Amendment Act, does exactly
that, and it does that in a structure which is the partnership group,
the limited partnership that, in fact, ensures that it is guided with
accountability and transparency, but it is guided by First Nations
themselves. Of course, as part of this, the Lottery Corp. has had
appointed, added to the board, a director from the First Nations
communities.
Now, as we move forward to do this, we’ve heard from the other
side, the opposition, a lot of reservation about this. We’ve heard
comments. But what we have to understand is that as much as they would
like to rewrite history, history is what it is. The history of the other
side started, very clearly, shortly after they came to power in 2001.
When they did that, many will remember, mostly sadly and with some shame
about it, the B.C. treaty referendum in 2002, a provincewide referendum
on First Nation treaty rights in British Columbia.
The Attorney General of the day called it a chance for ordinary
British Columbians to have their say about the treaty process. The
government called it an experiment in direct democracy. But as a number
of people said, including Angus Reid, a well-respected pollster…. He
called it “one of the most amateurish, one-sided attempts to gauge the
public will that I have ever seen in my professional career.”
Critics called for a boycott of the referendum. Critics, including
Indigenous and church leaders, called the plebiscite stupid, immoral,
amateurish and racist. That was how the people on the other side
started, when they formed government, to engage the relationship with
First Nations. Quite honestly, that relationship…. I don’t believe they
ever recovered from that in terms of building a meaningful, substantive
relationship that was based on respect.
Here we are today. We’re here today, where we have challenges,
including where the other side failed to address issues around the Truth
and Reconciliation Commission; where the previous Premier refused, until
forced under public pressure, to name a new chief commissioner to the
treaty commission that would allow the treaty commission to proceed with
treaty work.
In 2012, the Liberals refused to address the Highway of Tears,
regardless of what Missing and Murdered Women said. They refused to
address the issue of transportation on the Highway of Tears. It took….
Thankfully, when our government came in…
Interjection.
Deputy Speaker: Member for Kamloops–South Thompson.
Hon. S. Simpson: …we addressed the problem. It’s something that side….
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Minister. Minister, hold it.
Hon. S. Simpson: Disingenuous is the label for that side. Disingenuous.
Deputy Speaker: Minister. Minister, hold it.
That’s good. The member has to be in his chair if he wants to make
any comments. Thank you.
Minister, continue.
Hon. S. Simpson: There’s nobody more disingenuous. They abandoned women in that
community. They abandoned women. The ex–Transportation Minister
abandoned women in that community.
Interjections.
[3:40 p.m.]
Deputy Speaker: Members.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: The minister has the floor.
Hon. S. Simpson: What does this party say now? Unbelievable. What does this party
say now?
Let’s talk about what the member for Nechako Lakes had to say, his
comments regarding this piece of legislation: “It’s about the addiction
to government cheques, money that’s coming in from governments. I wonder
if this is an attempt, in terms of the gaming revenue and this
process….” Or is it “just another government cheque coming in?” He went
on to say, the member for Nechako, as he was talking: “It seems to be
more about paying off friends than it is about actually getting the
resources to the bands.”
Well, I’m not sure who those friends are, but what I do know is
that there are thousands and thousands of First Nations leaders around
this province — chiefs, chief councillors, councillors, others in First
Nations communities, Elders — who are excited about this money, money
that will roll, money that will be invested in communities, communities
that the Liberals abandoned and ignored for 16 years. They ignored for
16 years. We have an ex-minister over there who turned her back on First
Nations communities time and again, has a history of turning her back on
them — a history of it.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members.
Hon. S. Simpson: We have a party over there, a political party, that has
misrepresented their position around First Nations time and
again.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members. Members.
Hon. S. Simpson: And sadly….
Interjections.
Hon. S. Simpson: Maybe it’s a good thing. Maybe this is a good thing, but during
this debate, they have reinforced and demonstrated that again and again
and again. It’s very sad.
Interjection.
Deputy Speaker: Member. Member.
Hon. S. Simpson: The good thing about this is that people can read this debate.
