British Columbia Hansard — FRIDAY, JUNE 5, 1987
34p 01s 870605a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1987 Legislative Session: 1st Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
FRIDAY, JUNE 5, 1987
Morning Sitting
[ Page
1599 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Private Members' Statements
Mega garbage dumps. Mr. Vant –– 1599
Hon. Mr. Strachan
Ms. Smallwood
Child care. Ms. Marzari –– 1600
Mrs. Gran
Air ambulance. Mr. Guno –– 1602
Hon. Mr. Strachan
The Maquabeak Council. Mrs. Gran –– 1603
Mr. Guno
Industrial Relations Reform Act, 1987 (Bill 19). Committee stage. (Hon. L. Hanson) –– 1605
Mr. Gabelmann
Mr. Sihota
Mr. Clark
Mr. Williams
Mr. Jansen
Hon. Mr. Michael
Mr. Lovick
The House met at 10:07 a.m.
Prayers.
MR. PELTON :
On your behalf this morning, Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the House
to welcome two guests of yours, Chris and Darrell Frith. They come from
West Vancouver, and I would appreciate the House making them welcome on
behalf of our Speaker.
Private Members' Statements
MEGA GARBAGE DUMPS
MR. VANT :
Mr. Speaker, this morning I'm going to speak about mega garbage dumps,
and believe me, for the most
part I'm all for megaprojects — mega just
simply means big. But I'm also for many things as well, and I'm sure
the hon. member for Mackenzie (Mr. Long) would agree with me
wholeheartedly on that.
The issue is one which involves the
whole province in general, but there is a proposal in my own
constituency of Cariboo for a mega garbage dump proposed by Continental
Environmental Systems Ltd. At this point in time they have been issued
a permit, but thanks to the hon. Minister of Environment and Parks
(Hon. Mr. Strachan), due to the fact that most of the people in the
vicinity of Koster, which is just east of 70 Mile House.... He will not
authorize the movement of garbage from the Greater Vancouver Regional
District to this proposed mega garbage dump just east of 70 Mile House.
Indeed, on January 10 this year a meeting was held. Being a politician,
I'm always willing to listen to what the people have to say, and at
that meeting 178 people were against this proposal and only one person
was for it.
With this proposal, and in the permit which
they applied for and received, they are allowed to move 300,000 tonnes
of garbage to put into this mega garbage dump — so that's what I mean
by big. The problem is that they would be trucking — this is the
proposal — this garbage in trailers that would hold 100 cubic metres.
Each of these vehicles would haul 72 tonnes of garbage. That's a pretty
heavy load, and I figured out that in order to move that volume of
garbage from the Greater Vancouver Regional District to Koster siding
would take no less than 4,250 trips per year. On a five-day week, it
means that one of these giant garbage trucks would be coming and going
up the canyon and the Cariboo Highway about every 15 minutes. As I have
said earlier, I wouldn't want the Gold Rush Trail to become the garbage
trail.
One of the main problems of this mega-garbage-dump proposal in the Cariboo
is that it would be right on the central interior aquifer. This aquifer extends
to Smithers in the northwest. It's underneath Prince George, Burns Lake,
Quesnel, Williams Lake and, of course, 100 Mile House and all the way down to
Clinton. Their permit is for commercial and light industrial garbage. To me,
garbage can be both toxic and non-toxic, given that description. I cannot overemphasize
the importance of this central interior aquifer, because about 12 percent of
our municipalities get their water supply from the wells and from groundwater.
So if we ever pollute the central interior aquifer with leaching from a giant
garbage dump, we are in real trouble. Koster is in the Cariboo parklands biotic
region and gets 20 to 30 inches of annual precipitation. This is in contrast
to Cache Creek, which is in the dry forest biotic region, with only five to
ten inches of annual precipitation.
The
history of the Cariboo regarding proposed dumps is an interesting one.
My partner MLA, the hon. first member (Mr. A. Fraser), just a few years
ago opposed a toxic-waste dump. I want to mention now that in this
province we create about 70,000 tonnes a year of toxic waste. This is
according to the February 1987 edition of B.C. Business Magazine .
Unfortunately, there is only one hazardous waste incinerator in B.C.
and that is out at the University of British Columbia campus. This is
largely unknown, and it's a very small volume plant. It looks after
about 20 customers, mainly hospitals, schools and, of course, the
university itself. It can only handle about 25 to 40 gallons of toxic
waste per hour. Also, according to this same article, Lanny Hubbard,
head of the waste management branch of the Ministry of Environment and
Parks in Victoria, says that some companies treat their own waste on
site. Many ship to the States, others are storing it on site, and still
others, I am very sad to report to this House, are doing with it what
they do with their coffee grounds and tin can type wastes: sending it
to the city dump or flushing it down the sewer.
The
Association of Professional Engineers of British Columbia gave me a
paper concerning preservation of groundwater quality. This policy
statement says the experience in British Columbia and elsewhere has
demonstrated that once water-bearing strata aquifers are contaminated,
remedial action is time-consuming and very expensive. Removal of the
contaminants from. an aquifer or the contaminant sources from a site is
not always possible without incurring a lot of expense. Contaminated
aquifers may not be capable of producing safe drinking-water for
decades and possibly centuries.
[10:15]
Having
said that, I am very upset to report that when the Thompson-Nicola
Regional District in the interior inquired about who would be
responsible for this mega garbage dump, a letter from the head of the
waste management branch says....
MR. SPEAKER : I regret to inform the member his time is up. Maybe he can make that statement in his wrap-up.
MR. VANT : I will just wrap this up. "I have been advised by our headquarters...."
MR. SPEAKER :
Unfortunately, dear member, the time is up, and the rules state that
you must sit down. But you can use your final wrap-up to complete that.
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
I wanted to respond to the member, Mr. Speaker, but I see the critic,
the member for Surrey-Guildford-Whalley (Ms. Smallwood), wishes to
respond as well, so my comments will be brief.
Specifically,
the ministry position on the Koster vis-a-vis Cache Creek situation:
there's very little I can say at this point inasmuch as the Cache Creek
situation — and I believe Koster — is before the Environmental Appeal
Board; so as minister I'm almost in a sub judice situation. But I will
explain to the House the decision that was taken by the ministry.
[ Page 1600 ]
Number
one, both Koster and Cache Creek were approved by the Ministry of
Environment and Parks on a technical basis. However, when the decision
came to my desk. I sought opinion from the local governments, the local
authorities, and clearly the regional district that covers Koster, as
well as both members for the Cariboo, were opposed to this. So on that
basis the ministry denied movement of any garbage to the Koster site.
However, that was not the case at Cache Creek. The Corporation of the
Village of Cache Creek did approve their site. So on that basis the
decision was made by my ministry to allow that transfer of garbage from
GVRD to Cache Creek to proceed.
There's not much more I can
say at this point. It has gone before the Environmental Appeal Board
and their decision won't be made for another couple of weeks.
MS. SMALLWOOD :
I'd like to add my voice to the earlier member's appeal to have the
Ministry of Environment and Parks reconsider what's going on, not only
in the interior. I think we can't forget for a moment that what we're
talking about is the fact that GVRD garbage is being trucked up to this
gentleman's constituency. It's important to recognize that we're
talking about the "not in my backyard" syndrome; that many people
throughout this province are trying to grapple with the serious problem
of waste disposal. The concerns that are being raised by communities
about contamination, the quality of water and the quality of life, have
valid implications. They are serious concerns and should be supported.
the issue of the GVRD garbage that's being trucked up to Cache Creek,
when the regional plan was adopted, my information from the people
involved in that initial process is that there was never discussion of
trucking GVRD garbage anywhere off the lower mainland. The intent and
the work that was done around the GVRD proposal in the first place was
to look for alternatives; to look for a responsible way of dealing with
our own garbage in the lower mainland, not dumping it in somebody
else's backyard. This process has gone on throughout the province for
too long. We can no longer shirk our responsibility. We can no longer
truck garbage or put it on barges to get it out of sight and therefore
out of mind. I think that everyone in this province should be
supporting the Cache Creek residents in their opposition, because
clearly if it can happen in Cache Creek, it can happen anywhere.
The
point that I want to emphasize is that while this is a very serious
problem, it also presents opportunities for us in this province to be
on the cutting edge of the technology for resource recovery, for
recycling and for dealing with some of the questions of conservation
and indeed reducing the garbage stream in the first place.
MR. VANT : Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments of the member for Surrey-Guildford-Whalley.
In a letter to the Thompson-Nicola Regional District, the head of the waste
management branch said this: "I have been advised by our headquarters in
Victoria that the province of British Columbia, as issuer of permits, is not
liable for any problems that might arise in the future." This was very
upsetting to the people in the Cariboo. We can certainly learn from the sad
experience of others. For example, right here on Vancouver Island there's
the 30-year-old Hartland Avenue dump, and leachate drains from that dump at
a rate of 900 litres a minute. The dump will be capped with clay over the next
three years. This is from an April 3 edition of the Times-Colonist : the capital
cost of discharging through the outfall is estimated to be $1.95 million.
summing up, I'd like to urge this House and the government that a law
be made by the province to make sure that garbage created in an area
will be disposed of in that area. It could be through incinerators,
recycling or a landfill properly run in their own area. I commend Don
L'Heureux of the Cariboo Clean Water and Air Committee and all their
efforts, the village of 100 Mile House, the city of Williams Lake, and
the village of Clinton for their resolutions of concern regarding this
giant mega-garbage-dump proposal at Koster siding. I, of course, wish
them all the best in their appeal against the permit which was issued.
CHILD CARE
MS. MARZARI :
Mr. Speaker, on August 30 of this year the Ministry of Social Services
and Housing will be going to Ottawa to negotiate a deal for child care.
It's a momentous occasion for Canadians, as it begins to recognize,
after five massive studies over 15 years, that decent, standardized
child care is an issue as crucial to our national infrastructure as
roads and bridges. It is a special meeting constitutionally, as it sets
the stage for future federal-provincial cost-sharing for social
programs. It's the testing ground for the Meech Lake agreement. It's
politically significant because it tells us that the federal government
recognizes the power of the women's vote. And it represents a huge
relief to thousands of women in this country: that finally we are
coming of age as a society and pulling ourselves into the last half of
the twentieth century, recognizing the fact of women in the workforce,
the need for women to have some increased choice, and the reality that
it is a social and economic asset to have decent child care.
Given
the facts, the needs and the realities, then where do we fit in? What
is our plan? What can B.C. contribute to this historic occasion? The
short answer is commitment and responsibility. As the talks progress,
many constituencies will be listening, not the least of which will be
parents of young children; parents of all socio-economic backgrounds —
those who can afford to pay for child care and those who can't. A
majority of them have in common an interest in quality licensed care
under the supervision of trained and qualified teachers. They're both
on the same waiting lists, sometimes 12 months long.
What
separates the socio-economic groups now is that those who can afford
child care have a reasonable choice of the types of care. Those who
can't afford to pay the whole shot themselves are not so lucky. They're
the ones who need it most and have the least choice. I have numerous
letters written to the Premier and members of this House from people
who are in this position. I quote from one letter: "Generally speaking,
in a divorce the woman's financial assets decrease, while the man's
increase. Women are generally left with the children to care for, which
means day-care costs come into play in order for the woman to work to
support her family so she doesn't have to go on welfare. It really is
the vicious circle."
