British Columbia Hansard — THURSDAY, MAY 16, 2002 (37th Parliament, 3rd Session) (20020516pm-Hansard-v8n3)
20020516pm-Hansard-v8n3
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
2002 Legislative Session: 3rd Session, 37th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
THURSDAY, MAY 16, 2002
Afternoon Sitting
Volume 8, Number 3
CONTENTS
Routine
Proceedings
Page
Introductions by Members
Statements (Standing Order 25 B )
Gang activity in Indo-Canadian community
R. Nijjar
Protection of drinking water supply
J. Kwan
Canada-U.S. relations and U.S. softwood lumber duty
K. Johnston
Oral Questions
Health care wait-lists and waiting times
J. MacPhail
Hon. C. Hansen
Hon. S. Hawkins
J. Kwan
Care facilities for seniors
B. Suffredine
Hon. K. Whittred
Funding for early childhood development
S. Orr
Hon. L. Reid
Parental involvement in children's education
H. Bloy
Hon. C. Clark
Petitions
J. Bray
Hon. R. Coleman
B. Suffredine
A. Hamilton
Tabling Documents
B.C. Human Rights Commission, annual report, 2001-02
Second Reading of Bills
Spring Enterprises Inc. (Corporate Restoration) Act, 2002 (Bill Pr401)
T. Christensen
Committee of the Whole House
Spring Enterprises Inc. (Corporate Restoration) Act, 2002 (Bill Pr401)
Report and Third Reading of Bills
Spring Enterprises Inc. (Corporate Restoration) Act, 2002 (Bill Pr401)
Second Reading of Bills
Labour Relations Code Amendment Act, 2002 (Bill 42)
(continued)
J. MacPhail
K. Krueger
Hon. G. Bruce
Workers Compensation Amendment Act, 2002 (Bill 49)
Hon. G. Bruce
J. Kwan
Tributes
Kate Ryan-Lloyd
Hon. C. Richmond
J. MacPhail
Second Reading of Bills
Workers Compensation Amendment Act,
2002 (Bill 49) (continued)
J. MacPhail
[ Page 3533 ]
THURSDAY, MAY 16, 2002
The House
met at 2:03 p.m.
Introductions by Members
Nettleton: I'd like to introduce two very sweet ladies to the House today:
sisters, seniors and Victoria residents Pauline and Joy Cowper-Smith.
Hon. C.
Clark: We are joined in the gallery today by many of our constituency
assistants. I think I can say, on behalf of all the members in this House, that
our constituency assistants are amongst the most important individuals in all of
our lives. I know that today all of the members in this House will take the
opportunity to thank them for the work they've done.
[1405]
I just want
to add this: thanks to all of you for the work that you've done. Thank you for
being our public face in the communities when we're over here in Victoria,
because it's something that we aren't able to do as often as we'd like. Thank
you for weathering on our behalf what are sometimes difficult days in those
offices. Thank you for serving our communities as well and as diligently as you
do.
Hon. L.
Reid: I, too, have the privilege today of introducing some outstanding
British Columbians: those who are involved with infant development programs in
the province and who provide guidance to brand-new moms who are having babes and
require support as they go through the process.
I'd like to
introduce them to you: Dana Brynelsen, provincial adviser of the Infant
Development Program of British Columbia; Carolyn Graves, chair of the Provincial
Steering Committee, Infant Development Program of British Columbia; Mary
Stewart, regional adviser of the Infant Development Program for the north
region, Valemount; Marie Watts, policy analyst, Ministry of Children and Family
Development, Victoria; Karen Isaac, executive director, B.C. Aboriginal Child
Care Society, North Vancouver; Annie Wolverton, regional adviser, Infant
Development Program, lower mainland region, Burnaby; Maryanne Robinson, B.C.
Association of Infant Development Consultants, Coquitlam; Valerie Massy,
executive director of the Nanaimo Child Development Centre; Dr. Michael
Whitfield, Centre of Community Health and Health Evaluation Research, B.C.
Research Institute for Children's and Women's Health; and Sue Khazaie, Ministry
of Children and Family Development, Abbotsford.
I'd ask the
House to please make them all extremely welcome.
MacPhail: On behalf of my colleague from Vancouver–Mount Pleasant and
myself, I'm delighted to say that visiting in the Legislature today, and in the
gallery right now, are students from the Britannia Outreach Secondary School.
Outreach is an alternative program at Britannia Secondary that borders on both
my colleague's and my riding. It began in the early seventies to service
students in the downtown east side, but the program has expanded now to include
students who live throughout the greater Vancouver area.
The
students won the right to come here and visit with us because of good
attendance, a model for all of us to follow. They are accompanied today by their
teacher, Terry Johnston. Again, would the House please make them welcome.
Hon. R.
Coleman: Visiting the precinct today is Sharleen Verhulst, who from May 6 to
May 16, after leaving Mission, has been driving a slow vehicle that has a
maximum speed of about 30 kilometres an hour, which is the first electric and
slow-pledged vehicle in the province.
Sharleen
lost her twin sister to an impaired driver some time back and has taken the
initiative to let young people know the outcomes and difficulties that can be
caused by death by bad driving. Her objective was to get 10,000 pledges from
young people at schools, safety centres and any other thing they could go to, on
pieces of paper like this — pledges that they wouldn't drink and drive or that
they would slow down on our highways.
At noon
Sharleen gave me 10,000 of these from 10,000 people from Mission all the way
across the lower mainland and Vancouver Island. It's a commitment of a young
person who believes she can make a difference. I would ask the House to please
make her welcome and congratulate her on her efforts.
Hon. K.
Whittred: In the gallery today is a group of people who represent the Nicola
Native Lodge Society. This society is a non-profit organization made up of five
first nations bands in the Merritt area. They were formed in 1974 to develop a
residential care facility for aboriginal elders. I would like the House to
please welcome Peter Vlahos, Johnny Joe, Madaline Lanaro, Mary Archacham and
Josie Saddleman. Would the House please join me in making them welcome.
Hon. G.
Bruce: The other day I introduced two of the ten friends that I have. Today
there are six others that I've found who were prepared to come here. I would
like to….
Interjection.
Hon. G.
Bruce: No, it's not all ten. There will be a few more yet.
[1410]
I'd like to
introduce them to you. They're here for a very special reason. It's time once
again to reinstitute that great tennis match between the Members of the
Legislative Assembly and the press gallery. We're in the throes of organizing
this particular tennis tournament under, of course, the watchful and respectful
eye
[ Page 3534 ]
of the Clerk of this House, who does such a fantastic job in organizing
something like this. In fact, the Clerk of this House is so well organized that
the trophies are already engraved. Of course, you might want to ask whose names
are on those trophies.
It's
unfortunate that press are unable to attend this afternoon for this little bit,
but it's not actually a surprise that they aren't here. You might ask me. This
will be the thirteenth annual tennis tournament. I'm sure one of you would like
to ask me how many times the press have….
Krueger: How many times have they won?
Hon. G.
Bruce: The press have won it only once in 13 years — only once. They are
striving diligently to put together a better team this year than what they've
had at any time in the past. Of course, with the Clerk and the guidance of the
Speaker, we'll make sure that our team is just that much better than their team.
Some of you
have asked me if you can participate on the legislative team. I'd like to say
there is still room on our team, although first you would have to check with the
Clerk to make sure that you have the proper credentials. You have to have whites
to be able to play on this very auspicious occasion. Of course, for the few
spots that are left, we need….
MacPhail: It's not because you're boring that you have no friends — eh?
[Laughter.]
Hon. G.
Bruce: I'd like to make sure…. We have room yet for a ballgirl and a
ballboy, if you'd like to let the Clerk know.
Now, if I
could just have one last quiet moment here. Let me tell you, ladies and
gentlemen, this tennis match was first to have been a fundraiser for Providence
Farm. CNN was prepared to cover this match, but only if we could find better
opposition than what we actually have. Here today to help us put this whole
event together….
J. MacPhail: Order, please. Order! Order!
Hon. G.
Bruce: No, no.
Here today
to help us put this whole event together is the sponsor of the tournament, the
Cambridge Corporate Group, Lois Cartlege. With her are Jude Cahoon, president of
the South Cowichan Lawn Tennis Club, which is 115 years old, and Allan Case,
treasurer of the South Cowichan Lawn Tennis Club.
Ladies and
gentlemen, the one thing that the press do very, very usefully is that they
serve dinner the night before at Providence Farm, which is just a fantastic
facility in our community. If you would like to come, you're welcome. Ladies and
gentlemen, representing Providence Farm here today are Hans Walbom, Lorern
Stubbs and, of course, the quiet worker behind all this, Chuck Johnstone. Would
you please make them all feel very, very welcome.
Mr.
Speaker: The time will be deducted from your second reading speech.
[Laughter.]
Hon.
members, I would like to bring to your attention that on Monday, May 27, the
summer
schedule for the tour office commences, and six new summer guides will
start working with the Legislative Assembly. The tour guides are post-secondary
students who will work throughout the summer months, including weekends and
statutory holidays. In total, the tour office will be able to offer tours in
Scandinavian and Korean.
I would
like to introduce in the gallery today Cynthia Cheung, Carla Willock, Roy
Tanner, Claudia Russ, Deborah Cooper and Celine Anderson.
Statements
(Standing Order 25
b) GANG ACTIVITY IN
INDO-CANADIAN COMMUNITY
Nijjar: I rise today to raise an issue of great importance. I rise to
address the issue of the many gang-style killings within the South Asian
community, also referred to as the Indo-Canadian community. We have been forced
to accept the fiftieth killing in the community since the 1994 slaying of the
Dosanjh brothers. What is the purpose of raising the issue in this House?
Clearly, this issue is not going to be resolved here — or by the government,
for that matter.
[1415]
While I am
working with many people in the community to address the issue, such as Justice
Wally Oppal, and have a lengthy
article in this week's Indo-Canadian Voice
newspaper on the particulars of the issue, this is symbolic. This is symbolic
because I believe members of the community must stop hiding from the fact that
this problem exists for all of us. We should deal with the issue unashamedly and
collectively.
As an
elected official, it is very easy to ignore difficult issues on the grounds that
we may upset some people and champion a losing cause. However, I'm not here for
easy paths, nor do I seek easy, superficial solutions. For those who say
negative community issues should be kept in-house and MLAs should not bring
shame to community but rather only promote the positives of the community, I see
that everyone in this House and across British Columbia knows of the great
contributions the Indo-Canadian community has made to British Columbia. In
business, social life and politics, the community has made many contributions
and has a great reputation for hard work and family support values. We should
not have a complex regarding this.
There is a
great opportunity to meet the challenge with this youth issue, raising and
working admittedly and collectively. Let there be no mistake: the community has
no choice but to deal with the matter. And if
[ Page 3535 ]
the community is waiting for leaders to show the way, then this will be done.
PROTECTION OF
DRINKING WATER SUPPLY
J. Kwan:
Two years ago this week marks the beginning of the events that led to the
tragedy in Walkerton, Ontario. On May 22, 2002, the first of seven people lost
their lives, while more than 2,000 became ill. The deaths ranged from
two-and-a-half-year-old Mary Rose Raymond to 82-year-old Edith Pearson,
representing the most vulnerable in our society. It's now been a year since the
change of government and five months since the report of this government's
drinking water review panel, and B.C. still does not have a drinking water
protection act.
The inquiry
into the tragedy, led by Justice O'Connor, found the Ontario government and its
Ministry of Environment at fault. Ontario's Premier himself said: "I, as
Premier, must ultimately accept the responsibility for any shortcomings of the
government of Ontario as identified by Mr. Justice O'Connor." He also said:
"Walkerton was a wake-up call not only for Ontario but for municipal
governments, other provinces and countries around the world."