They can look at this debate. They can look at what that side did as
they tried to couch in words about caution and
accountability…
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Order.
Hon. S. Simpson: …the fact that they do not believe that First Nations should get
this money. That’s the truth. They do not believe it. This is the group
over here.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Order, Members. Members.
Member, take your seat.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Order, Members.
Interjection.
Deputy Speaker: The member for Prince George–Valemount will come to
order.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members will come to order now.
That’s enough, member for Prince George–Valemount.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members, are you not listening? Members, come to order, please.
Enough. One member at a time. This member has the floor, and if people
disagree with it, they will have time to counter it. Please let’s be
respectful.
The minister will continue.
Hon. S. Simpson: Thank you, hon. Speaker. I don’t want to just….
Interjections.
Hon. S. Simpson: Let’s talk about other members on that side. What about the member
for Kelowna West? What did the member for Kelowna West say in the debate
on this bill? That “…lots of money has gone to First Nation communities
and through organizations where perhaps maybe there’s no level of
accountability.”
This is about a side that just…. It’s the nudge-nudge, wink-wink
implications that we hear from the other side. That’s what we
hear.
[3:45 p.m.]
What I’m pleased about is that this bill is going to pass. It’s
going to pass, and it’s going to put in place a structure that ensures
that there are core dollars going to First Nations across this province,
dollars that they will have control over, dollars that they will make
decisions about, whether it is to support young people, whether it’s to
support housing, whether it’s to support necessary infrastructure
improvements, whether it’s to lever, moving forward, by being able to
access other dollars by having these dollars to lever those dollars
forward.
This is part of what reconciliation’s about. This is part of what
coming to responsible agreement is about. This is about what partnership
will be about.
We are doing the right thing here in terms of moving this bill
forward. I’ll be very interested to see where the other side votes when
it comes to a vote on this bill. I’ll be very interested….
Interjection.
Hon. S. Simpson: Oh, the member says that. I’ll tell you that the nudge-nudge,
wink-wink on that side is pretty good, but we’ll see where they actually
vote when they have to actually stand up and vote.
We can make decisions here. We are making a decision here about
whether to move forward and show respect for First Nations and for their
leadership. But that side…. Respect for First Nations has not been part
of the history of that side. That’s sad and unfortunate. We’re changing
that, and one of those changes we will deal with, with this
bill.
Thank you very much. I appreciate the opportunity to spend some
time.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Let’s talk about respect.
Interjections.
Deputy Speaker: Members.
This House will be in recess for five minutes.
The House recessed from 3:47 p.m. to 3:48 p.m.
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
J. Brar: I feel proud to stand up in this House to support the Gaming
Control Amendment Act.
This is about historic justice. This is a choice. Our government
made a choice. The previous government made their choice. This is about
building a province that’s more fair, more just and more equal. This is
about providing equal opportunity to all British Columbians.
Indigenous people deserve respect and equal opportunity to realize
their full potential. We cannot pretend there is no issue with First
Nations. We cannot pretend that. They are struggling with a number of
issues, whether it’s the economy, poverty, child welfare and other
cultural issues.
[3:50 p.m.]
I will tell you a story. In 2012, I accepted the welfare challenge
to tell the story of the people living in poverty. I stayed on welfare
for one month — 15 days in Surrey and 16 days in downtown Vancouver.
During that time, I met a lot of people and listened to their stories.
Those stories were very painful.
I just want to say to you, Mr. Speaker, that the experience I went
through was shocking, painful and eye-opening.
I will tell you a story. One day I was walking in the evening in
downtown, on Hastings Street. I met a fellow. He came to me, and he told
me a story. His story is this. He told me that he was 40 years of age
when he came to Vancouver. He was desperate to find a job, and he did
find a job. He found a job in the construction industry, and he worked
in the construction industry for 15 years — 15 long years.
