British Columbia Hansard — TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1991 (34th Parliament, 4th Session) (34p 04s 910312p)
34p 04s 910312p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1991 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1991
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
11671 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Constitutional Amendment Approval Act (Bill 81). Hon. Mr. Vander Zalm
Introduction and first reading –– 11671
Tabling Documents –– 11671
Oral Questions
Pension plan for doctors. Mr. Harcourt –– 11671
Forestry memorandum of understanding. Mr. Crandall –– 11672
Pension plan for doctors. Mr. Harcourt –– 11673
Women's services. Ms. Marzari –– 11673
Ministerial Statement
Versatile Pacific court decision. Hon. Mr. Smith –– 11673
Mr. Sihota
Job Protection Act (Bill 83). Second reading
Mr. Brummet –– 11675
Mr. Barlee –– 11677
Mr. Long –– 11678
Mr. Zirnhelt –– 11679
Hon. Mr. Michael –– 11680
Mr. Cashore –– 11681
Mr. Reynolds –– 11682
Mr. Lovick –– 11683
Hon. Mr. Messmer –– 11684
Mr. G. Janssen –– 11685
Hon. Mr. Serwa –– 11686
Hon. Mr. Vander Zalm –– 11687
Mr. Clark –– 11690
Hon. Mr. Richmond –– 11691
Hon. J. Jansen –– 11693
Mr. Peterson –– 11694
Ms. Smallwood –– 11694
Mr. Reid –– 11695
Mr. D'Arcy –– 11695
Hon. Mr. Smith –– 11696
The House met at 2.04 p.m.
Introduction of Bills
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT
APPROVAL ACT
Hon. Mr. Vander Zalm presented a message from His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor:
a bill intituled Constitutional Amendment Approval Act.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this bill is to institute a requirement
that the government conduct a referendum under the Referendum Act
before introducing a motion to amend the constitution of Canada. This
act will allow public participation to the extent we think necessary.
It hopefully will deal with a situation such as we have heard of from
Ottawa today, where, as I understand it, the suggestion was being made
that Ottawa could somehow meet with Quebec and deal with constitutional
issues unilaterally and that somehow we, British Columbia and the
provinces, would agree. Not only will we not agree with that, not only
is it our position and will it continue to be that we must always be
involved in that constitutional process, but we wish to go beyond that
and say that all the people of the province must be given the
opportunity to be involved In the process.
This bill is a
first in the country, and I'm sure it will be followed by other
provinces as they see the value of such legislation. All people,
regardless of where they live in this province, will be given ample
opportunity to voice their views and to decide how we proceed when
amending the constitution. Obviously, too, it will send a clear message
to Ottawa, which we understand to be necessary now, that B.C. will
insist on being involved in the process and that they can't make
unilateral deals with Quebec; we the province, we the people will be
involved. This legislation is one more move towards that involvement.
Mr. Speaker, I move the bill be introduced and read a first time now.
Bill
81 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of
the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
Hon. Mr. Richmond tabled the annual report of the Ministry of Forests for the year 1988-89.
Hon.
Mr. Messmer tabled the annual report of the Insurance Corporation of
British Columbia for the 12 months ending December 31, 1990.
Hon.
Mrs. Gran tabled the thirty-fifth annual report of the Legislative
Assembly Allowances and Pension Act,
part 2, and the fourteenth annual
report of the business done in pursuance of the Public Service Benefit
Plan Act.
Oral Questions
PENSION PLAN FOR DOCTORS
MR. HARCOURT :
There isn't a single reason why the taxpayers of British Columbia
should trust this government with their tax dollars. I'll give you an
example. The Premier announced that he had negotiated a 100 percent
taxpayer-funded pension deal for doctors. The Premier said that it war,
a good deal for British Columbia. Does the Minister of Finance agree
that the doctors' pension, negotiated by the Premier, is a good deal
for taxpayers?
HON. MR. VEITCH : Mr. Speaker, I believe I'll defer that question to the Premier of the province.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
Mr. Speaker, I think we're all aware that the negotiations with the
doctors were protracted. They certainly involved many hours by many in
attempting to find a resolution. Generally speaking, I think the
populace throughout the province wanted to see this issue resolved in a
non-confrontational way.