The
Walkerton inquiry found the provincial government's budget reductions made it
less likely that the Ministry of Environment would have identified the improper
operating practices of the Walkerton utility. Also, the decision to proceed with
the budget reductions was taken without either an assessment of the risks or the
preparation of a risk management plan. I'm very concerned that the deregulation
and budget cuts for environmental and other issues of public safety, like health
care or transportation, have not been put through intensive studies on the risks
and their management. B.C., under this government, is on the same path Ontario
took.
The budget
for the Ministry of Water, Land and Air Protection is being slashed by over 20
percent. Ontario, having learned from the tragedy, has recently increased its
Ministry of Environment budget by over 50 percent. The people of this province
deserve to see that this government has undertaken a thorough analysis of the
risk to public safety as a result of these budget cuts and the deregulation
process. The Walkerton tragedy and Justice O'Connor's report cannot be ignored.
Mr.
Speaker: I would ask the SergeantatArms to please take a look in
the gallery. Someone is using a floodlight and should not be doing so. Please
attend to that.
CANADA-U.S. RELATIONS
AND U.S. SOFTWOOD LUMBER DUTY
Johnston: I rise today to speak directly to our American cousins. Since that
unfortunate spat between us in 1812, we have been family. In 1861 your Civil War
saw 50,000 Canadians fighting for American freedom. We worked together in World
War I, World War II and the Korean War, when our nations stood side by side. In
Vietnam 10,000 young Canadian men fought in the U.S. armed services. In recent
times we have supported you in Operation Desert Storm in the gulf, and our elite
special services were the first on the ground in the latest confrontation.
The people
of Canada responded immediately in response to the September 11 attacks. Within
45 minutes we accepted 224 diverted planes and 33,000 passengers to airports
across our nation. We are each other's largest trading partners, with about $700
billion a year in goods and services crossing the border. The Free Trade
Agreement of 1989 and NAFTA in 1994 were agreements signed in good faith to
support both of us.
[1420]
Well,
cousins, something has happened to our relationship. There is a squabble going
on over softwood lumber. Thousands of people in British Columbia have lost their
jobs because of the punishing duties being proposed by your trade commission.
You will be punished yourself by these duties, as you will be paying $2,500 more
for a home.
At this
point in our history we are asking for your help in solving this economic feud.
We are asking you to support your own American Consumers for Affordable Homes
organization that's calling for fairness and free trade in softwood lumber.
Although it
is too late for many workers, including the 600 people at the White Pine mill in
Vancouver-Fraserview, your intervention can help tens of thousands of Canadians
regain stability in their lives. Please contact your American politicians and
ask them to treat us like the family we are. Respectfully, your Canadian
cousins.
Mr.
Speaker: That concludes members' statements.
Oral Questions
HEALTH CARE WAIT-LISTS
AND WAITING TIMES
MacPhail: A year ago the Liberals ran on an election platform that said
wait-lists were too long and British Columbians deserved better. I'm wondering
whether we can see whether the Minister of Health Services thinks patients are
getting what they deserve from this government. To the Minister of Health
Services: do patients spend more or less time on wait-lists now than they did a
year ago today?
Hon. C.
Hansen: In the election campaign last year we clearly flagged that
wait-lists were a problem. It was something that we heard from British
Columbians throughout the province. We have taken the actions necessary to deal
with wait-lists. Part of that is something that doesn't happen overnight. What
is required is a reorganization of the way health care is delivered in the
province. We are doing that.
[ Page 3536 ]
We have put
an additional $1.1 billion into the health budget to make sure that British
Columbians get the care they need. These things do not happen overnight. I am
pleased that if you look back to the stats on the number of people waiting as of
May 31 last year, there were 66,126. By the latest numbers posted on the website
earlier this month, which are as of March 31, that number is now down to 65,446.
It's not enough. Clearly, the wait-lists have to go down further.
Mr.
Speaker: The Leader of the Opposition has a supplementary question.
MacPhail: Actually, it's about wait times, because wait-lists can go on and
on, as the minister raised when he was in opposition. Really, it's the wait
times that the government guaranteed would go down.
The
government's own figures from their own website show that in virtually every
category, wait times have increased significantly for patients over the last
year. Cancer treatment is up 44 percent. Orthopedic surgery wait times are up 22
percent. Gynecological surgery wait times are up 23 percent.
Can the
minister explain to British Columbians who believed his party's promise to
reduce surgery wait times why his government's own figures show that he broke
that promise?
Hon. C.
Hansen: Clearly, these are issues that do not have quick and instant
answers. We are working on them. We are redesigning the health care system so it
will work for British Columbians in the future in a way that it has not worked
for them in the past.
The member
will know that with the nurses' job action last year, not only did wait times go
up, but the wait-lists went up. Quite frankly, the system has not been able to
make up for that loss of operating room time from that stage. We are working on
it. We are making some progress, but clearly we have a long way to go.
Mr.
Speaker: The Leader of the Opposition has a further supplementary question.
MacPhail: What a difference a year makes, because when that minister was in
opposition, he said: "Wait times were solely the fault of the government
and couldn't be blamed on any job action." That's what he said when he was
in opposition. Here's what the Minister of Health Planning said when she was in
opposition.
Interjections.
Mr.
Speaker: Order, please.
MacPhail: Here's what the Minister of Health Planning said when she was in
opposition: "The facts are simple," she said. "The longer
patients wait for cardiac surgery…"
Interjections.
Mr.
Speaker: Order
MacPhail: "…the higher their risk of dying." She was right. Wait
times for cardiac surgery are going up under this government, and people's lives
are at risk. Just last week it was reported in the media that in the minister's
own community in Kelowna a man died of a heart attack while waiting for urgent
cardiac surgery.
[1425]
The Health
Services minister refuses to acknowledge a broken promise. Maybe the Minister of
Health Planning would like to explain to her constituents why wait times for
cardiac surgery are on the rise under her government, when she promised they
would go down.
Hon. S.
Hawkins: You know, for ten years we had a government that didn't act to put
patients first. For the last year we've been working very hard. We have
committed…
Interjection.
Mr.
Speaker: Order, please.
Hon. S.
Hawkins: …to redesigning the health care system so that patients are put
first. We are setting up a system that's going to deliver safe, reliable,
high-quality services to patients when they need them, where they live.
Mr.
Speaker, we have invested $1.1 billion over last year's budget. We have made
sure that we now have a population-based funding formula that's applied to the
health authorities. We've reduced the number of health authorities from 52 to
six so that we can make sure the health authorities actually take the savings
from that and redirect them back to patient care. We're working to fix the
problems they created over the last ten years, Mr. Speaker.
J. Kwan:
When the Liberals were in opposition, they went ballistic over the wait times
that patients had to endure. What a difference a year makes. It's been 365 days
of decline in the health care system, but I'll give the minister a shot at
redemption. Will the Minister of Health Services promise British Columbians that
this time next year patients will spend less time waiting for surgery than they
do today?
Hon. C.
Hansen: We are restructuring the health care system in a way that will
deliver more timely care for British Columbians in all parts of British
Columbia. We wound up with what the Minister of Health Planning was referring
to: ten years of a disjointed health care system that was not working for
patients.
We are
reorganizing that system. I know there's lots of people fearful of change, but
we're going through the change. We're fixing the problems we inherited, and
there will be a much better health care system for British Columbians in the
future.
[ Page 3537 ]
Mr.
Speaker: The member for Vancouver–Mount Pleasant has a supplementary
question.
J. Kwan:
If the Minister of Health Services is confident about his plan, then all he has
to do is say: "Yes, I will commit. Next year at this time the wait time for
patients will reduce." Longer surgery wait times are just one of the many
Liberal broken health care promises. They broke their promise on mental health.
They broke their promise on long-term care beds. They have broken contracts.
Interjections.
Mr.
Speaker: Order, please.
J. Kwan:
They have closed hospitals. They have delisted services. None of this was even
hinted at in the New Era document. A vast majority of British Columbians
think the health care system is worse today, and they blame this government.
My final
question to the minister: one year ago, did the minister know the New Era
document was nothing more than political spin, or did the Premier wait until
after November 16 to tell him?
Hon. C.
Hansen: I find it a little bit amusing that this member would stand up in
this House and talk about broken promises. We brought in a New Era
document in the election last year, and we have already today…. Here we are
not even a year from taking office, and already…
Interjection.
Mr.
Speaker: Order, please.
Hon. C.
Hansen: …we have implemented over 60 percent of the commitments in that New
Era document.
CARE FACILITIES FOR SENIORS
Suffredine: My question is for the Minister of State for Intermediate, Long
Term and Home Care. With the recent announcement of intended closures of
long-term care facilities, some of my constituents are worried that seniors who
need extended care will be moved to assisted-living facilities. People think
there won't be sufficient care in those facilities for those that have extended
care needs. Can the Minister of State for Intermediate, Long Term and Home Care
clarify what is being offered to seniors?
[1430]
Hon. K.
Whittred: Mr. Speaker, I am very proud to be a member of a government that
has had the courage to actually put a plan in place to deal with this rapidly
growing segment of our population. The residents of this province who are over
the age of 75 are currently the fastest-growing segment of any population. They
are a population that we know requires care, and we know this is something we
need to plan for the future. Our plan will ensure that they have appropriate
care. Extended care will be available for those who need extended care.
Intermediate care will be there for those who need immediate care.
Mr.
Speaker: The member for Nelson-Creston has a supplementary question.
Suffredine: I understand that at Nelson the Mount St. Francis residential
care facility is being phased out. Can the Minister of State for Intermediate,
Long Term and Home Care tell us what options residents of Mount St. Francis will
have when that facility is phased out?
Hon. K.
Whittred: The Mount St. Francis facility in Nelson is, in fact, a very good
example of a facility that is no longer adequate to meet the needs of today's
seniors. It is not appropriate for extended care, and it is not appropriate for
lower levels of care. The information I have from the interior health authority
is that an RFP is going to be issued very shortly for a replacement facility,
and the residents of Nelson can feel assured that they will receive the
appropriate care in the most appropriate setting.
FUNDING FOR
EARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT
S. Orr:
My question is to the Minister of State for Early Childhood Development. In
September of 2000 the federal government announced a $2.2 billion
federal-provincial-territorial early childhood development agreement to give
young children in our communities the best possible start to life. Some have
suggested that the province is not directing these dollars to where they are
needed most. Can the minister tell us how much funding her ministry currently
receives, both federally and provincially, and where those dollars are being
spent?
Hon. L.
Reid: I'm delighted to give the House the background information to the
federal-provincial-territorial agreement on early childhood development. The
agreement began in the year 2000, when $39 million came to this province. In the
year following it was $51 million, and $66 million will come in each of the
succeeding three years. Those dollars will be spent on programs across this
government. The Premier has challenged us as a government to come to the table
with a cross-government, integrated, coordinated strategy, and I believe we have
done that. Over the course of the five years you will see $291 million flow to
this province.
Mr.
Speaker: The member for Victoria-Hillside has a supplementary question.
S. Orr:
While funding is very important, it's also critical that there are measures in
place to ensure that
[ Page 3538 ]
these dollars are being spent effectively. Can the minister explain what
accountability measures are in place to ensure that these programs are effective
and that the children who are receiving them are actually benefiting?
Hon. L.
Reid: Our baseline report, which each province and each territory is
required to provide to the federal government, is now up on the ministry
website. I would invite my colleagues to advance that information to their
constituents. In terms of basic evaluation processes, we have taken on the work
of Dr. Clyde Hertzman at the University of British Columbia in the human early
learning partnership, which is a consortium of probably 40 researchers across
British Columbia who will, in fact, support communities that wish to build
capacity and will provide them the answers to research questions which would be
most important to them. All in all, we have programs around evaluation for
children with autism, we have the early childhood development pieces, and we
certainly have ongoing discussions as we go forward.