The existing subsidies, recently
increased, are still highly restrictive in terms of who they can go to,
and still require topping up out of the family budget, which costs $90
per month per child on top of the subsidy in a three- to five-year old
centre, and $150 per month for an 18-month to three-year-old centre —
this is in addition to the subsidy. The
[ Page
1601 ]
topping-up that comes out of the individual family member's pocket is quite
substantial.
would suggest, at minimum, that this government set goals for this
conference in August which would include: (1) meeting the need for
licensed spaces from infant care to age 12 — at present we have 22, 000
spaces in B.C. but a knowledge that seven times that number need
licensed spaces; (2) a goal of providing access to the service by
allowing the subsidy rate to float to the need — in 1975 there were
12,000 parents receiving full-time and part-time subsidies, and in 1986
the number was the same, which says a great deal, when the need was
growing by the day and the real incomes of many families were in
decline; (3) a goal of affirming a commitment to licensing spaces in
family and group centres to maintain consistent standards throughout
the province, just as we license or accredit other public institutions
and agencies — day care should not be an exception, especially since
public money is involved; (4) a goal of providing some small per capita
grant per month or establishing a line of credit to assist centres to
deal with low enrolment or emergencies, which can leave a centre
without enough to cover a payroll in a bad month; (5) a goal to study
alternative and innovative child care models, such as using a local
schoolroom as a resource centre or large play-space for ten or 12
neighbourhood family home centres or two or three group centres. For my
colleagues in the House, a licensed family home can care for up to five
children; a group centre cares for up to 25 children.
These
measures are only policy recommendations designed to improve the
existing imperfect system that we have. They don't begin to scratch the
surface of what a universally accessible, affordable system would look
like — not one based on a welfare model, but a care system based on a
preschool education philosophy. That is to say, it would look a lot
different if we considered the developmental needs of the children
rather than the economic realities of their parents.
I know
the minister generally gets upset by the notion of universally
accessible, affordable care. He thinks it's political, and said so when
I asked about it. And it is. All the more reason to discuss it here and
now where it should be discussed, because to this point in this
province it only gets discussed in church basements and mobile units,
at night, when parents are already exhausted and would rather be
putting their kids to bed. We discuss it in the day-care centres,
few weeks ago, when the B.C. Daycare Action Coalition brought the
discussion into the light of day, literally hundreds of people crowded
meeting rooms in downtown Vancouver to speak out loud — people from
across the political spectrum who are tired of seeing a child care
system running at half-mast, not quite recognized and not quite
legitimized, run by underpaid, committed people who, when they
unionize, ironically end up bargaining with parents.
The
federal invitation to consult is an invitation to do some of this
bigger thinking, to think not just in cramped terms of immediate policy
changes but about long-term goals and philosophies.
MR. SPEAKER : I regret to inform the member her time is up.
MS. MARZARI : I would suggest, in fact, just to....
MR. SPEAKER :
Unfortunately. hon. member, we have the seven minutes, and you will
have to allow the members.... You will be able to finish when your
wrap-up time is here.
[10:30]
MRS. GRAN :
Mr. Speaker. I wish that the Minister of Social Services and Housing
(Hon. Mr. Richmond) were here to answer the member's remarks, but he's
out of town, and I'll do my best to put forward the government's
position.
This government, me included, is very
concerned about day care. I've had many discussions with the Minister
of Social Services and Housing, and I understand many of the
difficulties that we would incur with universal day care. Having been a
mother on my own with two children, and having to look for day care, I
can appreciate the difficulties that women have, but I also appreciate
the concerns of the taxpayers and the concerns of government. Universal
day care has a price-tag, and it's a very high price-tag. Considering
the economic condition of our country and, indeed, our province at this
time, it's not a decision that can be taken lightly and made overnight.
may sound cruel, but people have to start taking responsibility for
their own actions. Marriages break up, for whatever reason. It's not
necessarily the taxpayers' duty to pick up all of the bills that evolve
from those marital difficulties. Although no woman should be left on
her own with children and not helped by our society. I also believe
that it's incumbent on the families of that woman and, in particular,
the father of those children to do more to help. I understand that our
government at this time is taking measures to make sure that that
happens. It isn't something that just happens overnight, either. If a
man decides that he is not going to pay support for his children, there
are so many ways for him to get away from doing that that it's
impossible for any government to make certain that people accept their
responsibilities.
I received a letter on the comments I
made some time ago regarding day care from the YM-YWCA in Langley.
Those are the kinds of organizations that I think should be involved in
day care, where it's partially volunteer and partially paid. They are
people that you can depend on to care for your children. They're doing
it because they have a need in their hearts to do something for people.
Although the private sector is involved and should be involved in day
care, as a mother I really would feel more comfortable leaving my
children in a setting where there were volunteers and paid staff
properly trained to look after their needs during the day, to teach
them and not to just let them sit without the activities that children
need to keep their active minds going.
I appreciate the member's comments, but I reiterate: our government is concerned and committed to day care,
MS. MARZARI :
I'd like to suggest that if the government was truly committed to the
needs of children, they would treat day care much the way we develop
our fire departments, police departments, bridges and roads, and build
an infrastructure. If we really believed that parents should take the
responsibility in the community with volunteers, we wouldn't be taking
welfare mothers off welfare and pushing them into unsupervised and
unlicensed trainee positions for day care, we wouldn't be funding
private boarding schools, and we wouldn't be supporting write-offs for
nannies for upper- and middle-income parents. We would be passing laws
to enforce parental leave at childbirth or for sick
[ Page 1602 ]
children.
We'd be building supports for families at risk. We'd be doing a lot of
things if the government was committed. If the government was truly
committed to that kind of philosophy, I wouldn't have to be standing
here.
How do the federal proposals fit into the big
picture? The recommendations of the federal report suggest that over
$700 million will be spent on child care in the '88-89 fiscal year,
with an equivalent amount for subsequent years. Over half of that
amount would be spent by not collecting income tax. The recommendation
which increases the tax deduction to $4,000 per child, with a ceiling
of $12,000, is a major step in the right direction for the
middle-income earner, but for the lowincome earner or the mother on
welfare it brings little or nothing. It might even play into the
disastrous scenario of a welfare mother finding herself hired as a
$12,000-a-year nanny by a professional mother. The irony is that
neither will be guaranteed that her children are receiving quality
care, yet both will be subsidized for that care with public money. We
are in danger of spending public money to undermine an already
vulnerable system.
Some of the forgone revenue will be
distributed to parents who choose to work at home, in the form of tax
credits — a laudable objective if it really had the hope of producing a
choice for parents. However, a ceiling of $200 at this time makes it a
token gesture and will be an insult if the mother on welfare has it
deducted from her cheque.
The remainder of the money is
slated for a direct 50 percent cost-sharing with the provinces, and
that's what I want this province to talk about. I want this province to
approach Ottawa and say: "We want more licensed, quality child care
spaces." That is our goal for the short term at least, and that is what
I would like our minister to come back from Ottawa with: more licensed
spaces on a fifty-fifty cost-shared basis with the federal government.
MR. DE JONG : I would like to ask for leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. DE JONG :
I would like to introduce several students from the Christian Academy
in the Abbotsford area, who are accompanied by their principal, Mr.
Blair McHenry. I ask this House to welcome them.
AIR AMBULANCE
MR. GUNO :
Mr. Speaker, I'm glad I have the opportunity this morning to make a
statement on a matter that I believe to be of vital interest to my
constituents in Atlin and, indeed, to people who live in other northern
and rural areas: the continuance of the air ambulance service.
I feel compelled to make this statement because there are persistent rumours
that the entire ambulance service may be on the government's privatization
block. For a number of reasons, that concerns me. If it is true that the government
is considering privatizing the ambulance service and compromising the air ambulance
service, I would suggest that it would be a gross error on the part of the government
and a disservice to the people who depend on this vital service.
set the stage, I'd just like to say that the state of health care in
the north is precarious at best. In terms of chronic care, there are
huge gaps. People from the area that I come from have to travel many
miles and be isolated from friends and relatives to receive medical
care. Mental health services are virtually non-existent.
But
the one area that I think is vital is the emergency health services.
There are virtually no emergency facilities in the north, and even less
trained personnel to look after any major accident. Accidents do
happen, and one that could have had tragic proportions almost happened
in Stewart last winter when one of the logging trucks sideswiped a
busload of about 25 children. It is hard to imagine what would have
happened if there were a more severe accident and more serious
injuries. There would be virtually no facility, no trained personnel to
take care of that situation. It is for this reason that I feel we have
to continue the air ambulance service as it now exists.
Since
its inception in 1974-1976, the air ambulance has proven itself. It's
proven to be extremely effective. For instance, in 1985 there were 600
patients served in B.C. by air ambulance. As to the kind of personnel
that man the services, we have something like 120 ambulance stations
including 90 with full-time staff. There is a total of 700 full-time
and 200 part-time workers. All of these people have industrial first
aid; many have emergency medical assistance classification. The user
cost is fairly minimal: the maximum fee for service is $150.
There
is in existence a wonderful concept called the advanced life support
and infant transport team crews that are stationed in Vancouver. They
deal with premature babies or those with congenital defects. About 500
babies a year are served with air ambulance under this team, babies who
would die without this quick and well-trained team assistance to get
them to the hospital in the urban areas.
Why I am concerned
about the prospect of having the service privatized, Mr. Speaker, is
that the private sector has proven to be wholly inept in providing this
kind of service. Horror stories abound. In Alberta, for instance, where
the whole ambulance service is provided by the private sector, all you
need is a red flashing light and you are in business. If we were to go
back to the pre-1974 days in British Columbia, we would be back to the
days of high, widely variable user fees. This would impact on the
northern and rural areas where it would not be profitable to run air
ambulance services with qualified, well-trained and reputable staff. I
think it is axiomatic to say that the further you are away from
training facilities, the less trained personnel you will get.
the north, this is vitally important. It is in the smaller and more
rural communities where the fatality rates from trauma are the highest.
This is fact; I got this from the Ministry of Health statistics. The
quality and the extent of care rendered to a patient at the scene of
the accident, or need for medical attention during the transport, can
greatly improve the chances of successful recovery in many cases.
represented a client who got into a brawl and somehow injured both of
his eyes. He has at least partial vision today because of the existence
of the air ambulance. Without that kind of quick transport, today he
would be totally blind. There are examples like this, Mr. Speaker. So
the air ambulance provides an essential link from the rural and
isolated areas of the province to other ambulance services, to the
medical services in larger centres.
If the ambulance
services are privatized in this province, we will be turning back to
the former days when ambulance services were not regulated, were
unrestricted and costly. Northerners would be especially hit hard by
cuts in services and high rates. Health care in B.C. would be returning
[ Page 1603 ]
previously
variable standards, and the well-being of British Columbians would be
severely compromised. For this reason I implore this government that
this service should be exempt from any consideration of privatization.
[10:45]
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
Mr. Speaker, I rise to respond today as a northern member and in part
share the concern expressed by the member for Atlin. But for another
part, I totally disagree with his premise that the private sector is
inept. I can't accept that at all, and Mr. Member, I must give you some
evidence.
The air ambulance is now, to a large degree,
covered by the private sector. You might recall the member for Prince
George North (Ms. Boone) indicating, a month or two ago, that if we
didn't get an ambulance dispatch in Prince George we wouldn't have a
private sector air ambulance located there. That's totally erroneous,
of course, because the two are unrelated. The evidence is that the air
ambulance is in Prince George now, operated by Harbour Air. It's a
Citation and has equipment similar to what we have in government air
services.