After 15 years, because of the situation in the economy, he was
laid off. What he told me at the end was that he was now looking for a
job. He did everything possible that he could do to find a job. But he
couldn’t find a job, because he’s 55 and he’s First Nations. That’s what
he told me. He’s First Nations. He ended up on welfare, and he was
living in a downtown SRO building. He told me he was living in that
building with 20 other people on the same floor with one washroom.
That’s the story he told me.
But what happens, what I hear from the members of this community
from time to time, when they blame people like that individual — that
they don’t want to do work, that they just want to stay on welfare….
That is shocking to me, going through this experience, that we blame
people who are honest and who want to work and who want to live a life
with respect and dignity. That’s one issue.
If we look at the challenges that First Nations are facing,
poverty is a huge issue. We all know that. It’s surprising to me that
poverty in First Nations is bigger than even the newcomer communities
who just came to this country a few years ago. That is shocking. That is
really shocking to see — that they have way more poverty than the
newcomer communities.
The child welfare issue is also very serious. Forty percent of
children in the care of the government are children from First Nations.
That also is very, very disproportionately high when we look at the
number of those children.
The First Nations have been looking for help for too long. They
tried to work with the previous government. The First Nations
leadership, they asked for the gaming revenue-sharing to be negotiated
by the previous government in 2007. They actually presented a plan to
them. But the previous government didn’t listen to them. They refused to
listen to them at that time.
In fact, the first thing I want to say is there are two different
perspectives. We want to work with them. The other side, they clearly
don’t want to work with the First Nations people. The first thing the
B.C. Liberals did when they came to power in 2002 is they conducted a
referendum. The B.C. treaty referendum was a provincewide referendum on
First Nations treaty rights in British Columbia, Canada.
B.C.’s Attorney General at that time, Geoff Plant, called it a
chance for ordinary British Columbians to have a say in the treaty
process. The government at that time called the referendum “an
experiment in direct democracy.” The polling expert Angus Reid called it
“one of the most amateurish, one-sided attempts to gauge the public will
that I have seen in my professional life.”
[3:55 p.m.]
This strategy is very simple. For them, when you want to help the
minorities, call for a referendum. It’s a divide-and-rule strategy. It’s
very simple. That’s what happened at that time, and that’s what they
did.
The First Nations at that time presented the previous government
with the B.C. First Nations investment plan. The plan recommended
allocation of 3 percent of B.C.’s gross gambling revenue directly
towards economic and community development initiatives in Indigenous
communities. At the time, First Nations’ leaders described the plan as
the single most important action.
But what happened? B.C. Liberals didn’t listen to the First Nation
leadership at that time. This is, again, not the first time they failed
to listen to First Nations. If you look at the history at every step,
the B.C. Liberals have failed to take any meaningful action to support
First Nations. That’s the reality.
Highway of Tears. I know the previous speaker, my colleague here,
mentioned about the Highway of Tears. I went to Prince George in 2012, I
think, and there was a community forum. At that time, it was a forum
where the First Nations of the local area came together to talk about
the Highway of Tears and how the First Nations’ young females,
particularly, get abducted from the highway and then raped and,
subsequently, murdered.
At that particular event, there was family after family…. I think
there were seven families, and they told their stories about their
situations. At that time, the key thing they were asking for, of course,
was reliable transportation on the Highway of Tears.
I know my fellow member who spoke before me, he made the question
that the government of the day, at that time, did not listen to their
requests. That’s true, because nothing happened at that time. That’s
absolutely true.
What else can we actually say? The member on the other side will
believe that whatever that part of the situation is…. The choice is very
clear that we want to work with the First Nations. They don’t want to
work with the First Nations. That’s a very clear choice.
We are proud to introduce the Gaming Control Amendment Act. The
act will entitle B.C. First Nations to a portion of B.C. Lottery Corp.’s
net income for 23 years. In Budget 2019, the province committed to
sharing 7 percent of the net provincial revenue from gaming with B.C.’s
First Nations for 25 years.