[1435]
PARENTAL INVOLVEMENT
IN CHILDREN'S EDUCATION
H. Bloy:
My question is to the Minister of Education. In the New Era document, the
government committed to providing both students and parents with more choice in
education. The government has recently passed legislation that enables parents
to have more involvement with their children's school.
Can the
Minister of Education tell us how increased parental involvement will benefit
student achievement?
Hon. C.
Clark: I don't think there is any question that increased parental
involvement benefits every child in school.
Interjection.
Mr.
Speaker: Order, please.
Hon. C.
Clark: And we know further that it doesn't just benefit the children of the
parents who are involved; it benefits all the children in a school where parents
are involved.
We as a
government have done a great deal, I think, to throw open the doors to schools
to welcome parents into them. We have created school planning councils at every
school in the province that will guarantee parental involvement in those
schools. We were the first jurisdiction in the country to legislate in statute
the right of every parent to volunteer in their children's schools. We have
recognized in legislation district parent advisory councils for the first time.
We have sent out a survey to every parent in British Columbia to ask them how
they feel about their children's education. We have exempted purchases made by
parent advisory councils from the PST, and we have given every parent the choice
to decide where they want to send their child to school in British Columbia,
because they have the right to decide. They know what's best for their kids, not
the government.
[End of question period.]
Petitions
J. Bray:
I wish to table a petition with 1,600 signatures concerned about reductions in
legal aid funding and related programs.
Hon. R.
Coleman: I present a petition from STRIDE, Strategy to Reduce Impaired
Driving Everywhere, from thousands of British Columbians requesting that May 15
be made…
Interjections.
Mr.
Speaker: Order, please.
Hon. R.
Coleman: …a provincial day against dangerous driving.
Suffredine: I wish to present a petition on behalf of approximately 1,000
residents of the Kootenays urging the government to make preservation of
medicare a top priority.
Hamilton: I have a petition signed by 76 concerned parents and students at
John Stubbs elementary school concerning the learning disabled and teachers'
compensation.
Tabling Documents
Hon. G.
Plant: I have the honour to table the annual report of the B.C. Human Rights
Commission for the year 2001-02.
Orders of the Day
Hon. G.
Collins: I call Bill Pr401.
Second Reading of Bills
SPRING ENTERPRISES INC.
(CORPORATE RESTORATION) ACT, 2002
Christensen: This is second reading on Bill Pr401.
The purpose
of the bill is to restore Spring Enterprises Inc. to the register of companies.
As the House heard either yesterday or the day before, the bill was referred to
the Select Standing Committee on Parliamentary Reform, Ethical Conduct, Standing
Orders and Private Bills. They've approved the bill and reported that back to
the House.
I would
therefore move that the bill be now read a second time.
[ Page 3539 ]
Motion
approved.
Bill Pr401,
Spring Enterprises Inc. (Corporate Restoration) Act, 2002, read a second time
and referred to a Committee of the Whole House for consideration forthwith.
[1440]
Christensen: I call committee on Bill Pr401.
Committee of the Whole House
SPRING ENTERPRISES INC.
(CORPORATE RESTORATION) ACT, 2002
The House
in Committee of the Whole (Section
B) on Bill Pr401; J. Weisbeck in the chair.
The
committee met at 2.39 p.m.
Sections 1
to 4 inclusive approved.
Preamble
approved.
Title
approved.
Christensen: I move the committee rise and report the bill complete without
amendment.
Motion
approved.
The
committee rose at 2:40 p.m.
The House
resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Report and
Third Reading of Bills
Mr.
Speaker: When shall the bill be read a third time?
Christensen: With leave of the House, now, Mr. Speaker.
Leave
granted.
Bill Pr401,
Spring Enterprises Inc. (Corporation Restoration) Act, 2002, reported complete
without amendment, read a third time and passed.
Hon. G.
Collins: I call second reading of Bill 42.
Second Reading of Bills
LABOUR RELATIONS CODE
AMENDMENT ACT, 2002
(continued)
MacPhail: Yesterday I adjourned debate on this legislation, so I rise to
continue my comments in opposition to Bill 42, the Labour Relations Code
Amendment Act.
I was
discussing at the time the former colleague of mine, Fred Randall, who was the
MLA for Burnaby-Edmonds, and the very great comfort he had in front of an
audience of business people, labour people, community people, the medical
profession and lawyers who were all there to honour Fred a couple of weeks ago.
Fred was
extremely comfortable getting up and saying: "I love unions. Unions have
served this province very well." In his own very understated way, he said:
"I can't understand people who want to attack unions and who think unions
are special interest groups." The reason why the comments were so important
was because Fred Randall was talking about himself being honoured for his role
in the community that was leading to the creation of the Fred Randall House,
which was part of the Burnaby association for progressive community living.
There was
Fred, who had spent his life working on behalf of people both as a union worker
and then as a union organizer and finally as the senior business agent in the
Operating Engineers. Fred had himself brought about huge change on behalf of
working people and continued to lobby for that as part of the government of the
day from 1991 to 2001.
I put that
before us today so that all other remarks of mine can flow from that context,
because the Labour Relations Code Amendment Act is an attack on unions. It's
shifting the fulcrum so far out of whack that employers…. There was an
editorial cartoon that showed a rather corpulent person labelled
"Employer," and they had the fulcrum, the teeter-totter right down to
the ground, with a couple of small working people flying up into the air. The
comment was that the Minister of Labour brought "balance" to our
labour relations law.
[1445]
From 1991
to 2001 the ten-year record of labour disruption in this province was at an
all-time low. Over the course of the 1990s up until this past year, 2001, the
economic growth in the province was, by the Business Council's own
documentation, on an upward swing.
It's an
interesting graph that the Business Council put in the newspaper a couple of
weeks ago. It showed economic growth throughout the tenure of the time where the
Labour Relations Code was in place. That probably was due to the fact that there
was labour stability in the province, but all of that's changed. The Liberal
government, in order to pay off their corporate friends, had to bring in changes
to the Labour Relations Code.
In fact,
Phil Hochstein, one of the most verbose anti-union employers in this province,
got his way. He was the biggest single donor to the Liberal Party in the year
2001, and now he's got his legislation. It was so amusing to hear Mr. Hochstein
say in the newspapers that, oh yes, it was a good first start, but perhaps it
didn't go far enough. Balderdash. The combination of everything that this
government is doing to change employment law in this province more than pays Mr.
[ Page 3540 ]
Hochstein back for his donation of over $150,000 in one year to the Liberal
government.
Mr.
Hochstein is the head of the Independent Contractors and Businesses Association
of B.C. They don't like unions, they don't want unions in the workforce, and
today with this legislation, they get their way. I'm sure Mr. Hochstein was
told: "Listen, Phil, the best thing you could do is say that this doesn't
go far enough, because then people will actually believe that we didn't do what
you wanted to do." It was, I guess, one of the communications strategies
that may have actually been thought about by this government before they did it.
It gets reported as if Mr. Hochstein is unhappy that it didn't go far enough.
Then, we
also have the organization of small businesses saying exactly the same thing.
People reading the newspaper….
Oh, I know,
the other people that have a very strong anti-union policy is the CanWest Global
Corp. They don't like unions either. They were major donors — I think
something like 30,000 bucks last year that the CanWest Global Corp. donated to
the Liberal government. Isn't that interesting? Hmm. A media conglomerate
donating to a Liberal party. Hmm. Anyway, they're very pleased with this being a
first step, too, and of course, it gets reported as if the government could have
done much more but backed off.
Well, I'm
here to tell you that there are thousands of British Columbians that see exactly
what this agenda of this government is. There are tens of thousands of British
Columbians who understand that you have to look at the entire group of changes
that this government is making to radically alter the rights of working people
to just earn a decent living, radically altering those rights to actually erode
them and in many cases deny them.
We have to
look at all the legislation that this minister has already brought in to break
contracts, to deny whole sectors of workers in this province any right to take
their collective agreement with them when their employer changes. We have to
look at the legislation that this Minister of Labour brought in, which says to
teachers: "You're an essential service now. We don't actually understand
how it's going to work, but you're an essential service." Even then, when
the Labour Relations Board, an independent tribunal, ruled that the teachers
could take some action in defence of their own wages and working conditions
under that legislation, that wasn't enough for this government. The Minister of
Labour had to bring in legislation imposing a contract ordering them back to
work — oh, and then not paying for the contract either. This government
doesn't like to bring down the heavy hand of legislation against working people
and actually pay for their heavy hand. They like to leave that up to others.
[1450]
The
government, under this minister, brought in legislation ordering transit workers
— bus drivers — back to work and ordering nurses and health sciences
professionals back to work, so this is just the next step.
Of course,
we have to look at this legislation in the context of the other ugly
stepsisters, which would be the Workers Compensation Act changes and the
Employment Standards Act changes.
colleague and I took our lunch hour today to meet with a group of people who are
directly and extremely negatively affected by the changes to the Employment
Standards Act. We had a good, thorough briefing from people who actually used to
work with the employment standards law, and we were all left pretty devastated
by those changes. We also understand how important it is to read the Employment
Standards Act changes in the context of this Labour Relations Code change.
Here's
what's happening. The changes to the Labour Relations Code say that an employer
has the right to communicate to workers when they organize a union now. Those
who, through no fault of their own, don't understand the history of labour law
in this province know full well that anytime an employer has the right to
interfere in an organizing campaign, it is always to stop the organizing
campaign. If that right is unfettered, it means the organizing campaign to join
a union fails. Unquestionably, that's the history in this province. It's the
history in this country. It's the history in this continent. Today we have
legislation introduced that allows the employer to do just that.
I'm sure
the Minister of Labour will rise up and say: "Why can't the employer have
the right to talk about joining a union?" Maybe the employer just wants to
encourage workers to join a certain union. I'm sure that's what this minister
has in mind. Let's pick certain unions. I used to call them rat unions, and then
I was told that wasn't appropriate when I became a member of the government. We
were told to call them alternative unions. Alternative unions are unions that
like to work with the employer to undercut benefits for the workers they
represent and to maximize the profits for employers. They like to go even lower
than the Employment Standards Act. That's what they like to do, and they've got
over 100 certifications in the province today. I can bet my bottom dollar that
those same unions are going to get more certifications, because not only is it
now in the employer's interest to encourage people to join those kinds of unions
with these changes to the Labour Relations Code, but they also now, because of
the changes to the Employment Standards Act, have the right to collude with an
employer to negotiate even less than what's in the Employment Standards Act —
even less.
This
government is so desperate to deliver for their corporate donors and their
personal friends who hate unions that they've gone to extreme lengths to allow
virtually no floor below which an employer can sink in taking away decent
working conditions and pay for working people in this province.
Why is it
that I join with Fred Randall, my former colleague, and say that I love unions?
Here's why: because as a woman, if I join a union, I earn about $3 per hour
more. That is such wonderful news for working women in this province. No other
initiative is better at
[ Page 3541 ]
bringing about equal pay for work of equal value for a woman than joining a
union. It's so wonderful that we have organizations in this province that
understand how good it is to bring about equality, both economic and social, for
women. Women earn $3 an hour more, on average, in a unionized workplace than in
a non-union workplace.
Why do I
love unions? Because unions are the avenue to solve our looming skills shortage.