We sought a way to resolve this,
but at the same time, as well, I think most members are aware that we
were in the midst of discussing the possibility of a deferred income
opportunity for doctors in the province. This deferred income
had to be, in fact, agreed to prior to some date this month. So the
talks we were involved in involved not only increases to fees but also
the opportunity for providing a deferred income in place of increasing
fees. Frankly, there is a considerable advantage to having a deferred
income as opposed to increasing fees, for a number of reasons. One, Mr.
Leader of the Opposition, is that if you increase the fees, then that
increase is compounded and grows year after year, and the cost to the
taxpayers is considerably more than a flat sum of $25 million for a
deferred income plan. These increases that were being sought were not
only far in excess of the $25 million we're talking about here but
would have been ongoing forever, and certainly, as the number of
doctors in the system grew, so would the cost to the taxpayers.
Similarly....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please. I believe
the answer is getting beyond the scope of the question. The question
was somewhat open-ended. No one is calling for order, but we do have
standing orders which the Chair is bound to enforce. We have a limited
time-frame. If the questions can be framed so that briefer answers can
be given, then we'll have an opportunity for more members to ask
questions. This is getting into the kind of debate we would expect
either during estimates or in the committee period.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
I'll be brief, Mr. Speaker. We found that the influx of people into the
province — they're coming in very large numbers from other parts of
Canada and elsewhere — was
[ Page 11672 ]
adding
to the cost of health care. Therefore a flat sum is much cheaper than
increasing the fees. I appreciate that everyone might not fully
understand that. I'd be glad to explain it further in greater detail. I
should mention, though, that the Health critic for the NDP went on
radio the following day and was extremely supportive of the approach we
have taken.
MR. HARCOURT : Mr. Premier, when I saw
you negotiating the Expo land sale I never thought I could see you
negotiate a worse business deal. You just did it. You just topped
yourself on that.
I'd like to get back to the member who is
supposed to be in charge of the province's finances. The Premier just
said that it was a package deal, that the doctors took a retirement
plan in lieu of higher fees. Does the Minister of Finance agree that
the pension plan for doctors is part of a package deal?
HON. MR. VEITCH : Mr. Speaker, I'll defer that question to the Minister of Health.
HON. J. JANSEN :
I guess if you want to sit on the fence, two things happen. One, you
irritate parts of your body; but secondly, and perhaps most important
for this House, you forget what you said.
When the deferred
income plan first came into being, the second member for
Vancouver–Point Grey indicated in a radio broadcast that he supported
it. But more important and more fundamental was that the Leader of the
Opposition, in discussion with the president of the BCMA, indicated
that in fact he supported this deferred income benefit plan. That was
the understanding that he gave her.
The Premier has
indicated that the deferred income benefit plan, because of its lump
sum entitlement, is in fact a good deal for both the taxpayers of the
province and the physicians and surgeons. I'm pleased to hear that the
Leader of the Opposition also agrees with this deal.
[2:15]
MR. HARCOURT :
I'd like to know how the Minister of Health was listening in on that
conversation I was having with the head of the B.C. Medical Association.
can see that the previous Minister of Finance thinks so much of this
deal that he couldn't even stomach being here today. He has left his
seat. The minister's predecessor said. "By virtue of this being a
package deal, National Revenue will have to revisit its advance ruling.
Therefore there is no deal." Does it remain the policy of your ministry
that Revenue Canada should investigate this deal for compliance with
Canadian tax law?
HON. MR. VEITCH : I appreciate the question from the hon. Leader of the
Opposition. I believe it's important that the Leader of the Opposition and
others realize that, due to the fact that we have had excellent fiscal management
in the face of falling revenues in this province, we have been able to afford
to maintain education, health and social services.
was just looking over some of the quotes from my critic, your aspiring
Minister of Finance — God forbid he should ever become it. He said:
"It's my view that politicians can play around with taxes; that's what
we're elected to do." We have no intention of playing around with
taxes. And I will leave Revenue Canada's business up to Revenue Canada,
where it rightly belongs.