The private sector is rapidly filling in the air
ambulance service in the north. Coincidentally, the Minister of Forests
and Lands and I were in Prince Rupert on business about three weeks
ago, and there was a Learjet in; the child life support service was
attending a call there — again private sector, and in fact a better
service than government could provide because a Learjet is 70 or 80
knots faster than the Citations that we have. So the argument that the
private sector cannot supply appropriate air ambulance service is
totally erroneous. I would submit that in many cases it can do it
better than government can, and the evidence is there. It's in the air
and it's in place now.
I do, though, want to agree with the
member, as a northern or central interior MLA myself, that we have to
improve services. I know that in your area, Mr. Member, and in the
tidings of Mackenzie and Prince Rupert, you don't have an awful lot of
landing strips because of the topography. You're restricted to daytime
helicopter flying only for Medivac, and that is a serious and critical
consideration. Currently, federal Transport requires that for a
helicopter to operate on instruments it must be equipped with twin
turbines, and that's a very expensive operation. That's the type of
helicopter that Helijet would fly from Dallas Road here to downtown
Vancouver. Coast Guards can fly them, but it's extremely expensive
equipment.
In the coastal tidings, particularly Rupert,
Mackenzie, Atlin and the rural areas, there is an abundance of single
turbine equipment, such as the Jet Ranger, which is the real little
workhorse of the north; but regrettably it doesn't have instrument
capability and therefore is precluded from flying in the evening or
during foggy weather. So that is a very real concern for the people who
live there, and it impedes the delivery of health services. I guess the
argument could be put that the government air ambulance service, or the
Coast Guard or somebody, should fund and put into operation the very
expensive twin turbine equipment. That's appealing to all of us who
consider the health care of the rural areas. But at that point I guess
one has to consider the incredible expense of that type of equipment,
and the fact that you would need quite a few of them really to have a
comprehensive service up the west coast of British Columbia.
Nevertheless, that's an economic decision that government would have to
make.
In any event, that's all I really wish to say on
this, Mr. Speaker, except to support the member in his concern for
health in his riding and other rural ridings. I totally agree with him
on that. However, the government must offer total disagreement on the
notion that privatization of air ambulance services will be to the
detriment of that service. We have many private carriers operating now.
I have one in my home. I've seen them in Prince Rupert and in other
areas, and it's working out very well, if not better, than the
government service.
MR. GUNO : Well. maybe my
characterization of the private sector as wholly inept is a bit strong;
I'll just say inept, not wholly inept. I take the proposition that
there are isolated instances when the private sector comes through, but
I think what we're talking about is a continuous service. Also, in the
north, you've got to admit that.... What are the incentives for an air
ambulance to provide services where it would be sporadic and not...?
The costs would be higher.
I just want to cite the costs of
the existing provincewide service, and why it's justifiable. It's part
of the quality of life and well-being of all British Columbians, which
we all expect. Emergency services have never been over 3 percent of the
Ministry of Health's budget. It's now $15 million to cover the whole
province for a year. That's cheaper than the fire department's budget
in the city of Vancouver. So it's really miniscule compared to the kind
of constant, dependable and reliable service that is now provided. I
think northerners would be far more comforted with the notion that this
service is guaranteed and is not going to depend on the forces of the
marketplace. That is why I think it's a non-negotiable item.
MRS. GRAN : Mr. Speaker. before I start my comments, could I have leave to make an introduction'?
Leave granted.
MRS. GRAN :
In the House today is a very special lady who has supported me every
day and every hour of my whole life. I'd like the House to welcome my
mother, Hilda Ewen, and her friend Eileen, from Esquimalt-Port Renfrew.
MR. SIHOTA : Mr. Speaker, I'd also like to have leave as well to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. SIHOTA :
I didn't realize that the parents of the first member for Langley were
here, and I too would like to ask the House to acknowledge their
presence here today. They are constituents of mine and have been in
touch with me from time to time, and I know from talking to them that
they are very proud of the achievements of their daughter. So would the
House please join me in welcoming them.
THE MAQUABEAK COUNCIL
MRS. GRAN : May I thank the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew for those kind words.
My comments this morning, Mr. Speaker, are about a woman who stands tall but sits in a wheelchair. Her name is
[ Page 1604 ]
Dorothy
Maquabeak Francis. She is a native Indian from the Ojibway tribe from
eastern Canada. She's 75 years of age and she is the kindest, most
gentle person I have ever met in my life.
Shortly after I
became an MLA she phoned the constituency office and suggested that she
needed help. I went to her home, and I have to say that it was a
humbling and moving experience to listen to her talk about her own
people. Dorothy was taken from her home to live in a Christian home
with a Presbyterian minister and his wife, and she said that they
treated her extremely well and loved her and gave her everything that
she could ever need, but that she never felt comfortable away from her
people. She explained to me that although her people were very
materially poor, they were extremely rich in spirit.
Dorothy
is attempting to start what she calls the Maquabeak Council, and that
council is to teach young native Indians their heritage, their culture,
to help them with drug and alcohol dependencies, and also to help those
who dropped out of school to finish their high school years.
Dorothy
gave birth to 11 children, and nine of them are living. What was
interesting is that this woman is 75 years old, she's confined to a
wheelchair, but her family look after her. She lives in one of her
daughters' homes, and they make sure that she's comfortable all the
time. I think Dorothy and her family are an example of how we have to
start living in this country. We have to start caring about one
another, and not the state looking after us. I'm not trying to make an
argument for deinstitutionalizing people; I'm just saying that watching
the love that flows from those people that came from that woman, I know
that they will look after her, regardless of what happens to her, for
the rest of her life. It was a very heart-warming experience for me.
Dorothy received the Order of Canada for outstanding achievement and merit for her work for her people.
Now
I have asked the Minister of Tourism, Recreation and Culture (Hon. Mr.
Reid) for funding for the Maquabeak Council, and I'm hoping that the
minister will see fit to find money for this council. I think the only
way that we're going to understand one another, the different cultures
and the different heritages, is to start caring enough to sit down and
forget about political differences. And I think we've proved that in
the Legislature. We've proved that we can still care about one another,
and we don't particularly have to agree with one another's politics. I
think that we've done a really good job of proving that in the
Legislature.
Dorothy asked me, when I talked to her
yesterday, if I would pass a message on to the government leaders in
this Legislature, and her message was to understand one another and to
care, and in particular, for those of us who don't know a lot about the
native Indian people, to listen to them and understand them, and to
recognize the gentleness that they possess and which perhaps a lot of
us don't.
Mr. Speaker, I thank you for allowing me to make those comments, and I hope that the member for Atlin (Mr. Guno) will respond.
MR. GUNO :
Mr. Speaker, I'd be glad to respond to the member for Langley's
comments. I first must commend her for her sensitivity and generosity
for bringing this matter to the attention of the House.
want to concentrate on why this woman feels compelled to form this
council. It's not a secret that in British Columbia we have an almost
unimaginable despair among native young people which translates into
some of the highest suicide rates in Canada. A number of them are on
alcohol and drugs; about 90 percent are unemployed. The despair and
hopelessness of young people today is a tragedy.
I would
support anything that we can do to provide support for any initiative
like this, a self-help kind of thing that would help alleviate the
suffering of these young people. Mrs. Francis's initiative should be
supported if it's going to instill a sense of pride and identity in
these young people.
It's ironic that we take such pride in
the beautiful longhouse just a block from here and all the wonderful
totem poles, but we don't know what it represents in the people that I
t represents and the fact that we're completely ignorant of their
plight today. Shedding crocodile tears over the plight of these people
is simply not enough. I'm not suggesting what the member said was not
genuine.
I think that the best antidote for young people,
not only for native people but for young people in British Columbia, is
to provide better job opportunities. That is the best way that we, as
government and opposition, can work towards dealing with the sense of
despair and hopelessness that's so rampant among our young people,
especially the native people.
I would again commend the
member for her representation of Mrs. Francis. I think it's a great
idea. The missionaries in the last half-century have done a real job in
terms of eradicating a sense of identity. There is a sense of
renaissance among our young people in terms of trying to restore a
sense of their own identity. I recognize your effort and wholly support
it.
[11:00]
MRS. GRAN : Mr.
Speaker, I would just like to close by saying that the very basis of
Dorothy's desire and drive to look after her people is her Baha'i
faith, which is similar to Indian beliefs. She talked at great length
about what they do, and she talked about sweat-lodges and some of the
dances that they have. The basis of that council will be to teach young
people about their spiritual beliefs. Dorothy feels very strongly that
that's what's lacking in our society; and quite frankly, I do myself.
would just like to expound a little further on the cultural council
that she's trying to establish. The purpose is to provide a centre for
the furtherance of native Indian culture and education, through
discussion, hands-on training, social gatherings, native religious
activities and spiritual training, workshops and school programs and
the furtherance of national native Indian education for off-reserve and
on-reserve native peoples. The Maquabeak Cultural Council was organized
by Dorothy Francis at the request of her grandchildren, who expressed a
need for guidance. I think that was the start of the council. Dorothy
has grandchildren who have drug and alcohol dependencies.
I thank you for listening and caring, and I'll tell Dorothy about the wonderful reception her project had in the Legislature.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : Mr. Speaker, I would ask leave for the committee on Bill 19 to sit.
Leave granted.
[ Page 1605 ]
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS REFORM ACT, 1987
(continued)
The House in committee on Bill 19; Mrs. Gran in the chair.
section 29 as amended.
MR. GABELMANN :
When we finished yesterday afternoon, we were beginning the discussion
about the deletion from the existing Labour Code of the words in 53(l)
"or part of it," which modifies business. Until now, if a part of a
business were sold, the collective agreement and the certification
would follow. With the deletion of these four words, it is our concern
and our fear that, in fact, the certification will not follow with
those small parts, because the new wording requires that there be a
"substantial" part.
Of course, the test of "substantial"
will be argued. We won't be able to conclude in this House during this
debate the meaning of the word "substantial." Clearly, it will be
argued — I think successfully — that it was the intent of the
Legislature to make it possible for less than substantial parts of
businesses to be sold without the certification following to the new
firm or company or operation or service or whatever it happens to be.
That
concern is best expressed, I think, by citing a specific example. I
want to cite an example that I am sure the minister has had drawn to
his attention. It relates to the Vancouver Museums and Planetarium
Association, which is certified and has a collective agreement with the
municipal and regional employees union in Vancouver. The notes I have
are minutes of the board and various bits of correspondence. There is a
plan to divide this particular association into four separate parts.
There is a concern — and presumably it will be argued in front of the
council, if the council actually is able to do business — about whether
or not these four quarters of this existing association are substantial
parts of the business or are just parts of the business.
one quarter of the existing association is defined as not being
substantial but rather defined as just "a part of," then the
certification will not follow. That just does not make any sense. It
doesn't make any sense at all that an association of this kind, whether
deliberately or not, could escape its certification and escape its
collective agreement simply by dividing into less than substantial
parts.
I wonder if the minister has any comments about that particular point.
HON. L. HANSON :
The member for North Island, I would suppose, is dealing with a
hypothetical case in this scenario. But I think I would like to dwell
on what we see as a business or a substantial part of it. I think we
feel that a business is a combination of a number of things: it is a
combination of people; it is a combination of the assets that it holds;
it is a combination of the goodwill that it may have developed as far
as an operation is concerned.