All of a sudden the Business Council of British Columbia is tearing their hair
out because there's going to be a skills shortage. That's imminent; it is upon
us now. Really, Business Council of British Columbia, where were you when the
Industry Training and Apprenticeship Commission was dealing with exactly this
issue? You didn't show up to the meetings, and you didn't show up to work on
putting a plan in place to deal with the skills shortage as the Industry
Training and Apprenticeship Commission was doing.
[1455]
Instead of
this government saying to employers, "Get working with unions and
educational institutions to solve the skills shortage," what does this
government do? It disbands; it outlaws the Industry Training and Apprenticeship
Commission. That's their answer.
Well, I'll
tell you something. The best avenue for dealing with our skills shortage is to
work with unionized employers, with unions themselves, to put in place solid
apprenticeship programs that will address our skills shortage, solid programs
that encourage women into non-traditional work. But that's all gone.
Why do I
love unions? It was because of unions that working people like my dad have a
pension. I'll never forget the day my dad, who belonged to the operating
engineers, came home and…. I was 18 years old, so he had been in the workforce
for a long time. His union was negotiating a pension for the construction
workers and a dental plan. That was all they were negotiating. They weren't
negotiating a wage increase. Well, I was the last one in the house, so he didn't
need a dental plan for his kids, and a pension plan…. He was a frugal man —
he is a frugal man — and a pension wasn't high on his priority list, either,
but the young men in the workforce that worked with him needed those
desperately. It was because of the union that his young worker colleagues, all
men, got a pension and a dental plan.
Now,
because of the unions negotiating pension plans as a top priority, we also have
a wealth of investment opportunities through the use of those pension plans —
investment opportunities in our province, all because unions saw the importance
of saying to their members: "We need to have savings so that you can look
after your family after you stop working."
Well, how's
it working? How is it working with what this government probably thinks is an
agenda that they're getting away with in terms of radically altering the
benefits for working people, radically altering the playing field about who gets
the opportunity to join a union or not?
Let me just
read an article. Actually, it was a column from yesterday in the Globe and
Mail . I'm sure Mr. Paul Sullivan will be horrified that I'm using his words,
because he's a person who has a particular anathema for the NDP, and, Mr.
Sullivan, I accept that. We shouldn't attribute any of the comments I read into
the record as Mr. Sullivan suggesting, just because he thinks the Liberals are
awful, that he likes the NDP. I want to make that very clear. I understand that,
Mr. Sullivan.
Here's what
he has to say about this extreme agenda that this Liberal government is bringing
forward:
"'A
Year of Living Hurriedly.'
"It's
the eve of the anniversary of the B.C. Liberals' stunning election victory
of one year ago, and everybody's exhausted.
"Premier
Gordon Campbell and his cabinet are exhausted after authoring 54 or 55 —
it's hard to keep track; they sprout faster than dandelions — pieces of
legislation that will irrevocably alter life in British Columbia. And if
they weren't tired enough, they've launched a universally unpopular
referendum on aboriginal treaty rights just for something to do.
"The
people Premier Campbell likes to call 'special interest groups' — mostly
public sector unions whose members' jobs are in peril — are exhausted.
They've been rushing to nail sound bites within seconds of the release of
each of the above pieces of legislation. B.C. Federation of Labour president
Jim Sinclair is still recovering from his triumphant assessment of the
government's recent rewrites of three key labour laws. Workers in Mexico now
have more protection than workers in B.C.
"The
media are exhausted from trying to find out if indeed this is the case, or
if it's merely another turn in the dizzying spin cycle that serves as public
discourse in this overheated domain. It doesn't help that the government has
shut down an important traditional source of news: naïve or clumsy
government communications people who try to speak on behalf of their
government. Now you have to talk to the minister, and the minister is too
busy or exhausted to talk to you.
[1500]
"The
Premier has recently declared his government's communication program broken
and promises to fix it by launching an advertising campaign. Oh, that will
fix it. Better he should clone Andy Orr, his communication director who
controls the trickle of real information that does flow from the government.
The poor guy must be exhausted from keeping his finger stuck in the dike.
"The
Premier should also be exhausted because he's hounded by lunatics who still
seem to have plenty of energy, like the health union members who braced the
Premier on a flight from Vancouver to Kelowna earlier this month, exposing
an alarming breach of airport security, or the midnight bombers who have
struck both the Premier's constituency office and even his wife's office at
the school where she's vice-principal. They should be exhausted or at least
ashamed.
"But
the people who are most exhausted are — the people. How can they tell if
Mr. Campbell's ambition to reform every little thing is helping or harming
them?
"The
government says it's making government services more effective, responsive,
efficient, modern, etc. But if you're a little old lady who lives in a
nursing home and has just been told you have 30 days to find somewhere else
to live, as you get shifted from long-term care into 'assisted living,' you
might get terminally
[ Page 3542 ]
exhausted. Or if you're a single mother on welfare who now
has to find a job at six bucks an hour and find a place to stash the kids
while you're working the all-night shift, you might experience some fatigue.
[J. Weisbeck in the chair.]
"The
Premier, who claims he's not exhausted, loves the pace, works hard, works
long and always has, says we have to trust him. 'I do think everyone knows
we had a mess to clean up,' he told the Vancouver Province. ' We're
working our tails off to clean it up as quickly as we can.'
"But
for people already exhausted by the feverish schemes of the legendary Glen
Clark, Liberal chaos theory comes as a rude surprise. Unless the Premier
schedules a midterm nap, we'll never make it to May 17, 2005, when we can
only hope to elect a nice, quiet government that will just leave us
alone."
Today is a
perfect example of legislation by exhaustion or legislation to exhaust the
public. The government is ramming through bills. They're going to invoke
closure. They're going to shut down debate. The Government House Leader says:
"Oh. Well, you agreed to that." Oh, really? Seventy-six to two —
like we agree to anything.
Nevertheless,
that's exactly the agenda of this Minister of Labour. He's probably completely
energized himself with the thrill of altering people's lives with the stroke of
a pen. He's done it month after month, introducing legislation, changing
people's lives forever, taking away rights that people have had for decades,
lessening those rights, refusing opportunities to ordinary working people
because he has to deliver for his own friends.
Not only
are people exhausted, but they have absolutely no confidence in this government
that the government's even telling them their full agenda. They have no
confidence in this government that the government even knows what it's doing. I
know what the government's doing. It's delivering for its friends: "Mr.
Phil Hochstein made a big donation. We've got to give him the labour law."
You know
what? People who actually want to grow businesses in this province don't think
this is good legislation. People who understand that the economy needs a vital,
strong, capable, well-paid workforce know that this legislation isn't the right
way to go.
People who
want to invest in this province from outside this province know that you need
laws that are fair and balanced and that treat people with equality. This
legislation does exactly the opposite. They know that's not good to encourage
investment in this province.
[1505]
I predict
that investment in this province not only will not go up; it will go down.
Staying flat would be a victory for British Columbians, but because of the
reckless, extreme agenda of this government, I predict business investment,
private sector investment, will decline this year, next year and the year after.
So far on
my predictions I've been 100 percent correct about what this government's doing.
Despite the denials of the government, it turns out that the opposition's
predictions actually have been correct. Then the various ministers have to
sheepishly get up and say: "Well, I didn't know at the time the opposition
predicted it that that was exactly what was going to happen."
I say that
this legislation — the legislation that takes away the simple right of working
people to decide amongst themselves, without interference from the employer,
about whether they should join a union or not — is imposing conditions of
close to oppression on working people in this province. Now when people sit
around the lunchroom or are on the job or are outside the plant talking about
whether or not it's time to collectively take their issues to the employer,
because of this government's new commitment to the business community the
employer will be able to stand dead-centre in that group and discuss amongst the
group the inadvisability of joining a union.
I just want
to say for the record that when employers communicate about joining unions, 99
percent of the time it's to discourage people from joining a union. That's by
academic studies, not by my word. The workplace isn't a democracy. We know that.
It's not designed to be a democracy. So if the minister stands up and says,
"Oh well, the employer's just one voice amongst many" — wrong. It is
exactly the opposite. The employer carries a weighted vote equal to the sum
total of each and every worker, because that employer has the right to continue
the employment relationship or not.
I know the
minister, along with his colleagues the Liberal MLAs on the back bench, wants to
suggest that somehow, by my standing up and saying unions are wonderful, that
carries on the commitment to friends and insiders. I'll say this: nothing could
be more wrong. Our laws that were brought in throughout the 1990s, which worked,
were the basis of independent, neutral consultation that was balanced and
reached conclusions of consensus, and then changes were made.
Not so with
this government. How quickly can we deliver for our corporate friends? How
quickly can we get that labour law through? How quickly can we ram it through
the Legislature? It isn't about balance. It isn't about consultation. It isn't
about consensus. It's about serving their friends, their corporate donors.
British Columbia is worse off for it.
Krueger: Just a few words in support of this legislation and in response to
the Leader of the Opposition, who just spoke. This debate, of course, is not at
all about whether or not unions are a good thing.
Many
members of the B.C. Liberal caucus have had very active roles in unions, strong
union backgrounds. Take, for example, the member for Esquimalt-Metchosin, a
strong background in the policemen's union; the member for Peace River South, 17
years in the Telecommunications Workers Union. A number of
[ Page 3543 ]
members were educators or are educators on leave — strong backgrounds in
the B.C. Teachers Federation.
[1510]
I myself
spent half of my previous life not only in union jobs but in positions of union
leadership. I was elected as a shop steward many times and as an executive
councillor and a board member of an 8,000-member local union.
We're proud
of our union background. I don't think the member said that she had any union
background. I don't think she did, as far as elected union positions at least.
This government holds its head high with regard to its support of the rights of
working people and with regard to the initiatives this government has undertaken
to benefit all working people in British Columbia, everything from keeping the
promise to deliver the lowest personal income tax rates in Canada up to the
first $60,000 of income, to our many efforts to allow the economy of British
Columbia once again to become proud and strong, where it was always meant to be
— number one in Canada. It slipped to number ten under the Leader of the
Opposition's watch and languished there for years.
Nobody is
attacking workers' opportunities in British Columbia — quite the contrary. The
minister and this government have done yeoman's service to rapidly expand the
workers' opportunities here. That's what we're doing. When we move to put
patients first in every health care decision and students first in every
education decision, we're moving to help the workers of British Columbia and
their families.
The problem
that the workers of B.C. have had is the same problem that everybody in British
Columbia has had over the last ten years, and that was the NDP. The Leader of
the Opposition devoted some time to unfairly slagging Mr. Phil Hochstein of the
ICBA in her remarks. That was very unfair. The fact is that Mr. Hochstein and
his group of companies also work with unions — perhaps not the ones the leader
or the NDP favour, but they have a union. It's a very reasonable one, one that
is sensible and knows how to make both its members and the employers prosper in
the marketplace. It's what the workers themselves refer to as a wall-to-wall
union that represents everybody at the worksite.
Lo and
behold, things get done, and they get done a lot more efficiently, effectively
and quicker than when you have a competition between unions over turf or when
you have old-fashioned unions that say: "No, no, a plumber can't handle a
2-by-4, and a carpenter can't handle a wire. You've got to have all the guys
standing by to do their little piece of the work." Not only that, but you
have the occasional wildcat walkout and jurisdictional dispute, so that
employers' jobs get shut down and delayed. Really, productivity is the big issue
between those two approaches rather than any question of whether people have a
right to join a union or not, because clearly they do.
The fact
that the ICBA members were working with unions that were so much keener on
helping them be competitive in the marketplace than the other companies — the
ones that have an umbrella known as the CLRA, Construction Labour Relations
Association — brought things to such a pass that the CLRA companies lost
market share tremendously under the NDP watch. Under those ten years they shrunk
to less than 20 percent, as I understand it, of the construction business in
British Columbia, and most of that was provided by the government itself. This
was not in the interests of those companies, not in the interests of their
workers and not even in the interests of those unions, many of which have fallen
upon hard times even trying to fund their pension plans.