MR. HARCOURT : With the
former minister's resignation, is there nobody over there that's
willing to stand up for the taxpayers? Has the Minister of Finance then
transmitted this change in policy to Revenue Canada? Has he told them
he likes the deal? Has he no concern for the tax implications? Has he
no concern that the provincial government — the taxpayers — are paying
100 percent of this doctors' pension scheme?
HON. MR. VEITCH :
First of all, the Leader of the Opposition is making many assumptions.
He's wrong, as he was wrong before. He asked if we had no concern for
the taxpayers of the province of British Columbia. I can tell you, hon.
Leader of the Opposition, it was on television the other evening that
the House Leader of the Opposition — Rose — was saying that he supports
the Ontario model. The model you purport to support, sir, has no
thought whatsoever for the taxpayers of any jurisdiction. You think you
know how to spend your way out of a recession, but you really have no
comprehension whatsoever.
I can tell you, we have absolute
concern for the taxpayers of this province. That's why we've brought in
the 12-point taxpayer protection program. That's why we're bringing in
the type of legislation we're bringing into this House now. That's why
we are curbing public sector spending.
MR. SPEAKER :
Order, please. The minister knows very well it's inappropriate to
discuss legislation that's before the House. I'll accept the next
question.
FORESTRY MEMORANDUM
OF UNDERSTANDING
MR. CRANDALL :
Mr. Speaker, my question is to the Minister of Forests. My question has
to do with the current combination of low market prices for lumber and
higher stumpage prices. I know the memorandum of understanding that was
signed between our country and the United States in 1986 was in
response to serious mill closures in the forest industry in the United
States. It was not a simplistic response, but rather an attempt to
retain our share of the American market. Notwithstanding those facts,
however, a return to pre-MOU days would be beneficial to our forest
industry. I'd like to know if the minister would advise the House what
he has decided to do to have the MOU removed.
[ Page
11673 ]
HON. MR. RICHMOND : I thank the member for his question. The
memorandum of understanding that he refers to is an agreement between
our two countries — between Canada and the United States. It is not
simply an agreement between British Columbia and the United States. To
that end, we have been urging Ottawa — specifically the minister, John
Crosbie — to get down to Washington as quickly as possible to make our
case regarding the MOU. Its not quite as simple as that, because first
of all we have to have all the provinces in Canada — or the affected
provinces — on side and agreeing to start down the negotiation path to
rid ourselves of this offensive agreement.
It was never
intended to be a permanent agreement, and 1 report to this House that
conditions have changed dramatically since the agreement was put in
place. We feel that we now have a good case to make. Mr. Crosbie has
been out and has met with the Premier and me, as well as with the
Premiers and ministers of Alberta, Ontario and Quebec, and he is now
ready to go to his cabinet to make the case for negotiating our way out
of the memorandum of understanding with the Americans.
will not be an easy negotiation. I caution everyone that it's in a
delicate position at this time. I think that the less said about it
publicly is probably better, because the Americans have every intention
of keeping the agreement in place. So I just leave the House and the
members with the caution that it will not be an easy negotiation.
PENSION PLAN FOR DOCTORS
MR. HARCOURT :
The Minister of Health and the doctors' pension deal led us to believe
that the deal would cost the taxpayers $25 million over three years.
Can the Minister of Finance confirm that this deal will actually cost
the taxpayers $25 million per year forever?
HON. MR. VEITCH : It appears to me that you are asking a question of the Minister of Health. I would defer the question to him.
HON. J. JANSEN :
Mr. Speaker, the question of compensation in the doctors' benefit plan
was that $25 million was the cost over three years for this particular
plan. That's correct. The contribution thereafter will be part of
negotiations in future years with physicians and surgeons, but it is
mandated that $25 million will come out of the negotiation package in
future years. That's correct.
WOMEN'S SERVICES
MS. MARZARI : A question to the Minister Responsible for Women's
Programs. Madam Minister, one in three women suffer physical violence in their
lives, and the government's commitment to combating this violence is comprised
of a task force and an advertising campaign. There's a problem here. It's
called "rising expectations" and increasing women's expectations
that there will be someone to answer the phone when that crucial call is made.