I think the real thing that
has to be considered is whether there is a discernible business there.
I am not giving legal opinions, because I don't have that qualification
as my friend opposite does. But you know, if there is discernible
continuation of a business, there's no suggestion that we want to see
the responsibilities gained by the employees through the collective
bargaining process lost.
A business is not just one thing.
It isn't only the skills of an individual; it isn't only its assets: it
isn't only its goodwill. All of those things have to be considered in
hypothetical cases. All of the facts will have to be presented to the
council, and the council will have to make the determination that in
fact there is a business — or a substantial part of it, as the proposal
is — being disposed of. We agree completely that that employer's
responsibilities relating to his employees, which have been fairly and
honestly bare armed, should follow. And we would want that
responsibility....
But again, you know, it's "a business or
a substantial part of it." It's not just something that follows with
the land only or with the building only, or with any single thing in
isolation. I think there are determinable circumstances that the
Industrial Relations Council will be able to rule on — whether there
has in fact been a transfer and discernible continuity of a business.
MR. GABELMANN :
The minister's first comment was that he supposes this is a
hypothetical case. Everything is hypothetical until and unless the law
is passed and until and unless it's proclaimed, if ever. So we're
obviously dealing with hypothetical cases. I was citing what is
probably not a hypothetical possibility, and I made a mistake when I
said "four parts." I meant to say "three" — three separate parts.
this stage of the debate we're not talking about a lot of things that
the minister was talking about in terms of (1.1), but rather 53(
l) itself, which is the question of making.... The Legislature is making a
conscious decision by this change to eliminate four words, and those
four words are "or part of it," so that "substantial part" becomes the
test. I think it's a fair concern that people will argue, and may well
argue successfully in front of the Industrial Relations Council, that
the decision of the Legislature to delete the words "or part of it"
means that the Legislature does not want certifications to follow when
parts of a business are sold and those parts are less than substantial,
however that's defined. That's the clear intention of the Legislature.
Once the law is determined by tests of various cases, there will be
then a clear guideline....
I think I'll pause for a moment and allow the first member for Dewdney (Mr. Pelton) to have a word.
MR. PELTON : May I have leave to make an introduction, please?
Leave granted.
MR. PELTON : Thank you, Madam Chairman, and thanks to the hon. member for North Island as well.
Hon.
members, in the precincts today are a large number of young elementary
schoolchildren from Thornhill Elementary School in Maple Ridge. These
children have been accompanied today by their parents and by some of
the teaching staff. Some of them have managed to make it into this
House, and I would ask the House to please make them welcome.
[11:15]
MR. GABELMANN :
I might say to the visitors in the gallery: welcome as well from this
side of the House. My apologies on behalf of all of us for the boring
nature of this debate. It comes from a requirement we have as
legislators to try to sort out what these words mean. Sometimes that
can be fairly dull for people who have to sit and listen, or perhaps
[ Page 1606 ]
later read Hansard .
Nevertheless, it's very important, because what we're talking about
here is whether or not, for people who have decided to be represented
by trade unions when their employer begins to sell off parts of the
business, their trade union rights will continue in the new businesses
that are spun off from the original one.
At this point of
the debate, we're trying to determine what the difference is between
part of a business on one hand or a substantial part of a business on
the other hand. I was making the point a moment ago that we won't know
how those words are defined until the issues are tested. But once the
test has been determined and it's clear how much of a business is
defined as substantial, then we will see a rush of selling off and
spinning off various parts of operations, which will allow, therefore,
the deunionization.
The member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew
(Mr. Sihota) yesterday raised the hypothetical situation of a bakery
inside a supermarket. The minister's response, as I understood it ' was
that he would have thought that was a substantial part Of the business,
and therefore the certification would follow even though the business
was privatized. That's very debatable. Maybe the bakery example is one
that would be included.
You can guarantee that it will be
argued — you can absolutely guarantee that — and without going into
great detail, we can all think of many other ways in which employers
will be able to carve out elements of their particular business,
contract them out, sell them and then contract back the services and
have deunionization take place through that process.
So I
guess I'd like to ask the minister this: if, as it appears he believes,
he wants certification to follow, for the most part — which is, I
think, the direction of his comments — is he convinced that it will, as
a result of this change? Or would he not now consider reinstating these
words? He is saying in his responses that he believes parts of the
business should be included in terms of a definition of successor
rights, but he has taken the words out. If he believes "part" should be
included, why can't we just put the words in right now by simple
amendment?
HON. L. HANSON : Again, I think in the
legislation the basic principle, the fundamental principle, remains
intact: that bargaining rights acquired by organized labour and their
representatives should be protected. But "part" of a business is always
a questionable sort of thing, and it narrows the ability of the
Industrial Relations Council to make a determination that.... You know,
what is the essence of the business? Because it's made up of so many
things.
I know that we're discussing the wording, but I
guess the message that I'm trying to get across is that there isn't a
part of the business, in itself, that means the business. There are so
many things that make up a business. Again, I think I totally agree
with the member opposite that the Industrial Relations Council is going
to develop criteria and jurisprudence as they go through the various
cases.
In the case of the bakery that was mentioned earlier
— I guess it was yesterday — naturally I've had an awful lot of
discussion with various people who are very knowledgeable in the
industrial relations field. From that discussion I have determined that
in that situation the certification and the responsibilities that
employee had taken on by signing an agreement would follow. I sincerely
believe that, because discussion has gone on to a great degree of
various circumstances and so on within our discussion in generating
this particular clause.
Again, I can say only that there
isn't one particular thing that makes up a business. It's a combination
of so many things, and the determination will be - and then it goes on
to say "or a substantial part of a business" — on what makes that up.
That's the determination that the council will make when they have a
case requesting the successor rights to follow. But we don't believe
that the sale of one particular part, or one particular asset maybe is
a better way of expressing it, is in itself justification that there
should be a mechanical certification following. But if the
determination of the sale of one particular asset by the council is
that that is the essence of the business, then I would suggest that
very likely the certification would follow.
MR. GABELMANN :
Well, the essence of the business — there we go. That's a different
answer than the bakery example in Safeway, because the bakery is not
the essence of the supermarket's business. So that's a different answer.
want to suggest that these changes and several of the changes taken
together in fact come from a feeling on the government's part that the
labour board was required to make the wrong decision in the Gibraltar
case and in the Frank Browne Acoustics case. I want to cite the Frank
Browne Acoustics, because it's a case that I think — I know — will be
overturned by the new language, and I want to give this as an
illustration of a situation where, under the old law, which is still
the law, successor status was determined, but under the new law it will
not be. I will readjust some excerpts from the LRB
summary. It's a 1984
case, and the notes about the kind of issue it is read as follows:
"There
had been a transfer of part of the business of one company to another,
within the purview of
section 53 of the Code. This case involved the 50
percent shareholder and director of the day-to-day operations of a
small construction company giving up his interest and forming a new
company."
The facts of the case are as follows:
"This
involved an application pursuant to
section 53 of the Code for a
declaration that Interior Wall was a successor employer to Frank
Browne. The union was certified to represent the employees of Frank
Browne, and had a collective agreement with that company. The shares in
Frank Browne, a company involved in the drywall end of the construction
business, had been held fifty-fifty by Richard West and Mark Insley.
Both had been directors, with West as the president and Insley as the
secretary. Apart from work performed by West on his approximately
twice-a-month visits to Kamloops, Insley had taken care of the
day-to-day operations of the company. Deciding that work was dwindling
in the Kamloops area and that he wanted to work non-union, Insley had
decided to break away from West. He had transferred his shareholding in
Frank Browne and had Interior Wall incorporated with himself as the
sole shareholder and director. Frank Browne still pursued work in the
dry walling business."
Then the board in its reasons — and
I won't read all of these — goes through the arguments. They decided
they needed to adopt the principles that had been adopted in the
[ Page 1607 ]
Gibraltar case a couple of years earlier, so I won't go through all of the reasoning, but I'll just read the decision:
"Interior
Wall was the successor to a part of the business of Frank Browne within
the meaning of
section 53 of the Code, and accordingly was bound by the
collective agreement with the union. A certification would be issued
showing the union as the bargaining agent for the employees of Interior
Wall. Pursuant to
section 53(2), Frank Browne was declared to retain
all of its obligations to the union under the Code and its collective
agreement with the union with respect to its continuing operations."
as I understand that particular case, the board made a determination
that in fact there would be no opportunity to escape the certification
by the establishment of this second business. Under this new law now,
clearly and unequivocally the decision would be reversed.
There
isn't a lot more that you can say, other than that's wrong. It's
inappropriate that certifications are going to be able to be avoided as
a result of that kind of manoeuvring, and I know that members of the
Social Credit Party — if not all of them, many of them — are persuaded
that that should be the case, that the market economy demands that
people should be allowed to go and compete more effectively by paying
lower wages, so that they can stay in business, so that they can make
more money or whatever it might be they want to do.
I know
that is the philosophy of a lot of people on that side of the House. I
guess that is what underlies this particular
section and
section 25
earlier: simply, that the rights of capital are more important than the
rights of labour. That's a simple choice. We are with Abraham Lincoln
on that question. We think that the rights of labour are actually more
important than the rights of capital because the rights of labour are
rights of people and the rights of capital are simply rights of money.
Abraham Lincoln was clear and forthright on that issue on many
occasions, and he in fact took a more radical position than we would
take, because our argument in the final analysis would be that there
needs to be a fair balance between the two. But clearly, the effect of
this kind of legislation is to allow the people, such as the ones cited
in this Frank Browne case, to effectively get rid of the union
agreement, which means they could get rid of the people who have been
working for them, all based on this idea that the most important thing
in our society is money and that people don't matter. That is really
what we are talking about. It is a philosophical difference between the
two sides of the House.
The Minister of Tourism (Hon. Mr.
Reid) doesn't like that, because he doesn't want to have his party and
the people he associates with characterized in this way. But it is
fair; it is the only conclusion one can come to in a fair reading of
this section. I cited yesterday the four new ways in which
certifications can be avoided — be escaped from, if I can put it that
way. It is clearly because of the decision the government has made that
it wants to allow business people to be able to operate in the economy
in an unimpeded way. It is part of the same philosophical direction
that leads to the deregulation arguments. It is part of the same
philosophical direction that leads to dogmatic calls for privatization.
It is part of a view of society that says that all that really matters
is that capital be mobile and unimpeded, on one hand, and that on the
other hand, rights of individuals who may have worked faithfully for an
employer for years or decades matter not in the least.
is a major difference between us. I characterize it one way; Social
Crediters characterize it another. But that is, as far as I am
concerned, a fair
summary of the differences in philosophy, well
reflected here in
section 29 of this bill.
[11:30]
HON. L. HANSON : I obviously have a disagreement with the member opposite, but I do respect that it is his right to have that opinion.
There
is a fact out there that the employer is a person too. He generates
employment opportunities. I don't think it is totally related — the
suggestion that the members' philosophy on this side is that anything
goes for the generation of money. I have a very difficult time
accepting that.