I’m going to repeat. I know there were questions from the other
side about what exactly is the amount. The amount is 7 percent of the
net provincial revenue from gaming with the B.C. First Nations for 25
years. That’s what the sharing is. It also increases the maximum number
of directors of the B.C. Lottery Corp. to 11 to facilitate the
appointment of one position for a First Nations’ nominee. This will
create a reliable, long-term revenue stream for First Nations as part of
our commitment to reconciliation.
It will ensure First Nations have a stable, predictable source of
income to fund economic, social and cultural activities that directly
benefit the people who live in their communities. Each First Nation can
use the gaming revenue to support their own priorities, like improving
social services, education, infrastructure, cultural activity and
self-government capacity. It’s all about giving them power to make
determinations about their own futures and creating their own services,
whether it’s building infrastructure or improving education and social
services. That’s the key.
[4:00 p.m.]
We have already transferred nearly $200 million to the newly
formed B.C. First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership,
providing the first two years of shared gaming revenue.
One of the questions the members from the other side have asked is
if this revenue may intervene on other revenue streams. But I would like
to make absolutely clear that this new gaming-revenue-sharing
arrangement will not affect the funds that currently go to
municipalities, including First Nations, who host gaming facilities,
community organizations and health services. The agreement is expected
to provide participating First Nations communities with approximately
$100 million. It’s $100 million per year, and the province is expected
to share about $3 billion with B.C.’s First Nations over the term of the
agreement, which is 25 years.
This is a commitment made by this government. I think this is the
right commitment, and this is a long-term commitment so that the First
Nations can make decisions about their futures and build the services or
the infrastructure they need to build. This will of course allow them to
make a determination about what kind of services they need. Sometimes
the services that are available outside in the community may not be
culturally appropriate to First Nations, but with this stream of money
they can certainly improve the social services they need, they can
improve the infrastructure they need, and they can certainly improve the
capacity moving forward. That’s the intent of this bill.
I just want to conclude by saying that this is a matter of choice.
We made the choice. Our government is making a choice to support the
First Nations, to provide them long-term, sustainable funding so that
they can improve the services they need to improve. That’s our position.
On the other side, the First Nations have been asking for this kind of
funding for too long.
As I said earlier, in 2007, they approached the previous
government with a very specific proposal, a proposal asking for sharing
the revenue at that time. The government of the day, which was the B.C.
Liberal government at that time, completely refused to provide that
funding sharing at that time.
We, the B.C. NDP government, at this time, have made this
determination, and we are going to provide the funding they need to
improve their services, to build their infrastructure so that they can
move forward. This is all about building a province that’s more equal,
that’s more fair, that’s more just, that provides equal opportunity to
all people — particularly, in this case, to First Nations people so that
they can realize their dreams, as well as other people in the
province.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank you for the
opportunity for me to speak on this bill.
A. Kang: I rise today to speak in support of Bill 36, the Gaming Control
Amendment Act.
This act will ensure a stable, long-term source of revenue for
B.C. First Nations by providing First Nations with 7 percent of B.C.
Lottery Corp.’s net income for the next 23 years. This new
revenue-sharing agreement will support self-government and
self-determination for First Nations communities across B.C., making
lives easier for families.
Mr. Speaker, as you have heard many of the members on this side of
the House comment, our government is committed to true and lasting
reconciliation with Indigenous people, and this is one of the most
important steps that we are taking. This long-term agreement will result
in approximately an additional $100 million per year of funding for
eligible First Nations. By 2045, this will add up to approximately $3
billion.
Under the current government, our economy continues to grow, the
lives of our workers continue to improve, and all British Columbians
continue to have more to spend in their pockets. In fiscal year
2017-2018, the province collected approximately $1.4 billion in net
revenue from gaming activities.
[4:05 p.m.]
With our strong economy, Bill 36 is a major step to share the
prosperity of this province, and it allows our government to uphold our
commitment to reconciliation.
In 2007, as many of our colleagues have mentioned already — I
would also like to emphasize this historical change — First Nations
leaders presented the previous government with the B.C. First Nations
investment plan. They recommended allocating 3 percent of B.C.’s gross
gambling revenue directly towards economic and community development
initiatives in First Nations communities. In that conversation, First
Nations leaders described the plan as the single most important action
the provincial government could take to ease First Nations poverty and
begin to close the economic and social gap for all First
Nations.