Why is the minister advertising services that are not available in many communities
throughout this province?
HON. MRS. GRAN :
Mr. Speaker, it's not true that there are not services in place. In
fact, there is currently $8 million being spent on transition houses in
the Ministry of Social Services and on programs in the Ministry of the
Attorney-General and the Ministry of the Solicitor-General. It's true
that there are probably not these kinds of services in every community
throughout this province. But it's important first of all for the
public to understand and become aware of what violence means in the
lives of women and children. I don't believe that the critic on the
opposition side is saying that the violence campaign is not a good one.
What you are saying has some merit, but surely you're not telling me to
pull the ad campaign, which tells women that violence is not a family
matter, that it is a crime and that there is help available.
is our intention in every ministry affected to make certain that those
services are available in those communities. We're now doing an
analysis of what has gone on in the last few weeks, and we'll be acting
accordingly.
MR. SPEAKER : Hon. members, this morning
a number of you have sent notes to the Chair about housekeeping
matters. Some of you may have noticed we have made some changes to the
arrangements in the House. For those of you who have been adversely
affected, you might let me know if the improvements made during the
lunch hour by the staff have been adequate.
Ministerial Statement
VERSATILE PACIFIC COURT DECISION
HON. MR. SMITH :
Mr. Speaker, I rise to make a brief ministerial statement respecting
Versatile Pacific Shipyards. When I came in, I gave to the member for
Prince George North a note that I would be doing this, but I wasn't
able to give her the details of what I was going to be talking about
because they have just come to me from Mr. justice Maczko's decision
which was rendered today.
In September 1990, the government
announced it would be awarding to Versatile the contract for
construction of a superferry. In October 1990, a formal contract was
entered into between the Ferry Corporation and Integrated Ferry
Constructors, which was a newly formed affiliate of Versatile. That
contract was entered into with the expectation that Versatile would be
the major subcontractor for construction of the superferry.
December of 1990 the Hongkong Bank of Canada provided Versatile with a
loan of $7.5 million. That loan was guaranteed first by Versatile's
parent corporation, Shieldings Inc., and secondly by the province of
British Columbia. The principal security
[ Page 11674 ]
for
the loan is what's called a Panamax drydock — a floating drydock in
North Vancouver. At the time of the loan, Versatile stated that all
overdue accounts payable in December 1991 would be paid, and that
sufficient net revenue would be generated from then on to enable the
company to continue its operations and prepare for superferry
construction.
In February of 1991, the Industry, Science
and Technology industry of Canada responded to Versatile's request to
support the 1991 phase of their restructuring plan. However, Versatile
is of the view that the federal offer of assistance is — and will
continue to be — insufficient for it to continue its operations.
Accordingly, the company has today obtained court protection under the
Companies Creditors Arrangement Act and is now seeking support from
this ministry to persuade the Hongkong Bank not to call their $7.5
million loan. The company has requested 120 days to restructure its
financing, during which time, under this provision of the law,
creditors cannot take action against the company. The company hopes to
refinance itself by selling some of its assets, by negotiating a
greater contribution from Canada and by realizing some profits from the
superferry.
When the loan guarantee war, authorized, Mr.
Speaker, it was anticipated that this would enable Versatile, which is
a British Columbia company, to participate in superferry construction,
and that this would provide the company with a volume of work
sufficient to sustain its transition to a more efficient long-term
operation.
The company is not bankrupt, but it is seeking
to reorganize its finances. This action that it has taken today and
that has been granted by Mr. Justice Maczko was precipitated by an
unforeseen cost overrun on the construction of two search-and-rescue
vessels for the federal government and by a federal government
assistance offer that turned out to be too little, too late.
Even
with this development, the guarantee advanced by the province continues
to be worthwhile for the following reasons: it bought time to prepare
for superferry construction; the ferry contractors' group cart now step
in and proceed with Versatile's share of the superferry work, using
Versatile's workforce, particularly in Esquimalt; it is well brought up
to current status — the employee pension fund contributions that were
required to be brought up — and it supported trade creditors and
brought them into a position where they could be available to advance
their expertise for superferry construction.