If I remember correctly — and again, I am
not a student of the numbers of cases that have been cited; I have
looked at some — I think that the Frank Browne decision said that the
individual skills was an important factor. I think that that philosophy
we certainly agree with. But we also have a difficulty in accepting
that it is the only factor. A business has people, it has assets and it
has skills. I guess the speculation that the member is making is that
the IRC will reverse that particular decision. I am not that familiar
with it, but I can't accept that. I don't believe that will be the
case, and I would suggest that we will await their decisions and see
that. But the main thrust that we are trying to point out is that there
is not one thing in isolation that makes up the
interpretation of a
business.
Certainly the employees' rights that they have
faithfully bargained for should be protected. But I think it should
also be the individual's rights that if he wants to break away from his
company and start a new business, as long as it is not an attempt to
avoid the bargaining responsibilities that the company had and start
another business, that is fair and reasonable; and also that the union
has the opportunity, as they should have, to organize that company, if
that's the case.
MR. SIHOTA : First of all, I want to
pick up on the final comments the minister made during the course of
his statement a second ago, and then I want to talk about some
components of
section 29.
The minister was saying — if I
heard him right — that he wants to encourage or make it possible for
individuals to break away and exercise their own initiative or right,
as he put it, to engage in a business. Believe you me, I can’t see why
anybody would want to deny anybody the opportunity to exercise that
initiative. The minister also said that's okay as long as the effort is
not to attempt to evade or avoid the provisions of the collective
agreement. There is no disagreement with that, in my mind, as well.
Clearly, if that's the intent, the successor provisions ought to come
into play.
But that's precisely what the current
section
does. It certainly allows for the exercise of that individual
initiative. I know of no instance where it has frustrated that
individual initiative. On the other hand, it also tries to ensure that
if people want to exercise that initiative but are doing it to avoid
their contractual obligations with their employees, that will be
arrested. So once again, it begs the question of why the changes, if
indeed the current practice is precisely what it is that the minister
has articulated it to be.
I'm at a loss to understand, if
that is where the government is coming from philosophically, why it
would want to bring about these types of changes. In addition to that,
the minister said prior to that that no one factor ought to be the sole
determinant of whether or not successorship should apply. Once again,
the labour law jurisprudence is very clear
[ Page 1608 ]
that
there are very few decisions where one factor was the sole determinant.
The Labour Relations Board has always taken the approach of looking at
all of the circumstances of the change, and coming to a decision on the
basis of all of the circumstances.
Yesterday I tried to
list some of the variables that the Labour Relations Board will look
at. Once again, that's not different at all from what the minister is
saying, and hence the question again: why the change? What was wrong
with the old approach that warrants this type of change? Either it
brings into question the motivation and the intent of the government,
or it must be done to remedy a wrong that was happening under the
legislation.
Let's deal with that part of it, because the
section as amended now has those words "part of it" removed, and we
have now put in the test of "a substantial part" of its business. That
certainly changes the test significantly, because if a part of the
enterprise was going to be captured if it was sold, then the successor
rights would apply.
Yesterday I gave the minister an
example. I said that if a bakery operation in a Safeway store was sold,
then that is obviously a part of the store. The minister said, when we
concluded yesterday, that he thought that if that part of it was sold,
then in those instances the successor rights would follow. But I think
it's fair to say that a bakery within a large grocery store is
certainly not a substantial part of the operation. In fact, it's one
component of several, but certainly not a substantial part of a grocery
store. I don't know how you measure "substantial" — if it's in square
footage or volume of sales or whatever — but to use that example....
The minister said that in that instance the successor rights would
follow the sale. Yet we're talking about only a part of the business,
and certainly not a substantial part of it, I would venture to say, no
matter how you measure it.
I gave two methods of measuring:
through the volume of sales or the square footage, or even the number
of employees. I think by any one of those factors it would not be a
substantial part. But it would be a discernible part, to also use
language that the minister said. But a discernible
part is quite
different than a substantial part. Once again, I try not to get
heavy-handed with my legal background, but I think I've tried to make
the point in layman's language. But the minister obviously must see
that there is something different in a discernible part, as opposed to
a substantial part, and I hope he sees my point with respect to the
bakery operation.
In light of that explanation, does the
minister still think that the bakery operation would be captured by the
successor rights provision as it stands before this House? If so, why?
Does he not see my point that it may not necessarily be a substantial
part?
I'll leave it there and ask the next question, which
I think is an obvious question. But I'll pause there. Does the minister
still believe that that example would be captured by this
section that
we're debating right now — the bakery situation?
HON. L. HANSON :
I said when we opened debate on this
section that we're changing the
language because the criteria in the Code are very — what should I say?
— limiting. "A business or a part of it" is a very narrow definition,
and what we're trying to do is ensure that the essence of the business
has been sold — that there is a continuity.
I've got a note passed to me, and I'll admit it's a note, because I'm not a lawyer, as my friend is.
This
was a discussion among the many discussions we had on this particular
section as we were drafting it. There are some judicial
interpretations
of the word "substantial" which suggest it probably means discernibly
separate and not minor or trivial. That's the message that we're trying
to put out in the wording in the act. From the discussions that I've
had with a number of people — as I've no doubt admitted before, I've
had a lot of advisers — I sincerely believe that the case of the bakery
suggested earlier would be caught.
MR. SIHOTA : I'd
like to believe that it would be caught too, believe you me, because it
should be caught. I'm glad that the minister and I agree that it should
be caught. But a bakery, as I said before, is a small component of a
large grocery store; it is not a substantial part of the grocery store.
The minister said, yesterday and again today, that he thinks a bakery
would be caught by that section, But it's not a substantial part, and
it demonstrates, I think, the flaw in the wording of this section.
The
minister says that in some jurisdictions — not all, but in some
jurisdictions, if I heard him correctly — "substantial" has been
interpreted to mean a discernible portion of the operation. I hope that
that is the
interpretation placed in B.C.
May I ask the minister this. I ask this question very honestly, because Hansard
is used in adjudicating these matters, so I think it should be a part
of the record. Does the minister think that the definition of
"substantial" as it appears in this
section includes a discernible
portion of an operation?
[11:45]
HON. L. HANSON :
The Labour Relations Board is going to consider all of the facts in the
case. In the suggestion raised with the bakery, I really believe that
that will be dealt with by the IRC in the manner the member opposite
suggests it should be.
I'm not sure — because it's the
jurisprudence of the board as it's developed in the particular
circumstances — that we are going to resolve them as we stand here
debating them. Again, the question of successorship should not be a
mechanical transfer. It should be that there has been a discernible
continuity of the business that was going on there. As I suggested
earlier, the word "substantial" has, in some cases, been determined as
discernibly separate and not minor or trivial. I think that's the
direction we are giving to the IRC in this
section of the act.
MR. SIHOTA : Madam Chairman, is the minister then saying that in his view the word "substantial" means "discernibly separate"?
HON. L. HANSON :
Madam Chairman, I'm not necessarily saying that, but it could be — if
the member opposite is cross-examining me on that. I think we're
debating the philosophy of what we're doing here, which is what I'm
trying to do.
MR. SIHOTA : We debated the philosophy
in second reading, and as I understand this process, the minister is to
be explaining to us what he means by the various sections. I don't
necessarily want to get into the philosophy of it. I'm not trying to
cross-examine the minister. It reminds me of when I used to be on
municipal council. I think it's just part of your training sometimes.
You tend to frame questions that come
[ Page 1609 ]
across
as cross-examination. When I was on council, occasionally when we would
have a contentious issue with people appearing in front of council and
the hall was packed, I would be accused of the same thing. Believe you
me, I'm not trying to cross-examine, but I am trying to get an answer,
because I think a lot does turn again on this section. It's one of
those sections that I think we have all pointed out as being a
significant one. That's why we're spending so much time on it.
The
minister is sort of saying yes, the word "substantial" means
"discernibly separate" and no, perhaps it doesn't, and that in some
jurisdictions it has been quoted that way and in some it hasn't. I'm
sure now the minister sees the point that I'm making. What he would
like to see in principle happen — i.e., a bakery being sold and it
being discernible and hence captured by the successorites — may indeed
not happen because of the framing of the
section which talks about
"substantial." I think we can both see, I would hope, that lawyers on
two different sides of this argument are going to argue the meaning of
the word "substantial." That is going to become the pivotal concern in
the eyes of the council.
I made this point before, but I
think it warrants being made again. What's going to happen is a board
is going to be faced with the decision of whether or not to water down
the word "substantial." You could place a very high onus by saying:
"No, you've got to prove quite a bit if you want to argue the successor
rights." Or alternately, you could lower that onus by broadening out
the definition of "substantial" to include concepts like "discernibly
separate," which is the concept that the minister has mentioned. You
can also say: "No, 'substantial' means something greater than 50
percent of the entire assets and an undertaking of the operations of
the enterprise," in which case the bakery situation would not be
captured by this section.
The council is going to have to
make a determination of how it defines the word "substantial," because
it remains undefined under the legislation. Part of that will be
determined by coming to Hansard
— and we've already talked about that, so I won't go any further — and
part of that is also going to involve them going back to the old
legislation to also determine what indeed the Legislature's intent was.
The
old
section said "or a part of it." If you think about that, to me it
would suggest that the standard is going to be raised, that the onus is
going to be higher. It will not mean "discernibly separate," because
"discernibly separate" is far closer to the words "part of it," than it
is to the word "substantial." If you were to have a sliding scale and
you put "substantial" here and "part of it" over here, "discernibly
separate" tends to lean towards "part of it." But because the
legislation has removed the words "a part of it," then it seems to me
it only stands to reason that if that end of the scale is removed, then
the council is going to be leaning more towards the more onerous
definition of "substantial," as I've just laid out. I picked a simple
way of doing it to hammer home the point — like I say, something more
than 50 percent of the assets and undertaking of the company; it may be
two-thirds of it, I don't know. I think you can see there arises quite
a debate and that debate would put into jeopardy the conclusion that
the minister just made about the bakery example I provided.
believe the minister when he says that he would want the bakery
situation to be captured by the successor rights provisions. I quite
honestly believe that what you say is what you believe. But I also
would like to think the minister can believe me when I say that there
is a more than plausible, more than reasonable argument that given the
history of the legislative changes, the standard is going to be raised.
It is a sufficient answer, I guess, for the minister to say: "We will
wait and see what happens." But in reply to that — because I anticipate
that the minister is going to say that — why wait and see, when you can
come up with language that will capture the very thing the minister is
saying that he wants to capture under this section?
I want
to ask why the minister did not simply decide to put in the following
language: "...where a business or a discernible part of it or a
substantial part of it...." We won't get into the asset question for
the time being. Would that not crystallize the minister's intent? Why
did the minister not choose to put in the words, "a discernible part of
it," instead of just removing the whole phrase "part of it"?
HON. L. HANSON : I think the member mentioned earlier that the purpose of this debate is to get into Hansard some of the
interpretations that we see here in the House, and certainly that is part of it.
Again,
"discernible part of a business" is I think used in the wrong context
here. You can look at a discernible part of a business. If it's a radio
station, you can look at a microphone and say: "That's a discernible
part of the business." But that is not what we are trying to do. We
want a much broader
interpretation. We feel that the wording we've put
in the act will provide the ability for the Industrial Relations
Council to make that broader
interpretation. We honestly have a
difference of opinion. In going through this and in drafting Bill 19,
all of the things you are suggesting have been kicked around, discussed
and so on, and we feel that the description "a business or a
substantial part of a business" does capture the essence of a business,
which is what we're saying, and what we've said for a number of times.
guess a discernible continuity between a part of the old business and
the new business is what we are certainly trying to put forward in this
legislation, and I believe we are putting it forward. It is my opinion
that the suggestion would create a situation where it is possible to
have a very narrow definition of successorship. We are trying to ensure
the discernible continuity concept and the concept that a business is
made up of much more than only a specific part of it, before the
determination is made that successorship should apply.