But their voices fell on deaf ears. Unfortunately, the former
government did not make the commitment at that time. Now, more than ten
years later, earlier this fall, the province shared $194.84 million with
First Nations under an interim agreement to cover the first two years of
a 25-year commitment to shared gaming revenues.
The B.C. Assembly of First Nations, First Nations Summit and the
Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs have directed the establishment of the B.C.
First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership, which
receives, manages and distributes gaming revenue funds. Our provincial
government has already transferred nearly $200 million to the newly
formed B.C. First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership,
providing the first two years of shared gaming revenue. All First
Nations communities in B.C. are eligible to become members of the
limited partnership and receive distribution of revenues.
This agreement has been long overdue, and the interim agreement
ensures that there was no delay in funding while this legislation was to
be introduced.
This legislation is important in creating a reliable, long-term
revenue stream for First Nations to participate in the wealth of our
province. The long-term revenue stream also offers opportunities for
First Nations to prioritize community issues that are important to them.
Just to name a few, these issues could include health and wellness,
infrastructure, safety, transportation and housing, economic and
business development, education, language, culture, training, community
development and environmental protection.
B.C. will be the first province in Canada to introduce legislation
to implement the United Nations declaration on the rights of Indigenous
peoples, mandating all provincial laws and policies to be in harmony
with the declaration.
Being a teacher, I am always especially excited to talk about
education. I am very proud of the work that the Minister of Education is
doing in our school system and for First Nations students. Our
government has been making progress in the area of education. Education
is one of the key parts to reconciliation. Our government built
Indigenous content into all grades and subjects in B.C.’s new
curriculum.
I want to use this opportunity to thank all the teachers out
there, the BCTF, for your efforts and commitment to be part of truth and
reconciliation and to bring our children into the conversation. Now
students from K to 12 will be able to gain knowledge of Indigenous
content, to be in the conversation of truth and what B.C. is committed
to doing about reconciliation and to learn about the beautiful and rich
history of Indigenous people in B.C.
B.C.’s new professional standards require teachers to commit to
truth and reconciliation and also healing. To highlight the successes of
our Indigenous students, our public schools have designed one
non-instructional day for teachers to focus on Indigenous student
achievements. Our government has invested $400,000 towards Indigenous
teacher training, seats and curriculum development at B.C. universities.
In addition to that, we’ve built new Indigenous-focused courses to be
offered in a new B.C. graduation program.
Improving education outcomes for First Nation students is central
to the self-determination and well-being efforts for First Nations in
British Columbia. We are leading the way as the only jurisdiction in
Canada with a tripartite agreement that ensures an equitable education
for First Nation students, no matter where they live.
[4:10 p.m.]
Our government remains committed to creating an equitable
education system that supports all students to succeed. In fact, this is
an issue that is cross-ministry.
True and lasting reconciliation takes time, and our government is
making progress because working together means a stronger B.C. The
ministry of Advanced Education, Skills and Training is investing $2.7
million in Indigenous teacher training programs. With our commitment to
First Nation education of students, I’m so happy to see that Indigenous
students in B.C. are completing secondary school at the highest rate in
history, with 70 percent completing high school. That’s an 8 percent
increase over the last four years and a 4 percent increase in the last
year alone.
There’s so much more that we need to do to continue our work to
support true and lasting reconciliation with Indigenous people. Our
government remains committed to creating an equitable education system
that supports all students to succeed. Bill 36 will guarantee financial
security to First Nation governance and allow long-term fiscal
planning.
I would like to take a moment to thank Grand Chief Joe Hall, a
former chair of the B.C. First Nations Gaming Commission, and all of the
First Nation leaders who have long advocated for revenue-sharing
agreements. It is incredibly exciting to see decades of advocacy and
hard work come to fruition. The least that myself and all my colleagues
in this chamber can do is to pass Bill 36 to formalize this
agreement.