The
government was misguided over the ten NDP years. That has been the workers'
problem. Everything from its flawed sectoral bargaining legislation to its
approach to the Labour Code to the Employment Standards Act to the pension
suspension bill — which was a real attack on workers rights — demonstrated
an inability to deliver on what was best for workers. Nothing crystallized the
source of that problem more for me than seeing Glen Clark, when he was Premier,
standing up at the Order of B.C. ceremony, presenting the medal — the highest
honour of British Columbia — to Mr. Ken Georgetti because he was president of
the B.C. Federation of Labour and referring to him as his, Mr. Clark's, friend
and the nineteenth cabinet minister.
[1515]
Of course,
he wasn't elected as an MLA, let alone as a cabinet minister. He wasn't a
cabinet minister, but he was treated like one — not as nineteenth of 19 but as
first. I don't think anything happened under the NDP watch that the B.C.
Federation of Labour didn't approve of. Many things happened under the NDP watch
because the B.C. Federation of Labour did approve of them. The result was
economic devastation for union members and non–union members alike. It
extended also to many other things outside of legislation, such as who ran the
WCB. Mr. George Heyman was on the five-person panel of administrators who ran
the WCB with decisions such as who got to sit on the Labour Relations Board and
the decisions they made. We had some tremendously incompetent decisions made
under the NDP's watch.
To hear the
bleating of Mr. Jim Sinclair, the B.C. Federation of Labour, or even the Leader
of the Opposition, you'd think we brought down some massive piece of legislation
totally eviscerating the Labour Code. The fact is that after a whole year —
just about a year — in office and careful consideration and a ton of input to
the Labour minister, there are three pages of text in this piece of legislation.
It's not some massive change. It's smart legislation; it's careful legislation.
It lays the groundwork for further change if and when that's deemed advisable,
but it's very, very careful in what it does.
Perhaps the
Leader of the Opposition is going through the motions of doing what she thinks
she has to do, which is oppose any change brought on by a B.C. Liberal
government. Or perhaps she's acting as a spokesperson for her particular support
group. The NDP are always throwing out this theory that because people donate to
a campaign, elected people have to be
[ Page 3544 ]
in the pocket of those donors. That isn't true at all for B.C. Liberals. We
are elected to represent 100 percent of the electorate, and that's what we do. I
submit that there's lots of evidence to believe that the NDP operated on that
premise, because so much of what they did was geared to providing the B.C.
Federation of Labour the things it thought were good ideas, even though they
didn't turn out to be good for the membership.
That's not
a motivator to a B.C. Liberal at all. What we want to do is restore the
opportunity that workers of British Columbia should have and would have always
had if we hadn't languished under an NDP government for those ten terrible lost
years.
While I'm
speaking, I want to speak a little bit about some things this legislation
doesn't do. So far, it really doesn't respond to the fact that the public sector
unions of this province have taken a terribly irresponsible tack over the past
year. When we have teachers presuming to bring their political opinions into the
classroom and try and enlist the support of the young minds they are there to
cultivate, that is wrong. When we have the HEU and the BCGEU coaching their
members, training them to engage in behaviours that border on anarchy, that is
wrong.
government could easily respond legislatively to problems like that. I get input
from constituents, many constituents, who think it's time to rein in the public
sector unions. Perhaps it's time for government to stop being so cooperative
with them. Perhaps it's wrong that government does an electronic transfer of
funds every paycheque to the public sector unions, which generally rake off
about 2 percent of the payroll that this government meets every two weeks. It's
millions of dollars intended, ostensibly, to benefit those unions' members but
channelled, we know, into political pots, war chests for the NDP — $4 million
set aside, for example, to attack this government in very false, misleading
advertising that is geared to frighten seniors and create false news. That is
wrong.
I was in a
restaurant one day some weeks ago here in Victoria, and Mr. Chris Allnutt of the
Health Employees Union came in and sat down with his assistant and began
berating me about the changes to the public sector policy accords, those secret,
behind-the-veil, under-the-table deals the NDP cooked up with the public sector
unions. He said to me: "People have died for those collective agreements,
and they will again." That very week I got a death threat in my
constituency office. I don't know if that was a coincidence or not.
[1520]
I do know
that when they go out fomenting hatred against elected people, when their
organizers — and I don't believe they were just HEU members; I think they were
HEU staff — get on a plane and frighten passengers and engage in civil
disobedience and attack the duly elected Premier of this province, the man who
is Premier to four million people, and harass him through the airport and block
his car and involve all sorts of other people in their preposterous behaviours,
that is wrong.
This
government could and I actually think should respond legislatively to some of
that. I don't know that we need to be a part of helping them collect their dues.
I don't think the public sector unions, in particular, and some other unions in
this province are particularly accountable to their members. I think they cook
their constitutions up so they only need a very small quorum at meetings to
fulfil the agenda of the union leadership itself. Once a person hires on at
these workplaces, they're obliged to be a part of all that process, whether they
like it or not. When they have a beef with their union, when they feel that the
union is not serving them well or not spending their money well, there's
precious little they can do about it. They're overruled very readily by these
unions.
There is a
lot of bullying behaviour in unions, and it's very tough for a member to do
anything about it. There is a provision under the code, but it's the little
person — the single member or perhaps a couple of members — up against the
gigantic union with all of its money, the money that rolls into the pot every
two weeks from the obliging employers, paying the best lawyers that the union
can hire, the best accountants that the union can hire, and it's all stacked
against the members. I don't think workers have been very well served by some of
the unions, particularly the big public sector unions. I know that workers were
very poorly served by the NDP in their ten years in office.
I commend
the minister for a very balanced, very careful approach to the Labour Code
changes, focusing the board on the things that it needs to focus on: restoring
rights and balance in the workplace. It's been wrong that a union can say
anything it wants when it comes to certify members, and the employer, if it
tried to speak to the union membership about its concerns, could face automatic
certification and often did. An employer was completely muzzled.
The member
for Vancouver–Mount Pleasant has an introduction that she would like to make.
I will just give her a moment to get back to her seat and give her that
opportunity.
Introductions by Members
J. Kwan:
Thank you to the member for Kamloops–North Thompson for yielding the floor to
me to make this introduction.
Visiting
the Legislature and in the gallery right now are approximately 50 newcomers to
Canada. They're here to learn about the government. They're here to learn about
parliamentary tradition and its rich history.
These
newcomers are students at the Vancouver Community College in the interpreters
program. They're eager to learn. They're eager to be newcomers and participants
in our political process, our cultural process and our economic process. They
are, of course, accompanied by their instructor and also by an individual from
the Immigrant Services Society. I ask the House to please make them very
welcome.
[ Page 3545 ]
Debated Continued
Krueger: Just for the record, for those few members of the public who may
actually be watching this debate on TV — or the even fewer who may read it
later — I'd like to read a little bit of that
section on the right to
communicate: "A person has the freedom to express his or her views on any
matter, including matters relating to an employer, a trade union or the
representation of employees by a trade union, provided that the person does not
use intimidation or coercion." What could possibly be wrong with that? Who
could legitimately argue against that right for both sides of the equation?
There were
some very unfair situations in labour relations law in this province up until
this government came to power. For a union to sneak around and sign up the right
number of people — and often it really didn't turn out to be the right number
of people, and the LRB had to overturn some certifications because of
jiggery-pokery with membership cards…. For a union to be able to do that and
suddenly be certified in a workplace without the employer ever having had the
right to speak its mind on the issues and without, for that matter, the
employees ever having had the opportunity to have a vote on certification — a
free vote, a secret ballot — was wrong. The government corrected that quite
some time ago. Now the government's moving a little bit further.
I submit to
this House and to the people of British Columbia that this is very balanced,
reasoned and reasonable legislation after, as I said, a full year of careful
deliberation and consultation. I commend the minister. I urge every member of
this House, including the two opposition members, to support this legislation,
and I commend the government for it.
Deputy
Speaker: Seeing no further debate, the Minister of Labour with concluding
remarks to Bill 42.
Hon. G.
Bruce: I very much appreciate those comments from my colleague from
Kamloops–North Thompson and the comments that have been made in the House. I'd
just like to speak to a few of them.
The Leader
of the Opposition, in her comments earlier on, was talking about being
exhausted, that the cabinet and members of caucus are exhausted. Well, quite
frankly, we're not.
Krueger: We're exhilarated.
[1525]
Hon. G.
Bruce: We are.
We were
given a task to undertake a year ago today, actually. The people of British
Columbia had said they'd had enough of ten years of wrack and ruin in this
province. They gave us a mandate to go to work to rebuild this province step by
step, brick by brick. Ladies and gentlemen, we are doing that. We are doing it
one brick at a time. There is a plan that we are following through in all
aspects, whether it's health care, education or in this instance labour, for how
we get this province rebuilt after ten years of being decimated by the NDP
government, now the opposition.
It's going
to take us more than one year to be able to just put it right back on track.
It's bit by bit in how we go about doing that. What we've done here in respect
of this Labour Code is that we've taken the code and put some improvements into
it, so that will help inspire this economy and get things turned around. I'd
like it that people would take a look at what we've done here.
The Leader
of the Opposition in her comments was talking about looking at all parts. She
was looking in respect to the issues around workers compensation, employment
standards — those two acts that we will come to deal with later today, I hope,
and this particular bill. One must take into account the entire context of these
pieces of legislation. If you do, Mr. Speaker, and you take a look at what we've
brought to the House today in this legislation, you will see that it is balanced
and that it is measured.
As a native
son of this great province of British Columbia and of this country of Canada, I
understand the importance of the union movement. I understand the importance of
good viable businesses, and I understand the importance of the rights of
employees in the workforce. What we're attempting to do in this legislation is
find that middle ground — it's not easy, of course, in that people will see it
from their own particular perch as to whether you're going too far one way or
the other — to try and establish and maintain a level of balance and to be
prudent in the decision-making process so that people feel confident in the
labour laws in British Columbia.
They'd feel
confident from the aspect that they are protected as employees, and they also
feel confident from the aspect that it's a good place to invest and to do
business. I think that bill as we've presented it here and the changes we've
brought into the House do just that. As my colleague the member for
Kamloops–North Thompson mentioned, the board must pay attention to the aspects
of what we were doing in regards to looking at the purposes section, the very
principles, when they bring in their adjudication on decision-making.
As a Labour
Relations Board, they must pay attention to those eight principles, not just due
regard. These are the labour laws of this province. They must pay attention to
all eight of those principles as they are set out and defined in the code. How
can one argue about the aspect of the right to communicate?
You know,
from the members of the opposition I hear the sky is falling in regards to the
ability, or lack of it, for people to be able to talk to one another if it came
through a certification process. This is not about certification or
decertification. This is about allowing people, the employees, the opportunity
to get the facts as they apply to their workplace relative to whether or not
they ought to go and certify.
Let's just
go through this a moment. What, in fact, would happen in this particular
process? I mentioned this in my earlier remarks, but I think it's important to
[ Page 3546 ]
say it again. If there is a majority — that's 55 percent of those in the
workforce — that have signed cards for certification and they're presented to
the board, the board then has to make a ruling on whether a vote is to be held.
That's usually what follows suit.
There then
has to be a vote within ten days of that order. During that period of time,
during that ten-day window, then either the union organizer or the employer can
request the Labour Relations Board to have an industrial relations officer
attend and to hold a supervised meeting, done in such a manner that both the
employer and the union representative understand how that meeting will be
conducted.