MR. SIHOTA :
I appreciate this debate, and I would like to find out where my
thinking is wrong so that I can.... Perhaps this debate won't matter to
99 percent of the people, but it will to the people who are going to
interpret this section. I would like to find out where my
interpretation of it is wrong. If it happens that one day I end up
dealing with the Labour Relations Board on this, and I still don't
quite understand what.... I understand the minister's intent, and I can
understand what the minister is attempting to do, but the intent and
that attempt do not equal what appears here in the section.
The
minister gave the example of a radio station. It's true that no one
wants to impede the ability of a radio station to sell a microphone,
and clearly this legislation won't do that.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
On the other hand, if a radio station chose to sell its.... Let's say a radio station had two production studios and
[ Page 1610 ]
wanted
to sell one facility that it had for producing advertisements to
another company, and so it sold off the control room, the microphone
and the employee who did that work — the employee went along with the
sale. That's probably the wrong way of framing the example, but if it
sold off that physical component and the employee was engaged again by
the new employer, in my mind that would be a situation where a portion
of the radio station was sold off — a part of it, if I can use the
language of the old act — and the bulk of the radio station remained in
the hands of the original owner. In other words, the other studio,
which does the broadcasting, the records and the tapes, and has the
newsroom, the reception area and all that kind of stuff, would
remain....
So once again, you've got a portion of it sold.
I like to think that the minister and I would agree that if it was
unionized and if that employee was unionized, much like the bakery
example, the successor rights should follow. If I'm correct on that
assumption, to use the minister's own example, you wouldn't be captured
by this section. It may be a discernible part, but it's not a
substantial part. You would avoid the successor rights. If you started
to sell off different components of it one by one, and those components
are not substantial — although all of them added up as one would sell
off the enterprise, much as in the example of the museum or the
planetarium that the member for North Island (Mr. Gabelmann) was
referring to earlier on — you could essentially deunionize those
workers by selling components of it.
[12:00]
If the bakery principle — if I can put it that way — is still the
principle, and the minister sticks to that principle, then clearly he
is saying that he wants those successor rights to pass. As I said
earlier on, I don't want to impede the sale of that; but supposedly
whoever buys it knows that it's going to be a unionized studio. So once
again, in that type of instance, the clause would not fulfil the intent
of the minister as he has indicated it. Or am I wrong? Could the
minister explain to me where that thinking is off base, because I don't
see how that's possibly a "substantial part of it." Yet I'm assuming
here that the minister will agree with me that the successor rights
ought to apply much as they did in the bakery case. Perhaps he could
clarify that for me.
HON. L. HANSON : I guess we
can go on with these hypothetical cases forever and have differences of
opinion as to what the
interpretations will be as the cases unfold
before the IRC. I think that cases determined by the IRC will be
determined on the facts and in the circumstances. I guess that the
radio station he's talking about and the control room.... It would seem
to me very difficult for a radio station — and I don't know much about
radio stations — to operate without a control room, and if they did
sell it, they'd probably get another one and still be in business, and
all of those people who had a contract would continue.
can go on with these hypothetical situations forever. I believe the
member opposite was suggesting "discernible or substantial." I guess
there would be a concern — and that's why I oppose putting it into the
bill — that there could be an
interpretation that certification should
follow mechanically from disposal of a minor part of a business. We'll
get into an argument about "minor" and all of the other things.
"Discernible" could be construed as meaning perceptible. In other
words, I think there could be a decision that a trivial part of a
business was sold and that certification should follow, and what I've
started to say, or what I've said ever since we started this
discussion, is that in the cases where there is a discernible
continuity — and the bakery suggestion was raised — I think that should
be caught, and I think it will be caught.
We can go on
arguing these things by
interpretation, I guess, forever — hypothetical
cases and the others. The final test will be that the Industrial
Relations Council will make determinations based on the legislation and
based on the facts of the case. I sincerely believe — and I've spent a
lot of time studying it and thinking about it — that those situations
would be determined fairly and honestly, and that the bargaining rights
of the individuals would not be impeded.
MR. CLARK :
I just have one question for the minister. I'm not a lawyer, so I want
to be blunt about this. To bring it back to the bakery case, because I
think it's very important, what we're getting from the minister — I
think this is the way it should be.... What I'd like him to say, if
it's possible, and I hope he agrees, is that it is your intent as the
drafter of the legislation, as the author of the legislation, that you
believe that if a bakery is sold or spun off to a non-union sector, you
think — it's your intention — that this legislation would not allow
that; and if at some future date it does allow it, you'll change the
law to ensure that successorship is captured. In other words, they
cannot get out of collective bargaining by spinning off the bakery to a
non-union company?
HON. L. HANSON : Mr. Chairman,
first of all, as the IRC does get into action, government has the
responsibility of monitoring those actions, and we will monitor the
legislation that we put in place for that board or tribunal to
adjudicate. Any government that's responsible.... I'm not going to tell
you what future policy is, because who knows what future policy is. But
we have legislation that, as you say, was drafted; there is an intent
behind that legislation. You say that I say that I think that's what's
happened. I believe that that's what will happen. I don't think that
there is anyone sitting here, legally qualified or not, who is going to
say that's what is going to happen. They're going to say that that's
what they think is going to happen because of the words that are before
it.
I have mentioned, I guess a number of times, that in
the case of the bakery — and we get off on these hypothetical things
again — I think that that will be captured, and I do think it and I
believe it.
MR. CLARK : Do you want it to?
HON. L. HANSON :
Yes. But I say to you that I want to know all of the facts of the case.
Instead of taking a very hypothetical situation...explain everything
before we get into that. Again, I'm not a judge or am not commissioner
of the council or a member of the council, nor do the people come to my
office to get decisions as a result of this legislation. They go to the
Industrial Relations Council, and there will be legal jurisprudence
develop from this legislation. I believe that that's the right way and
the way it should be.
MR. WILLIAMS : Mr. Chairman,
I'd like to reflect on an example, say, such as the privatizing of
parts of B.C. Hydro, which certainly might be contemplated by this
administration. I guess anything might be contemplated by this
administration.
[ Page 1611 ]
There
are smaller elements of that operation that might be looked at in terms
of spinning off and privatizing. One, for example, might be the Hydro
railway. B.C. Hydro runs a railway operation in the lower mainland,
essentially in the inner part of the lower mainland, that's significant
in terms of freight operations, and leases some rights-of-way and has
some rights-of-way of its own. But in terms of Hydro's operations it's
not significant; it's very modest relative to the entire Hydro
operation.
Maybe you could advise us how you see that,
then, in terms of the successor rights, in terms of an entity such as
that. It's terribly important, I think especially in this area of
privatizing, because you can come up with numbers in terms of an
appraisal of a business, in terms of coming up with a value for an
operating business, considering its assets and all the rest of it, and
you'll at least get a range of value that's reasonably consistent. All
of that assumes that you're paying labour on the current basis. That's
what the appraisal would be based on. As soon as you're able to
deunionize the company, then you've shifted a very significant chunk of
assets — or at least value — to capital from labour. So you change the
capitalized value of these assets by down-pricing labour, which would
happen under deunionization or the lack of successor rights.
There
are all kinds of examples out there in the private sector where, if
they get rid of the union, the capital value of the business is
significantly higher. There's simply no question about it; the examples
abound. I can see a pretty neat scenario in terms of friends of
government interested in picking up chunks of Crown corporations where
they might acquire the small spinoff assets on the basis of some
reasonable appraisal. But once they get rid of the union, they've maybe
increased the value of the company by 25, 30, 50 percent, depending on
how labour costs were as part of that organization. That would be a
huge windfall to the holders of equity or capital. It would be
unreasonable and unjustified relative to what they paid for getting
that former public asset.
Maybe the minister could comment on that.
MR. JANSEN :
Regarding this particular section, the successor rights, we keep on
talking about the concept of deunionization. I'm not sure where the
members opposite find those words. We're talking about the sale of the
business or a substantial part of that business. We keep hearing little
scenarios and little examples floated to the minister requesting his
opinion on certain aspects of that, and what his decision would be.
have, through this legislation, established an Industrial Relations
Council that will adjudicate on these issues, on these questions. They
will apply fairness and equity. For some reason, the members opposite
feel that this council will be weighted and its decisions will not
reflect the best interests of all the parties. What we're suggesting is
that indeed this Industrial Relations Council looks at all the issues
and determines fairly whether or not there has been an attempt to evade
the collective bargaining process. That's inherent in
section
Section 29 says that an "attempt to evade collective bargaining
obligations under this act" will be prevented, precluded. But we're
talking about the sale of a business or a substantial part of it, which
is where the successorship would happen.
We've had
situations in the past where a bulldozer was sold, or a piece of
equipment of a particular business, and questions were raised whether
or not successorship should apply. It could be that that particular
piece of equipment will be sold to another union company. It's not a
case of just going from union to non-union. They keep on raising this
question as though it's a deunionization type of concept, and indeed it
is not. If the members opposite would get out of their fantasy world
sometimes and go to the real world, see how things are done, they would
see where Ritchie Bros. have their auctions — or other auctions of a
similar nature — and could look at this kind of transaction happening
on a daily basis. We are talking about where the sale of a business or
a substantial part of it would have successor rights established. It's
not the ancillary parts or the small parts that have this type of
application, but it becomes the integrity of that business. Where that
business or the essence of that business is transferred, then indeed
the successorship follows.
So I have some difficulty, first
of all, with some of the statements that members opposite make in
regard to various examples. If the minister would comment, I think
that's a job for the Industrial Relations Council. Indeed, we have
structured it for that reason. The members opposite feel that that is
not the appropriate way to go, but I would submit to you that we should
perhaps allow that council to work. We should perhaps give it a fair
opportunity to succeed. The various disputes or things that come before
that council would be determined by them, considering fairness and
equity, and considering indeed if there has been a deliberate attempt —
or an attempt — to evade the collective bargaining obligations under
this act.
[12:15]
MR. SIHOTA : I don't buy any of that drivel, Mr. Chairman.
MR. CHAIRMAN : That's an unparliamentary comment.
MR. SIHOTA : My apologies; I withdraw that. But I certainly don't buy any of the comments that were just made.
keep on hearing this case of the infamous bulldozer that was sold, and
because of it a company was unionized. I would like to hear more about
that case. Does the minister have the case? Which labour board decision
was it? On the sale of one bulldozer, the operator, etc. was unionized
— is that what the member is saying?
Clearly, if the
essence of the business was sold.... The member seems to agree that if
the essence is sold, succession should attach. In that instance, if the
bulldozer was deemed to be the essence of the company, then clearly I
agree with the member that the successor rights should pass. But he
can't on one hand say that on the sale of one asset.... I would defy
him to show me one decision of the Labour Relations Board where, on the
basis of the sale of a single asset, one Caterpillar among a hundred in
an operation, successorship applied.
It is always the
phantom case that is being raised by the other side: the phantom
situation where, at some point, something happened. It is more rumour
and gossip and innuendo than it is truth and fact. I invite the member
for Chilliwack (Mr. Jansen) to prove me wrong. Cite me a case; show me
a labour board decision where that happened, and I will be the first
person to stand up and say: "Yes, the member is right and I was wrong."