Bill 36 will also provide an additional $2 million to the B.C.
First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing to cover legal fees. Continuing our
commitment to reconciliation, Bill 36 also increases the maximum number
of directors of the B.C. Lottery Corp. from nine to 11 to facilitate the
appointment of one position for a First Nation nominee. This will bring
their voices to the table as well. To truly share the wealth from gaming
revenues, it is important for this government to invite First Nations to
have a voice.
Finally, it is important to note that the new
gaming-revenue-sharing arrangement will not affect funds that currently
go to municipalities, including First Nations who host gaming
facilities, community organizations and health services. Currently, five
other provinces in Canada already have this revenue-sharing agreement.
Bill 36 will allow British Columbia to move forward and align ourselves
with those provinces. This bill is long overdue.
When First Nations are well funded, stronger, our province
becomes stronger. With that, I strongly urge all members from all sides
to vote in favour of Bill 36.
Hon. G. Heyman: It gives me great pleasure to rise to speak in support of Bill 36,
the Gaming Control Amendment Act, one of a number of measures our
government is taking to walk the long road to reconciliation and help,
in collaboration with Indigenous nations, build a more stable,
predictable, sound model of funding and support for a whole range of
community, cultural, social, educational and economic needs.
One of the privileges that I’ve had in my position as a minister
is to regularly be involved in initiatives of collaboration with
Indigenous nations and peoples; to be asked to address gatherings,
whether it be at the First Nations Leadership Council, the B.C. Assembly
of First Nations; and to attend individual nations’ events or meetings
with individual nations or groups of nations, the Union of B.C. Indian
Chiefs.
At each of these events, it’s been a privilege to learn the
history, the culture, the approach of these nations to
government-to-government engagement and also to hear firsthand about the
challenges, the hopes, the aspirations, the activities and the
initiatives that Indigenous nations are taking to rebuild, in many
cases, the fabric of their culture and societies that have been torn
apart for a variety of reasons.
[4:15 p.m.]
Not the least of which is the colonial history of this country as
well as the many, many — “regrettable” hardly begins to describe it —
initiatives such as residential schools, the taking of land, the killing
of languages, the outlawing of cultural practices and the general
impoverishment of nations. In that context, it is always surprising to
me that Indigenous people have goodwill. They have hope. They have
incredible intelligence. They retain and rebuild that connection with
their culture, with their language and with their values, while at the
same time adapting those to a modern world and looking for ways to have
genuine engagement and respectful interaction with the rest of us who
now live in this place.
In my ministry in particular, we had a long process that led up to
last fall’s introduction of the Environmental Assessment Act. It’s an
act that’s built on the principles of the UN declaration on the rights
of Indigenous peoples and the desire of our government to see
environmental assessment and consensus-based decision-making and
collaboration with Indigenous nations be a tool, along with the
environmental assessment office, for implementing the principles of
UNDRIP.
It’s for us to provide greater certainty for Indigenous nations,
for communities, for industries in British Columbia and for all of us as
we develop a model of culturally respectful, environmentally sensitive
and sustainable economic development through a process that involves,
engages and collaborates with Indigenous people from the very first
stages of assessment, that respects Indigenous culture and language and
that respects the knowledge that Indigenous people have of the land on
which they live and we live, and on which we often propose industrial
development.
We are currently working in collaboration with an Indigenous
implementation committee, with the B.C. First Nations Leadership Council
and with the First Nations Energy and Mining Council to develop
regulations that will give life to this act, on policies that will
eventually give life to the application of Indigenous knowledge to a
process that I think will make British Columbia a more stable, better,
respectful and reconciled place in which we can all live and
prosper.
That’s one action that we can take to implement the UN declaration
and reconciliation. This act is another one. This act, I think, is not
the only step but a critical step on the path to reconciliation and the
path to saying to Indigenous nations: “You have ideas. You have
capacity. You have intelligence. You have needs. And y