This is so
that there are not a lot of unfair labour practices that would take place, so
that there isn't coercion or intimidation on either's part and so that the
employee — the very people we're talking about giving the right information to
be able to be either represented by union or not, or whatever the issue may be
— can understand the facts of it.
[1530]
Once that
discussion is held…. It's not a debate. It's an opportunity for the union to
present its case. It's an opportunity for the employer to present its case. Then
they leave, and thereafter the employees as a body will decide whether or not
they certify. Do you know what's quite incredible, Mr. Speaker? It's that, in
fact, that very phrase of the right to communicate — that no person shall be
denied the right to communicate in speaking to their employees — is in the
code today, but it hasn't been adhered to in the way it was meant. We've changed
that to give it clarity and to give direction to the Labour Relations Board in
their adjudication of this process. Then we're putting regulation to it so that
one understands how that meeting ought to take place.
I want to
be clear. It's extremely important to me as the Minister of Labour that those in
the labour movement, those as individual employees and those in the business
community in the province understand that I know my responsibilities. I take
seriously the statutory responsibility of making sure that those individuals in
the workplace are looked after and protected. I understand the aspect of how one
goes about the union certification process and the necessity of balance in all
of these particular issues that come to play in the issue of labour relations.
Ultimately,
what we're attempting to do by changing this legislation and moving ahead with
this is to find a way to rekindle that entrepreneurial spirit in British
Columbia, to get this economy going again, to have people have the confidence to
invest in the province. With that investment and the expansion of this economy
come jobs — good, well-paying jobs with benefits for the people of British
Columbia. Quite frankly, many of those jobs will be good union jobs.
This is not
about the sky falling. This is not about one running out there, chasing one's
tail and getting all excited that there is a huge labour swing from one side to
the other. This is balanced and measured. When one takes into account all three
pieces of legislation as to what we are attempting to do here and studies them
without the emotional challenge that others would like to present to the general
public — if you look at it carefully in the quiet — you'll see that it is
just that.
With that,
I am pleased that this legislation has been brought before the House. I move
that the bill now be read a second time.
Second
reading of Bill 42 approved on the following division:
[1535-1540]
YEAS — 40
Coell
L. Reid
Halsey-Brandt
Hawkins
Whittred
Cheema
J. Reid
Bruce
Santori
Nettleton
Roddick
Masi
Thorpe
Plant
Collins
Clark
Bond
Stephens
Neufeld
Coleman
Jarvis
Anderson
Orr
Harris
Brenzinger
Mayencourt
Trumper
Christensen
Krueger
McMahon
Bray
Nijjar
Bhullar
Bloy
Suffredine
Cobb
Sultan
Hamilton
Kerr
Manhas
NAYS — 2
MacPhail
Kwan
Hon. G.
Bruce: I move that the bill be referred to a Committee of the Whole House at
the next sitting after today.
Bill 42,
Labour Relations Code Amendment Act, 2002, read a second time and referred to a
Committee of the Whole House for consideration at the next sitting of the House
after today.
Hon. G.
Bruce: I call second reading of Bill 49.
WORKERS COMPENSATION
AMENDMENT ACT, 2002
Hon. G.
Bruce: Mr. Speaker, I move that the Workers Compensation Amendment Act,
2002, Bill 49, be read a second time now.
This bill,
like the other two I have introduced this week, is an important step towards
achieving our government's goal of encouraging employees and employers to
develop healthy workplace relationships that lead to good, sustainable jobs.
This bill is designed to make British Columbia's workers compensation system
sustainable, so it can protect workers and employers in
[ Page 3547 ]
the future. The goals of this bill are to restore the system to financial
sustainability by bringing costs under control, to make the system more
responsive and to maintain benefits for injured workers, which are among the
highest and best in Canada, while ensuring fairness for workers and employers.
This bill will make it possible for the Workers Compensation Board to maintain
employer rates at levels comparable to other provinces, to clarify coverage of
conditions related to mental stress and to improve management of the system by
providing a new permanent structure for directing WCB.
This bill
furthers the government's new-era commitment to make the Workers Compensation
Board more responsive to the needs of workers and employers alike. It also
follows through on our January 2002 strategic plan, which calls for a more
accountable, responsive and cost-effective workers compensation system.
This
legislation is a result of careful consideration after several reviews of our
workers compensation system that have been carried out in recent years. That
began with the 1999 Royal Commission on Workers Compensation. That was under the
former NDP administration and was followed by two recent expert reports: one on
WCB policy and the legislation by Allan Winter and a second on WCB service
delivery by Allan Hunt. These reviews, particularly the royal commission,
involved extensive consultation with individuals and groups concerned about the
future of the system. That royal commission had over 3,000 public submissions
and was a cost by the former government of $7 million. It was then left on a
shelf.
[1545]
This
legislation strikes a balance between many diverse views that were expressed
during that consultation and is consistent with the recommendations of the
resulting reports. The bill is concrete action to address serious problems
facing our workers compensation system. Its primary goal is to protect workers'
benefits into the future by returning the system to financial health. Where
previous governments failed to act, we are acting today to protect the system
for the future.
The changes
introduced through this legislation will make the system sustainable by bringing
costs under control, allowing for employer premiums that are comparable with
other western provinces and making it possible for the system to avoid falling
into a huge deficit in the accident fund, which has been predicted if no action
is to be taken. In making these changes, we've been careful to maintain our
province's WCB benefits as among the most generous rates in Canada.
This bill
is a balanced and responsible response to disturbing trends within the workers
compensation system in British Columbia. Our WCB board, which is funded by
premiums charged to employers, is headed towards huge deficits in the accident
fund. This is what's used to pay benefits to injured workers. Although the
system had a surplus in the year 2000, and that was mainly due to unusually
large gains in the funds investment portfolio, it ran a deficit in 2001 of
nearly $287 million.
The current
forecast calls for an accumulated deficit of more than $900 million by the year
2005. This is due primarily to the system's rapidly increasing costs. If we do
not act now, the future of our workers compensation system could be at risk, and
benefits for injured workers could be threatened. In recent years Ontario,
Saskatchewan, Alberta and Manitoba have been forced by economic realities to
renew their systems, but previous B.C. governments did not act.
Concern
about financial sustainability was crystal clear. It was crystal clear in the
1999 royal commission report back to the previous NDP government. It stated this
out of the royal commission: "Clearly, the core goals of a sustainable
structure for funding the workers compensation system must include the assurance
that sufficient and stable financial resources are available to secure benefit
payments to injured workers over the long run." They failed to act.
The recent
review of the WCB carried out by Allan Winter repeated this point to me, in his
report back to the ministry. Mr. Winter's report, which we released at the same
time as introducing this bill, says — and this is a quote of Mr. Winter:
"I have been convinced that the current workers compensation system in B.C.
is becoming unsustainable."
We cannot
afford to allow our workers compensation system to slide into crisis. The system
is at risk, and we must act. The system is unaffordable, yet with a balanced set
of changes, if we take those steps today, it could be made sustainable for the
future while still maintaining benefits among the best in Canada.
We saw the
WCB face serious problems, and there was an opportunity to renew the system when
we came into office last year. We appointed Allan Winter to bring forward
recommendations, taking into account the 1997 royal commission report.
A person
receiving benefits today will not receive less when this is passed. Workers
injured after this legislation has come into force will receive benefits at the
rate of 90 percent of their net pay at work, instead of the previous system
which paid them 75 percent of their gross pay. No other province calculates
benefits using a rate higher than 90 percent of net pay.
[1550]
In order to
control costs and ensure fairness, workers who receive federal disability
benefits for the same injury will have their WCB benefits reduced by half the
amount of their federal disability benefit, representing the employers' share of
the cost, to reduce the effect of stacking, which is sometimes also known as
double-dipping. Also, under the new system permanently disabled recipients will
receive wage-loss benefits until the age of 65. Then they will receive a lump
sum retirement benefit which they can use to buy an annuity, much as what
happens with many employers' pension plans.
This lump
sum retirement benefit is funded by WCB through a further award. It's equal to 5
percent of
[ Page 3548 ]
the recipient's monthly WCB benefit, which is deposited into a retirement
account for the recipient. The recipient can also choose to match that payment
to double the amount that's deposited into the retirement account.
addition, this bill requires that at age 65 every recipient who has a permanent
total disability will receive a special needs review. This is in order to make
sure that they have all the support services they need. The WCB will provide any
needed services for life.
Let me
emphasize again that this bill does not reduce any benefits already awarded to
injured workers. I just want to say that again for people to understand, because
there could be people who are fearful that these changes relative to the benefit
they're receiving today will be changed. That is not correct. I will say it
again. This bill does not reduce any benefits already awarded to injured
workers. The new method of calculating benefits applies only to those benefits
awarded after this legislation comes into force.
This bill
also provides for an annual inflation adjustment rather than the twice-a-year
adjustment that has been the case under the old system. It limits the increases
to 1 percent less than inflation to a maximum of 4 percent in a year. These
limits have been set to help return the system to financial health.
This
particular aspect of things is much like one would find across Canada in a
comparable situation. Other provinces are a little more or a little less.
There's quite a potpourri of them all. This is a measured response to a
challenging financial solution. As a result of these changes, British Columbia
will still have, I believe, the best workers compensation benefits in Canada
while overall costs will be reduced and the system's long-term sustainability
will be protected.
Currently,
British Columbia's projected average assessment rate for 2002 is $2.03 per $100
of wages here as compared to $1.68 in Alberta, $1.75 in Saskatchewan and $1.56
in Manitoba. As I mentioned earlier, if we didn't take this action today, the
only way to avoid a $900 million WCB deficit would be to jack up rates another
25 percent over the next three years, resulting in an annual cost of some $300
million for the employers in the province.
This bill
allows the WCB to get costs under control and keep rates comparable with other
provinces while still providing benefits among the best in Canada.
This bill
also addresses the difficult issue of mental stress claims. The bill clarifies
WCB coverage for mental stress by clearly establishing that compensation will be
provided in cases of mental stress due to a sudden and unexpected traumatic
event such as the post-traumatic stress that a bank teller may experience after
a bank robbery. Coverage will also be provided in cases of mental stress that
result from a compensable injury such as the loss of a leg.
Coverage
will not be provided in other situations such as chronic stress conditions
resulting from the sort of ongoing stress that everyone experiences in their
everyday personal and workday lives. This clarification provides greater
certainty for workers and brings British Columbia's coverage into line with most
other provinces.
Finally,
this bill addresses the serious governance problems that have plagued the WCB in
the past. As hon. members may know, a temporary panel of administrators has run
the WCB since 1995 because a previous board structure, which was based on
stakeholder representation on the board, resulted in a stalemate on many issues.
[1555]
This bill
establishes a new governance structure with a board of directors composed of a
chair; one worker representative; one employer representative; one director who
is a professional, who provides health care and rehabilitation services to
people with disabilities; one director who is an actuary; and two directors
appointed to represent the public interest.
This
modest-sized board will allow for balanced, well-informed decision-making. Every
member of the board will be focused on the best interests of the system overall,
which is good for workers compensation and good for our province.
This bill
does not address all the issues that surround our workers compensation system,
but we are also intending to act on the remaining issues. First, I will be
passing the Hunt report on — this one on the service delivery — to the new
WCB board for it to act on those recommendations and reflect this in the WCB
service plan.
Second,
legislation regarding the WCB appeals system, based on the recommendation in
Allan Winter's report, will also be dealt with this fall.
Third,
several remaining outstanding issues require additional work before legislative
change can be made. These include occupational disease compensation, survivor
benefits, compensation for chronic pain, and regulation of occupational health
and safety. Additional measures on these key issues will continue the important
progress that this bill begins and will have a similar focus, protecting and
improving the system so that we'll be there and be effective for workers and
employers in the future.