I'm putting my neck on the line; I am simply asking the member to do
the same.
It is absolutely incredible to hear these types of instances cited over and over again. We get them all the time. We get
[ Page 1612 ]
this
doubletalk. On one hand, they are concerned about wanting to make sure
that you can pass on the asset in an unfettered way. I am telling you,
in today's commercial world, I don't think anybody has any hang-ups
about passing on assets. That can go on in an unfettered way. But the
other half of the doubletalk is to say that if there is a contractual
obligation that attaches to that sale of the asset — a contractual
obligation in a collective bargaining agreement — and if that asset is
the essence of the business, then of course the successor rights should
flow. That is the current law; so what are you trying to change?
Don't
try to put up cases before this House in justification when those cases
don't exist. It is a weak and misleading argument to use the bulldozer
argument to bulldoze your way through this legislation. It is simply
not true. Prove us wrong; give us a case.
Then when we talk
about "substantial part" and the change in wording, we have the
minister stand up and say: "No, it doesn't have to be a substantial
part. I don't want to run through all the examples of radio stations
and grocery stores again, but no, it doesn't have to be a substantial
part." But the legislation says it is a substantial part. It is again
doublespeak.
What is your intent, and what are you trying
to achieve through the legislation? If your expressed intent is one
thing, and if the legislation, reasonably put — and I am not trying to
stretch it — invites a conclusion contrary to the intent, then you'd
better change the legislation to bring it in line with your intent, or
you'd better come out honestly and say it isn't your intent. Don't
doubletalk and try to have it both ways.
I understand that
the member who spoke before me had to give us a commercial break while
the minister went out for his smoke. I don't mind that. But if we want
to have reasonable and rational debate in this House, then let's have
it on some solid factual grounds, not on some facts that don't exist.
Those
are my comments. I have some further questions to the minister on part
of it, "substantial" and all of that. I am not going to stop until I
get some answers. But I know that the second member for Vancouver East
was pursuing a line of questioning, and I will allow him to continue to
do that before I start mine again.
MR. REE : An introduction, Mr. Chairman?
Leave granted.
MR. REE :
Mr. Chairman, I would like this House to welcome the 5,000 to 6,000
people who are on the legislative precincts today in support of the
three bills.
MR. GABELMANN : Mr. Chairman, I, too, would like to have this side of the House welcome the few hundred people out there.
MR. JANSEN :
Mr. Chairman, on
section 29, the member who spoke previously regarding
reasonableness and factual discussion.... That's indeed what we're
trying to present in this House. We've been listening for a long time
to: "If this set of circumstances apply, what is the solution? If this
particular thing happens, what is the answer? If we present this
particular set of circumstances, what will evolve from the solution to
this particular situation?" We are talking about a factual part and
things that happen in the real world.
We're talking about the sale of a business or a substantial part of it.
Let's
use an example — you talk about examples — the Surrey Co-op, a
well-known firm in the Fraser Valley which went bankrupt, and the
successorship still applies to that business. The thing is, if a
forklift of that particular operation were sold, that is a part of that
business, and there would be a question raised whether or not that
should then compel successorship status to the person who bought it.
Perhaps we're using an example that's very small, but it's an example
that I think we're trying to produce. What we're trying to say is that
the Surrey co-op situation has successorship applying to it. But if a
very small part of that organization were sold, then it shouldn't have
successorship, apply to it.
This
section very clearly says
that where a business.... It could be through its share structure, it
could be through its asset structure. I have been in public practice,
Mr. Chairman, for a number of years and I know the situation in regard
to the sales of businesses. What we're trying to do here is determine
whether or not there is an attempt to change or transfer the business,
or a substantial part of it. There are a number of ways that can be
done. We're suggesting, to clarify that, that if there's a deliberate
attempt or an attempt to evade the collective bargaining obligations
under the act, then the Industrial Relations Council will adjudicate in
that particular situation.
I'm not sure where the members
opposite are coming from in regard to saying that they have difficulty
when we're making it a little more finite, when we're indicating the
essence of the business, or a substantial part of it — in other words,
the essence — is being transferred. I don't know what we have to say
here, members opposite, to get that message across to you. What do we
have to do? Do we have to keep presenting little examples and say given
this little example, this is where that
section would apply? We're
talking about legislation that, in my opinion and that of most of the
people of this province, is clear. It's reasonable legislation. It's
legislation that says in very simple terms that where you're trying to
evade the collective bargaining obligation, successor rights apply.
Mr.
Chairman, I don't know what we can further add to the comments of the
members opposite, other than to suggest and perhaps echo the comment
that he made previously that we should be talking about the factual
parts of this legislation rather than talking about different scenarios.
MR. SIHOTA :
The previous member talks about "Well, let's talk about facts; let's
not talk about scenarios," and he uses the example of the Surrey Co-op.
If I understand that situation correctly, and it's not one I'm familiar
with, if it was a grocery store and if it sold off one of its bakeries
as a way to avoid, let's say, bankruptcy, then the bakery is not a
substantial part of it. As I understand the member for Chilliwack (Mr.
Jansen), the bakery would not be captured by successor status; and as I
understand the minister, it would be. If the member from Chilliwack is
suggesting that it would be captured by successor status — and he says
that it would, as I take that last nod — that's not what the wording of
this
section says. It's a classic example of your stated intent not
being captured by the legislation that you have. We're dealing with
facts. We're dealing with the words that appear here in the
legislation, and we're dealing with a situation that the member's
familiar with.
[ Page 1613 ]
I'm
waiting for the Minister of Labour to return, because I want to ask him
a question which I think sort of captures this whole situation.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : Ask the question.
MR. SIHOTA :
But in the meantime I'll allow the member for Prince George South to
speak, because I understand he wants to speak. He's got his pen poised.
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
We've listened intently to this debate, Mr. Chairman, not only on this
section and other sections; and the opposition, I think, are trying to
turn this forum into what the IRC might do and have the minister
establish opinions and a forum that is discussed in the bill and would
be better addressed by other people.
I found it curious that the member referred to evidence that could be used from Hansard . I can understand his willingness to have Hansard
stated and maybe used at events. I would quote, though, from Maxwell on
interpretation of statutes, where he advises that in terms of how the
courts might view this, there is a danger that members of the House
might, in the course of debate, attempt to influence the future
interpretation of statute by expressing their own views as to its
probable effect, in the hope that these will remain uncontradicted at
the conclusion of passage through Parliament.
That's from Maxwell, On the
Interpretation of Statutes ,
hon. member. You're trained in law. It's the 12th edition, available in
the Legislative Library. I think you can read that yourself and
understand the concern you have.
MR. SIHOTA : I've read it.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : Then why do you insist on having material in the Hansard ? What about the Reader's Digest case? Well, you can answer that one as well.
any event, what the opposition appears to be attempting, Mr. Chairman,
is to have us define how long is a piece of string, or to define
everything that can be far better handled in another forum. I think
it's impractical. I think it really isn't relevant to the debate of
this bill. We on this side, and the minister in particular, establish
the intent and tell the committee the intent of the sections and the
wording that we have, but I think it's most inappropriate for any
government or any minister to further indicate to the House bow
something will be decided, particularly hypothetical examples, many of
which we've seen in the last days and weeks.
MR. SIHOTA : That was a very clever attempt by the member for Prince George South, but it's too bad he didn't read on in Maxwell.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA :
Okay. I guess someone in the member's research department didn't read
on, and they unfortunately put the minister in a very difficult
position. I'll be quick to point out that that provision in Maxwell
talks about the utilization of Hansard in courts. And it's true; I'm the first person to admit that you can't use Hansard
in courts, for a lot of reasons. On the other hand, you can use it in
front of the Labour Relations Board, and that's also a well-accepted
practice in jurisprudence. The comments that we've been making with
respect to this
section and all the other provisions in this awful
legislation relate to being able to use the comments in Hansard
in front of the Industrial Relations Council, should this legislation,
as awful as it is, ever pass. I am sure the member for Prince George
hopes it will pass sooner than later.
AN HON. MEMBER : In August.
MR. SIHOTA : In August.
Your researchers, I am sorry to say, Mr. Minister, did a bad job. You can use Hansard in front of a tribunal such as the Industrial Relations Council, but you can't use it in front of the courts.
[12:30]
MR. LOVICK : Fire him. This time they have cause.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA : I'm glad the minister is.... As the member says, perhaps the researcher can be fired because you now have cause.
The
member for Chilliwack talked about the bankruptcy situation, and I just
wanted to quote something from the continuing legal education materials
on bankruptcy, but now that the minister is back I won't deal with
bankruptcy. I could, but I'd rather stick with the main line. Hopefully
the minister was not attending the seditious rally that's going on
outside — a rally, I must say, without permit. It's too bad....
MR. CHAIRMAN : Hon. members, I think it would be kind of neat if we could get back to
section 29 as amended.
MR. SIHOTA :
Okay, we will. The minister yesterday talked about assets not being the
only determination, or not wanting that to be the only determination,
with respect to successor application; hence the removal of the
phraseology that dealt with assets. If I understood the minister
correctly yesterday, he was saying that what he wanted to see was that
there would be a recognizable continuity in the business, not simply a
sale of assets, to invite successor status. I take it that that's what
the minister was saying. I could go back and quote him, but basically
the minister was saying that assets alone ought not to be the
determinant of whether or not successorship should apply, but assets in
consideration of all of the other circumstances — discernible business
continuity — would be the overriding factor. Once again, I was
surprised that the minister said that, because I was trying to make the
argument that assets never were the sole factor resulting in an
automatic or, as the minister puts it, mechanical approval.
Yesterday I didn't get a chance to quote this, and I want to put it on the record. It's an extract from Canadian Labour Law
by Adams — it's the 1985 edition, which came out about a year ago —
where Adams reviews the various successor rights provisions in various
jurisdictions. In dealing with the British Columbia
section — it's just
short; it's only about half a page — he says.... I want the minister to
listen carefully to this quote, because as I interpret what Adams
says.... What Adams says here is, I think, bang on to what the minister
provided me with in his statement as to the intent of the changes. I
think it hammers home the point, as it did with "substantial," that
what your intent is not captured by the section.
[ Page 1614 ]
But
I thought, instead of hearing it from me and questioning my legal
abilities, we'd go to a scholar who knows the stuff at least better
than I do. Here is what he says, and I think it's an interesting....
I'm not taking it out of context; I'm just reading the paragraph:
"The
British Columbia board now sees the appropriate issue as whether there
is an asset transfer, coupled with a recognizable continuity in the
business. The transfer of a substantial part of the assets of a
business to another employer will not result in the automatic
application of
section 53 of the British Columbia Labour Code. A
successorship will be found if the substantial asset transfer is
effected while a 'discernible continuity' in the business is
maintained, but there will be no successorship if there is a
'qualitative transformation' of the business, despite the transfer of a
substantial part of the assets."
That's the law in British Columbia, as it sits under the current wording of
section 53.
Like
I say, it is founded on Adams, and he cites the cases that he
considered in coming to that conclusion. They consist of the Canadian
Pacific case, 78 CLLC , 16;
the Durham Transport case, which can also be found in the labour
reports; the Wholesale Delivery Service case; and the Hydro-Quebec
International case. They are all cases that he used to reinforce that
finding. They are all cases that flow out of British Columbia, with the
exception of the latter, the Hydro-Quebec case.
I want to
ask the minister if he could explain to me, given that this was indeed
the law under
section 53, and given what he was saying yesterday in
terms of what he intended to achieve through these amendments, what is
the difference. Why make the amendment if what you were saying
yesterday is bang on to what Adams says is a law under the current
section 53? Why the change, Mr. Minister? Or are you saying that you
were wrong in your expression of intent?
HON. L. HANSON :
I heard the member opposite suggest that I had some questions as to his
legal abilities. I certainly have no questions at all about his legal
abilities. As a matter of fact, I respect them very much, Mr. Chairman.
As I understand it, George Adams was a former chairman of the Labour
Relations Board, or was he a member?
MR. SIHOTA : Ontario.
HON. L. HANSON : Oh, Ontario.
Certainly
in his
interpretation.... I wouldn't have any difficulty with that.
Again, I go back to the intent of the legislation. There is a concern,
and I have that concern, that the "or part" which we have removed, I
guess, effectively, is the change. That can be interpreted in too
narrow a confine. I go back to the intent, as I have stressed many
times, that there are a number of things that make up a business. It
isn't a part, but it could be a part. It depends on the relationship of
that part to the entire business, and how the board determines, as the
facts are presented to it, what they see as continuity, and whether the
essence of the business is in fact being sold. We think the wording
that is there now is good wording. The old wording — "business or
part," which we've removed — may allow a narrow determination that we
don't philosophically agree with. I'm not going to get into the numbers
of cases and the bulldozer, and all of those things. We're talking
about an intent, a philosophy.
As I've said before, there
isn't anyone, including my opposition member, who has all of those
legal abilities to determine exactly what is going to happen from
something. That's why he is able to practise his profession and appear
before a judge and have those
interpretations and make his arguments as
to what he feels the
interpretation of it should be.
Again,
as I've said, I've stated the intent of the legislation a number of
times. I've spent a lot of time discussing that intent and getting
various opinions and so on, and I believe the legislation that we have
there now will in fact protect the bargaining rights that people have
acquired through the democratic bargaining process. Where there are
situations where successorship should not be determined under the new
IRC and the new
section that we're proposing here, we feel that there
will be a fair determination and that those protections will be in
place.
MR. CLARK : Once again the minister is not
giving us a clear indication of what he wants. Unlike what the House
Leader said, it's our responsibility in this chamber to say what we
want the legislation to do. It's up to the IRC to say how it's
interpreted.
I find this
section one of the most offensive
in the whole very offensive bill, and I say that.... I'm glad the
Minister of Tourism (Hon. Mr. Reid) is here, because I'm sure he
probably had a hand in this particular clause, because it's of benefit
to many of his friends.
MR. CHAIRMAN : That comment, hon. member, was hardly appropriate to this debate.
MR. CLARK : Why is it not appropriate? What this clause says, Mr. Chairman....
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Order, please. Please go ahead.
MR. CLARK :
What this clause says, Mr. Chairman, is that the rights of capital take
precedence over the rights of workers. It says that people who own
property can dispose of their assets and make money, but the rights of
workers who work for that company no longer carry any weight. Someone
can work for a corporation for 30 years, and you can spin off a
company, sell your assets and make money at it. That is made legal by
this change in this clause. It allows a corporation to sell off its
assets, but it says absolutely nothing about the collective rights of
workers who have worked for that corporation. So workers could spend
their lifetime working for a corporation, and the collective agreement
could be circumvented by this kind of language.
This
section is violent. It does violence to the rights of workers. The
reason for the original successor rights language was to say that the
rights of workers to organize collectively could not be circumvented by
selling off or spinning off to the non-union sector. This makes it wide
open, particularly in construction. This, combined with
section 25,
means the deunionization of the construction industry, particularly
because the capital and assets of construction work are the thing that
is traded, that is circumvented. It makes it very easy for
double-breasting, as in a previous clause. This makes it easier to get
around the collective agreement. We are going to see massive moves
towards
[ Page 1615 ]
getting out of collective agreements because of these kinds of changes.
The
successorship language in the previous Code had been interpreted by the
Labour Relations Board in a very weak manner. Already we have seen
decision after decision of the board — and I was part of some — allow
corporations to get around their collective agreement under the old
language. Here we have changes to that that make it even easier. I want
to read to you how successorship was interpreted in 1985 under the old
language:
"When considering a successorship
application, the board will determine whether a business or a part of a
business has been transferred. A business undertaking includes the
physical assets, tools and equipment, management and bargaining unit
personnel, goodwill and other intangibles. The importance of each of
these varies, depending on the essential nature of the business.
"To
determine if a business or part of it has been transferred, the board
will undertake a multifaceted approach, reviewing the extent to which
these elements have moved from the predecessor to the purported
successor. In doing so, the board will examine the numerous facets that
compose the particular undertaking, balancing those factors which
evince a successorship against those which do not, in an effort to
determine whether there has been a continuation of the business or its
assets such that collective bargaining rights should be preserved."
That's
the language. This is the way the minister is interpreting the new
language. Well, if that's the case, why did they make any changes? They
made changes to allow their friends, the employers, to get around their
collective agreements. There is no question about it. We see it time
and time again from the comments, from the member for Chilliwack (Mr.
Jansen) and other members on that side who don't understand that
collective bargaining rights can't be or should not be allowed to be
abrogated because the employer decides to make more money by spinning
it off to make it non-union, to get around the legitimate rights of
workers to organize in this province. That's what this legislation
does, clause after clause after clause.
[12:45]
This
section is violent in terms of what it does to the workers'
rights in this province. Very strongly about that. I want to go through
a case with the minister, the Redskin Cedar case, which is what this
clause is. Who was the lawyer? Peter Gall for the employer. He lost his
case, so he went to his friends in government and they changed the law.
That's what happened.
MR. SIHOTA : Was it before or after the hearing?
MR. CLARK :
May 6, 1986. No, sorry. The first one, August 26, 1985, an application
to declare Capital — isn't that a coincidence — Cedar Ltd. the
successor employer to Redskin Cedar. The application was dismissed. The
union lost the original case because the panel did not find on the
evidence that Redskin sold its business or any discernible part of its
business to Capital. Redskin did not transfer its business, but there
was a transfer of assets. Capital was a parallel business and not a
continuation of the old business of Redskin. While Capital purchased a
substantial part of the equipment, it did not purchase a substantial
part of the entire assets of Redskin, nor did it purchase the goodwill,
customer lists, etc. The union said Capital purchased virtually all the
equipment and assets of Redskin Cedar, and then laid everybody off and
hired all non-union. The union applied for successorship rights and
said: "They purchased the business, they purchased the assets; they've
just changed the employees and they've thrown out of work members of
that union who'd worked there for 20 and 30 years. That's not allowed."
And they went to the labour board and applied for successorship rights.
The labour board, using the old language, said the union is wrong; you
can sell assets. But the union appealed and, in a rare case, the union
won the appeal.
On May 6, 1986, the union appealed. The
union applied for reconsideration of a board decision that Capital was
not a successor employer to Redskin. The reconsideration panel set
aside the decision of the original panel on the grounds that it erred
in law and policy by failing to approach the analysis of the nature of
Redskin's business, and the question of whether or not there was a
discernible continuity between the business and the business being
carried out by Capital from a labour relations perspective. The
reconsideration panel substituted for the decision of the original
panel in its own decision that there was a discernible continuity, and
that assets were sold, and assets made up a part of that business.
the board overturned the original decision that Peter Gall won, because
it said — and that was the chairman, John Kinzie — that assets were a
critical component, and they were doing the same business. Would the
minister tell the House now if under this new language the
reconsideration would be successful? In other words — and this act is
retroactive, so....
MR. JANSEN : Come on, be real.
MR. CLARK :
What do you mean, be real? The fact is that this is the reason for this
amendment. You be real. This is the reason for the amendment. The fact
is that the reason for this amendment was to support Peter Gall and to
change the reconsideration that the board ruled. That's very clear The
facts are absolutely on point on this question. There's no other
explanation for these changes.
MR. LOVICK : There are other cases just as well.
MR. CLARK :
There are all kinds of cases, but this particular one is exactly the
same. Now it says that part of the business no longer constitutes...and
it removes the test of assets as a major test in terms of determining
it. That was the reason why the board overturned it.
Could
the minister tell the House whether this case would have succeeded now
or would have ended up with the same decision under this language? Or
is it the intent of the minister that this case would still be
adjudicated the same way under this new language?
HON. MR. MICHAEL :
Mr. Chairman, I'd like to just make a few comments about this
particular section, because I think it's probably one of the more
important sections we'll be dealing with on Bill 19. I think it's long
overdue. I know of numbers of instances in this province where innocent
third parties, the owners of buildings, have leased successfully to
large businesses, particularly in the retail grocery area. The person
who was leasing the premises decided to close their facility, for
whatever reason; but to close shop, sell out and
[ Page 1616 ]
clean
the shelves. I suggest that the current legislation. which requires and
provides for successorship, is indeed unfair to that innocent third
party, the owner of the building. who is not completely free to lease
his premises to whom he chooses. To me, it's unfair to have a situation
where that third party, the owner of the building, who had nothing to
do with the application for certification, nothing to do with the
collective bargaining process, nothing to do with what went on at the
bargaining table, is put in a position where he or she cannot lease the
premises to whom he or she pleases.
I suggest, Mr.
Chairman, that this
section is long overdue and needs cleaning up. I
have seen other instances in the province dealing with equipment.
People with 10, 12, 15, 20 pieces of equipment who make a free choice
to reduce the size of their operations because of the marketplace —
choosing to enter retirement, whatever reason it might be — would like
to dispose of their assets, and to think that they can't go to the free
marketplace.... Whether it be the auction yards or the free marketplace
and advertising through the regular channels, they are unable to
dispose of those articles one by one in a democratic, free-choice
manner without the fear of that certification and collective agreement
following that item of equipment. To me, it's fallacy. Changes are long
overdue, and I wish to compliment the Minister of Labour for the
initiative he has taken in cleaning up this situation.
MR. CLARK :
Well, aside from the fact that the Minister of Highways has completely
misrepresented the law, he has made it very clear in terms of the
philosophy of the government that the owner's right to lease to
whomever he wants takes precedence over the rights of the workers in
that previous operation. That's what he said. He wants the owner of the
building or the store to be able to sell to whomever he wants and to
make as much money as he wants. That right is more important than his
20, 30 or 100 or so employees who worked previously for that operation
and gave their working lives to make profit for that previous owner.
It's more important for the owner of that business to be able to sell
it to whomever he wants and to make as much money as he wants than it
is for the workers in that operation and the collective rights of those
workers.... That's exactly the kind of attitude we've seen from that
side consistently, and this section....
Interjections.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Order, please, hon. members. Would the speaker please address the Chair.
MR. CLARK :
Mr. Chairman, that's exactly the kind of philosophy we've come to
expect from this government — I wish the Minister of Tourism (Hon. Mr.
Reid) would get up, because he could say it more eloquently than the
Minister of Highways — on the need, the primacy, of owners' rights over
the legitimate rights of workers.
That's what this clause
does: it allows corporations to evade their collective agreement; it
allows them to get more money, because if the collective agreement is
not attached to the business, and the value of the business goes up,