These
changes are vital to making workers compensation sustainable for the future.
They're an important part of our overall strategy for encouraging the
development of healthy workplace relationships. The result will be Canada's best
workers compensation system providing benefits that compare favourably with
other provinces, charging reasonable rates to employers and fulfilling a vital
role in protecting workers and employers. Mr. Speaker, I move second reading.
Deputy
Speaker: Continuing second reading debate on Bill 49, the member for
Vancouver–Mount Pleasant.
J. Kwan:
Bill 49 represents the first stage of a three-stage attack on the compensation
that injured workers and their families receive. Changes to the appeals
structure are expected in the near future, and compensation benefits for
occupational disease, survivor bene-
[ Page 3549 ]
fits and chronic pain are expected to be introduced in the fall or in the
next spring session.
Let me just
review for one moment the history around the establishment of WCB. Before 1917
in British Columbia, if a worker was injured on the job, the only option for
compensation was to bring a lawsuit against the employer. To eliminate expensive
and time-consuming trials, workers compensation laws were introduced. The laws
gave workers the right to compensation and required employers to absorb the
costs of the system through regular payments known as premiums. In exchange,
employers were granted immunity from lawsuits.
While the
1910 Meredith Commission report, the philosophical foundation to our current
workers compensation system, stated that compensation for workers was the first
goal of the system, the proposed legislation suggests that the financial
viability of employers and the workers compensation system itself is the first
and paramount goal. Now with Bill 49, the whole tone and purpose of the Workers
Compensation Act has changed from the protection of workers and their wages to
the protection of employer rights and their right to a competitive edge in the
free market, whatever the costs to workers.
[1600]
Bill 49
changes the way compensation benefits are calculated, resulting in a substantial
loss in compensation for workers who are injured in the twenty-first century.
Injured workers are entitled to pensions if they have suffered a permanent
disability. Under Bill 49, workers will see a 20 percent reduction in their
pension amounts. Not only does Bill 49 target pensions, but injured workers over
the age of 65 will no longer be entitled to ongoing support. Once an injured
worker reaches the age of 65, they will receive a one-time lump-sum payment. It
has been estimated by the B.C. Federation of Labour that this change will mean
that injured workers will see a 79 percent reduction in the compensation they
receive. Through Bill 49 the province is abandoning its most vulnerable
citizens: injured workers and their families.
I quote
from the B.C. Federation of Labour's April 18, 2002, submission to the
Legislature entitled A Job to Die For?
"Employers
in British Columbia claim that health and safety and workers compensation
costs are killing their 'competitive advantage' and are demanding lower
costs. Evidence from a number of research studies, however, indicates that
cuts to the workers compensation system are not warranted, nor are they
financially necessary.
study comparing the British Columbia WCB with workers compensation systems
in Ontario and in seven different states in the United States showed that
the BC WCB is one of the most efficient and cost-effective systems in North
America. Benefits for injured workers in British Columbia, for example, are
five times higher than the U.S. average, yet the net costs per worker are 49
percent lower for employers in B.C. than in the U.S.
"As
well, studies indicate that privatized workers compensation systems cost
employers considerably more than public systems. Marketing costs and the
need to make a profit take money out of the private system — money that
could be spent on injury and illness prevention and injured workers'
benefits.
"The
WCB's financial situation also indicates that cuts to the system are not
necessary. For the past six consecutive years the WCB has realized an
operating surplus totalling the amount of $1.5 billion. Some of the surplus
was allocated to fund the board's future liability costs. At the end of the
year 2000 the WCB liability fund was funded 109 percent. That is 9 percent
more than is required to meet future liabilities. Also, $720 million was
rebated to employers in the form of rate adjustments over five years and
debt forgiveness. WCB rates have declined 22 percent since 1996 and are at
the lowest average rate since 1991."
Just to
give it some perspective, the total number of work injuries reported and the
total number of short-term disability, long-term disability and fatal claims
first paid during each of the years from 1992 to the year 2000 consistently show
a steady decline in the total work injuries reported since 1992. In 1992 the
total work injuries reported were 197,793. In the year 2001 it had declined to
172,103. In the area of short-term disability, long-term disability and fatal
claims, in 1992 it was reported at 81,003, and in the year 2001 it declined to
68,334.
[1605]
I share
this statistic with the House because the numbers have been steadily declining.
As such, the rates have also been steadily declining.
I want to
say this as well. Even though the numbers are declining, I think the numbers are
still too high. One death in the workplace is one too many. Workplace injuries
can be prevented if people are conscientious about it and if there's education
and good prevention in place. Perhaps instead of taking away benefits for
injured workers and their families, maybe the better place to invest
government's energy and resources from the employers is to look and see how we
can further reduce the injury rate in the community.
That will
benefit all concerned — the individuals, the employers, everyone. It's bad
enough for a person to suffer a workplace injury. In the midst of trying to cope
with the trauma of an injury, especially injuries that are severe and have
long-lasting, debilitating effects — aside from dealing with the trauma of
seeking medical attention, rehabilitation, retraining and so on — the family
and the individual are also burdened with financial pressures because the
paycheque is no longer being brought home.
For many
workers, of course, their insurance is workers compensation. That's the
insurance for injured workers, but now we have a situation where government is
saying they want to reduce the amount of benefits for injured workers. That's
what the government is saying. Make no mistake about that. That is what's going
to happen with Bill 49.
Individuals
who suffer injuries in the workplace after the bill passes will have to not only
deal with the traumas around that injury, the debilitating effects of that
disability, the attempts at retraining if that's at all possible for the
individual, depending on the severity
[ Page 3550 ]
of their injury, but they now have to worry, furthermore, even more about
financial support.
For the
government to make the suggestion that WCB can't afford to compensate workers is
simply wrong. It is simply wrong based on the evidence we have before us. At the
end of the year 2000, WCB's annual report indicates that their liability fund
was funded at 109 percent. That's 9 percent more than what is required to meet
future liabilities.
Not only
that, employers got a rebate. They got a rebate in the amount of $720 million in
the form of rate adjustments over five years and debt forgiveness. Employers are
getting moneys returned to them, so who is paying for the reductions the
government is now saying they can't afford? The government is asking injured
workers and their families to pay for it. That's what is going on with Bill 49.
WCB is
efficient. It is effective, and it is financially healthy. I would say that if
there's a need to improve and overhaul WCB, if you will, then the focus has got
to be around how to make that system better for the injured workers and their
families, not worse. As an MLA, I don't get a lot of cases on WCB, I must admit,
but I do get some. Most of my cases centre around income assistance and the
like, but I do get some.
[1610]
Usually,
the problems that people are faced with at WCB are around how difficult it is
for them to get the compensation they need and to go through that process. Those
are primarily the problems that people are faced with, so if I were to advocate
a change in our system around WCB, then it's got to be focused on how to make
the system easier and better for the people who have suffered injuries, for the
families of injured workers and for the families of workers who have died on the
job.
That's the
direction that I think government should go, not in the direction of taking away
benefits for injured workers and their families and making it more difficult for
them to access the WCB.
As I
mentioned, in 1917 workers and employers in British Columbia established the
historical compromise, the beginning of the workers compensation system. Injured
workers and their families won the right to compensation for lost wages. In
exchange, they gave up the right to sue their employers for workplace injuries
and fatalities. Employers accepted the responsibility to pay for workers
compensation 85 years ago so that they would save the time and expense of legal
action arising from workplace injuries and deaths. We ask the government to
respect the working people of British Columbia and leave the principles
underlying the historical compromise intact.
We ask the
government to make a commitment to the workers of British Columbia and pledge
that the government will not make any reductions in health and safety
regulations, to injured workers' benefits and services or to services required
to prevent workplace injuries, illnesses and deaths.
Let me just
go into a little bit more detail around changes to compensation benefits. This
information was derived from the B.C. Federation of Labour's response to the
Royal Commission on Workers Compensation in British Columbia. I quote from their
submission:
"Compensation
benefits are currently based on a worker's gross average earnings. Permanent
total disability and temporary total disability benefits are equal to 75
percent of gross earnings. Permanent partial disability and temporary
partial disability benefits are equal to 75 percent of the difference of
earnings pre- and post-injury. The commission recommends that this be
changed so that the benefits would be calculated at 90 percent of net
earnings."
This will, in fact, mean compensation will now be based on 90 percent of the
average net earnings of an injured worker, instead of 75 percent of the average
gross earnings. That is now what is in Bill 49.
"This
recommendation, if implemented, would have a dramatic economic effect on
injured workers."
Let me just give an example.
worker earning $39,000, who is married and has a non-working spouse or is
single with one child, would receive $3,149 less in benefits. A single
worker without dependents earning $39,000 would receive $4,467 less in
benefits.
"This
recommendation moves the board away from the original intent of the workers'
compensation system — to compensate injured workers for their work-related
injuries. In our view, this penalizes workers for their work-related
injuries while appeasing employers by decreasing injured workers' benefits.
Workers should not receive less money on compensation than when they're
working. The Federation is totally opposed to 90 percent net. We do accept
the concept of 100 percent net, but only if there is no maximum right of
compensation."
[1615]
The Workers
Compensation Advocacy Group submitted some thoughts on the proposal made in the
report of the Royal Commission on Workers Compensation to determine compensation
based on net, as opposed to gross earnings.
"If
calculated on a net basis, benefits should be paid at 100 percent of net
rather than 90 percent as recommended. We pointed out to the royal
commission, without success, that a fair scheme of net benefits at whatever
rate would require that the board periodically review the worker's
circumstances that would affect the percentage of net tax which the worker
would have to pay. For example, a worker injured in his early twenties when
he is single would be taxed at a relatively high rate, resulting in a lower
net benefit rate than a worker of exactly the same age who already has a
family. If the first worker were later to marry and start a family, it would
be highly unfair to maintain his compensation at the single-worker rate
simply because he was not married at the time of the injury. The employer
would have paid the same assessment for both workers, and the benefits
should be the same. Calculation of benefits on a gross basis has many
practical advantages, administratively and in terms of equity, which the
commission appears to have overlooked."
This was taken from the submission from the Workers Compensation Advocacy
Group. Their request makes a lot of sense. It's very logical, very
commonsensical.
If you have
an injury when you are single, the taxes that you pay as a single person are
higher. I know that.
[ Page 3551 ]
I got married only last year. I know that the rates are different versus
somebody who has a family, who has dependents, a spouse and so on. It would make
sense, then, in later years if that person should develop a family for the rates
to be adjusted accordingly. That is just fair play, but somehow that was not the
perspective of the commission. I don't know for what reason, but it was not a
recommendation made to government.
Bill 49
proposes to deduct 50 percent of any CPP disability benefit received or provided
to an injured worker from the compensation benefits provided by the WCB. The
B.C. Federation of Labour is opposed to the changes recommended by the
commission to integrate CPP benefits into workers compensation benefits.
Currently,
an individual is eligible for CPP disability benefits four months after CPP
finds them disabled. The average amount received on CPP is $673.22 per month;
the maximum amount is $895.36 per month. The commission recommends that the CPP
benefits be deducted from the workers compensation benefits. For injured workers
this means a substantial decrease in benefits, and the B.C. Federation of Labour
is opposed to this for several reasons.
One is that
it is compulsory for workers to participate in the Canada Pension Plan.
Therefore, workers should realize the benefits when necessary. That is to say,
if you pay into the plan, when you need to benefit from that plan which you have
paid for, you should receive the full benefits you paid for, not a reduced
amount of benefits. That's what Bill 49 is proposing.
[1620]
Deducting
the Canada Pension Plan benefits from the workers compensation benefits is
off-loading the responsibility of workers compensation onto the public system.
Reducing the amount of workers compensation benefits is directly a subsidy to
the employers. Coming from a government that says they do not want to subsidize
employers…. What the government is doing is finding different ways of
subsidizing the employers. Here we have, in this instance, a subsidy to the
employer by way of reducing the amount of workers compensation benefits to
injured workers, taking that money directly away from them and giving it to the
employers. That is a subsidy to the employers — the same thing, I would argue,
with the tax issue, but I won't go into that today.
submission from the Workers Compensation Advocacy Group in response to the Royal
Commission on Workers Compensation expresses many of the same concerns as the
B.C. Federation of Labour, and I quote from their submission, the submission
from the Workers Compensation Advocacy Group:
"We
agree with the federation that the recommendation to deduct CPP benefits
from workers compensation benefits would be a great injustice to injured
workers. As pointed out, workers pay for the CPP benefits through their
contributions, which they are required to make by law. In fact, CPP can be
thought of as a kind of statutory disability insurance scheme as well as a
retirement and life insurance scheme.
"In
most cases there is no overcompensation for workers receiving both types of
benefits because of the limited nature of CPP benefits and the deficiencies
in the way Workers Compensation determines wage rates, etc. Even if there
were an overlap in isolated cases, Workers Compensation should continue to
be the primary payer, since the work injury is the reason for the worker's
disability."
I agree with the Workers Compensation Advocacy Group and the B.C. Federation
of Labour 100 percent on this issue. People are required by law to pay into
their CPP. Nobody at the worksite wants to be injured. Let's make no mistake
about it. Nobody wants to be injured, but when they are injured they should
benefit from the insurance which they are required by law to pay for. They
should benefit from that, and those moneys should not be clawed back by
government as is being proposed under Bill 49.
It should
not be clawed back by government, yet government is doing exactly that. When
they're clawing it back, who are they giving it to? Not to the injured workers.
They're taking it away from the injured workers, and they're giving it to the
employers — the place where the worker got hurt to begin with. The person
should not lose that financial support that I know many desperately need,
because they are unable to enter into the workforce anymore. It is their last
measure of insurance, if you will, for some financial independence.
Why would
government want to claw that back? I think it's just mean-spiritedness. I really
do. I really do, and I think that is an obscure kind of priority that government
has in viewing that somehow injured workers should receive less financial
support, which they're due, which they paid for, which they have invested in.
If they
weren't going to get that return, then why make them pay it by law? Why would
you then make a person pay, invest in an insurance scheme in which they're not
going to yield the benefits they should yield from it? It makes no sense; it
makes no sense whatsoever.
[1625]
From the
B.C. Federation of Labour's
summary of changes to the Workers Compensation Act
document, another change that's been highlighted under Bill 49 is that
compensation will also be affected by changes to the consumer price index. I'll
quote from it:
"Currently,
compensation benefits are adjusted twice yearly, January and July, to
reflect changes in the CPI" — consumer price index. "This is to
protect workers' benefits from the effects of inflation.
"The
amendment to the act changes the adjustment from twice yearly to once
yearly. As well, the amount paid out to the workers is CPI, minus 1 percent.
Thus, if the inflation rate is 4 percent, injured workers will only receive
a 3 percent adjustment.
"The
inflation rate in British Columbia is currently 2.2 percent. Under the new
system injured workers' benefits will be adjusted to 1.2 percent. Again,
money out of disabled workers' pockets"
I know a
lot of injured workers and their families suffer gravely after a serious injury.
Many, particularly those who have been deemed to be disabled and unable to
return to the workforce because the injuries are so severe, suffer greatly. In
the process of trying to
[ Page 3552 ]
manage and deal with the trauma of their injury, the financial pressures on
their families are enormous. As it was, the compensation, even if there wasn't a
change, is already a reduction from what they normally earn.
Most
people, as I say, don't count on being injured and don't want to get injured.
Those accidents when they happen in the workforce do throw your life for a loop.
All of a sudden the money that you were counting on earning from your job is
reduced. Now it's going to be further reduced, and each year that reduction is
escalated by the rate of inflation adjustment. The act says they will no longer
receive the rate of inflation as it is. It is going to be less by 1 percent.
Year after
year, you will find yourself in a position to fall further and further behind on
the basis of your standard of living because your support from workers
compensation that you're due and entitled to receive is no longer going to match
the inflation rate.
Another
area in terms of big changes in this legislation on the compensation side deals
with the pension component. Again, I quote from the B.C. Federation of Labour's
response to the Royal Commission on Workers Compensation in British Columbia:
"Changing
the non-economic loss awards from a pension to a lump-sum payment system is
a tremendous cost savings for employers. For the injured worker it is unfair
and inadequate compensation for the loss incurred.
"We
feel that this recommendation is penalizing workers for their injuries and
is not in keeping with the original intent of the workers' compensation
system; that is, compensating workers for work-related injuries, illnesses
and diseases."
The maximum
amount compensated in the form of a pension is $85,000 for 15 years and under.
Receiving a lump sum payment of 5 percent of that $85,000 would mean that they
would only receive $4,250. That is a substantive change.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
From the
B.C. Federation of Labour's document on the
summary of changes to the Workers
Compensation Act, the Federation of Labour has provided an example of what a
permanently disabled worker will receive under the proposed changes to the
pension system. Let me just cite that example:
[1630]
A worker
who earned $40,000 gross annually would currently receive $41,221, thanks to
receiving their full Canada Pension Plan benefit. However, with the changes
proposed in Bill 49, a worker who earned $40,000 gross annually will now only
receive $32,686.44. That's a nearly $10,000 reduction — $10,000 less than they
would have previously received. For this worker the new changes mean a 20
percent cut to his or her pension. As well, this worker would not have been
contributing to a work pension or to CPP and would, therefore, have a reduced
retirement pension. There are ripple effects not just for the immediate but also
for the future.
Bill 49
introduces a
section that allows for mental stress to be compensated if it is as
a result of an event that occurred in the workplace. The Workers Compensation
Advocacy Group expressed some concern over the recommendation made by the royal
commission to include this under the WCB legislation. Here's what they had to
say.
"The
very term 'stress' is a misnomer. We do not know any advocate who believes
that workers should receive compensation simply because they're exhausted or
need a rest or a vacation. The claims (universally rejected by WCB) which
are referred to as stress are actually claims for diagnosed psychological
disabilities such as anxiety syndromes, clinical depression, etc. These are
conditions which arise partly or entirely out of and in the course of the
worker's employment and, in principle, should be compensated on the same
basis as a back injury, repetitive strain injury or industrial disease. We
agree with the federation that the commission's recommendations would still
result in unequal and unfair compensation for workers suffering from such
psychological disabilities caused by their work."
On the
psychological front…. It actually is the case in other physical injuries, as
the Workers Compensation Advisory Group has identified. Oftentimes when you
suffer stress, if you will, that may well cause and lead into anxiety, further
anxiety, depression, a variety of different psychological impacts. Those
injuries do not necessarily come through one incident. You can't pinpoint:
"Today this happened; therefore, the person is feeling enormous anxiety
arising from their work." It's often ongoing and compounding. It builds up
to the point where the person is under so much pressure and, yes, so much stress
that then has led into perhaps depression, as one example. It doesn't happen
overnight. You can't necessarily pinpoint it to say it's this one incident
that's caused that. That may be the case from time to time, but generally
speaking, I would suspect that is not the case. There's usually a period of time
where things build up and escalate and where the pressures mount. Then, perhaps,
there is a workplace injury. The only difference is that you can't actually see
it, because it's a psychological injury.
[1635]
It's the
same difference with the person who does heavy manual work. You may strain a
muscle — a back muscle, whatever the case may be — but sometimes that strain
may not be by one incident but several over time. Your body is sustaining more
and more pressure physically, and then boom, all of a sudden you have a major
workplace injury. It's the same analogy, and that ought to be understood by
government. Yet in this legislation, Bill 49, it does not recognize that.
The Liberal
government has introduced amendments to the Workers Compensation Act in Bill 49
that reduce injured workers' benefits significantly and at the same time give
employers a one-time savings of $430 million and $117 million annually. The
Liberals will be making further changes to the act in the fall of this year and
in the spring of next year, giving employers a total savings of $300 million,
moneys taken away from injured workers.
[ Page 3553 ]
The members
of the community, some of them, have responded to the introduction of Bill 49.
In fact, there's a letter to the editor that was sent in yesterday, and it's
from a fellow called Terry Tate in Williams Lake.
Let me just
read the letter into the record. It's headlined: "Injured Workers Get
Shafted."
"The
government talks about protection for workers with major cuts to benefits.
Under their cuts, injured workers will receive much less and with all the
other problems they and their families face. It's disgusting for this
government and MLAs to state it's a benefit. A mid-income earner working in
mining or forestry earning $23.78 an hour will receive $364.96 less per
month if they're injured on the job. The real benefit ends up in the hands
of employers. This is about WCB rate cuts to employers at the expense of
injured workers. The government predicts Workers Compensation Board will
have a $900 million deficit in three years. If you read WCB's 2001 annual
report, the only way that could happen is for hundreds more workers to be
killed on the job and tens of thousands more injured on the job with lost
time."
As I
mentioned — I'm just going to pause for one moment here — the trend since
1992 is a reduction, a steady decline in total work injuries from 1992 to 2001.
If government doubles its effort to educate to prevent work injuries, along with
employers, I expect that decline will continue. That's actually what I think the
government should do, as opposed to amending the act by taking money away from
injured workers and giving it to the employer.
[1640]
Continuing
with the letter:
"The
only loss WCB faced was in their investment. Their investment income was
$785 million in the year 2000. It was $586 million in the year 2001 as
everyone took a hit in the markets after the September 11 attack. WCB
rebated back to employers $144 million in the year 2000. They rebated $90
million in 2001. Now at the expense of injured workers WCB will have $300
million more to pass on to the employers. There is no deficit as government
claims. Even the rate employers pay is less than the government states. They
claim WCB rates for employers is at $2.03. In fact, the WCB 2001 annual
report states that the rate is $1.98.
"The
government does not have the guts to tell injured workers that it's payback
time for employers. If government was really concerned about WCB or injured
workers, they would insist that more money go into prevention. Stop killing
and injuring workers on the job. You then rake in the benefits. Prevention
is really the best solution. They should not take it from the pockets of
injured workers.
"The
annual WCB report states that deaths and injuries on the job have dropped.
In the B.C. forest industry alone, 42 workers lost their lives, with 1,000
injuries. It is an improvement over the years. We should continue to work
harder on education and prevention. That's the right way to go about it, not
by ripping off injured workers.
"Terry Tate from Williams Lake."
A letter to
the editor. Terry makes good points around this issue. In researching the
information in preparation for debate in this House for the WCB bill, the
opposition didn't have a lot of time as the bill was only just introduced —
not yesterday but the day before. Here we are doing second reading debate with
substantive changes on these fronts. I know the government is trying to rush
through, because in my view they've mismanaged the time in the House in terms of
the debate and so on.
Having said
that, let me just look at the statistics around injured workers and what's been
going on in the broader community, as we know, in the last number of years.
These stats, I think, are important. They point to information that we can learn
from. I think they highlight the idea and the notion that the concentration of
government ought to be on the area of prevention. If you can prevent a worker
from being injured in the first place, then you actually save money. You save
money in a more substantial way. It also saves the employers money.
Interjection.
J. Kwan:
The member for Kamloops–North Thompson agrees with me. I would urge the member
to urge his government to work on preventative strategies and not take money
away from injured workers, because that is not the solution. When people are
hurt and injured and they've been traumatized because of it, some of them may
have severe disabilities as a result and may never have their l