As well, the
possibility of a full-service ship repair capacity for the port of
Vancouver was also preserved by the action that was taken in January.
I want to confirm that at this point in time the province does not expect to
have to pay out any money under the guarantee. The maximum amount of the guarantee
is, as I said, $7.5 million. In the event that the province's guarantee
is exercised, which would require the bank to call its loan, as well as Shieldings
to default on their own guarantee, full recovery of our guarantee would be expected
because it is secured against the Panamax drydock in Vancouver, which has a
value, conservatively, of $15 million.
I've
been asked what would happen to the superferry work that is to be done
by Versatile in Esquimalt. The answer is this. The ferry contractor's
group is positioned to assume Versatile's share of the superferry
contract, using Versatile's current labour force. The
schedule and cost
of the superferry project will not be affected in any significant way
by these events.
With respect to the North Vancouver
operation, the yard will be closed and the Panamax drydock will remain
in place for the time being until further work for it can be obtained
through the restructuring of the shipyard industry in British Columbia
that is going on or through other measures that are being contemplated
right now.
[2:30]
With respect to
indicated that it is willing to consider a contribution to finance
preparations required in Esquimalt to proceed with the superferry
construction, and I had a conversation with Mr. Benoit Bouchard with
respect to that just a few days ago.
Versatile and the
federal government will have to resolve their financing funding dispute
with respect to possible federal assistance, and this will not directly
involve the province at this time.
In conclusion, the
province's guarantee remains in place. It is well secured. Its
fundamental purpose continues, and the superferry for B.C. Ferries will
be built at the Esquimalt drydock, whichever company ultimately manages
the project.
Our loan guarantee still will lever $50
million worth of work for the people who need jobs in Esquimalt. We
will continue between now and July 15 of this year to support the
workers in Esquimalt by working with all the partners who are involved
in constructing this ship to see that it takes place on time, on budget
and under the conditions that were originally agreed to.
MR. SIHOTA :
This morning there was a rumour throughout Esquimalt that led people to
believe that Versatile was going bankrupt. I can tell members of this
House that that rumour sent a chill through the community of Esquimalt.
However, I think a number of points have to be made at this time.
First,
people have to understand that the company is not declaring bankruptcy.
Rather, this is an application under the provisions of the Companies
Creditors Arrangement Act to forestall action by creditors until July
15 to allow Versatile to rearrange its affairs.
The second
thing that I think people within the community of Esquimalt and the
greater Victoria area have to understand is that the work on the
superferry will proceed and that the contract to build the superferry
is predominantly with the company known as IFC, not with Versatile.
Albeit Versatile may be threatened in terms of its own financial
underpinnings, that is not the case in the case of IFC, the company
contracted to perform the work on the construction of the superferry.
Therefore the work
[ Page
11675 ]
force should be reassured that that work will be proceeding.
Third,
I would have hoped that the minister would have said — and I am sure
that he intended to say this — that all of us in this House are
committed to seeing a viable shipyard remain here on the west coast.
That is absolutely essential to this country.
Fourth, it
seems to me that the message has to be made loud and clear to the
federal government that we are not prepared to see the abandonment of
our shipyard on the west coast. In particular, this government and this
House should be calling upon the federal government to live up to its
obligations in some of the decisions and contracts entered into with
Versatile. Specifically, there was an understanding between Versatile
Pacific and the federal government that for every dollar Versatile put
into the shipyard the federal government would match that money. That
obligation should be maintained, and this government and this House
should resolve to make sure that the federal government fulfils that
obligation.
Secondly, and with respect to the federal
government, there should be a strong message sent by this House and by
the government that the money set aside under an agreement which
predated the loss of the Polar 8 ought to be forwarded to Versatile to
allow it to rearrange its affairs quickly. By taking these actions and
by making the assurance to the workforce of Esquimalt that there is no
bankruptcy and that the superferry will proceed, we'll be laying the
foundation toward maintaining a viable shipyard in British Columbia and
going a long way toward protecting jobs and paycheques of working
families in the Esquimalt area.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. RICHMOND . I call second reading of Bill 83, Mr. Speaker.
JOB PROTECTION ACT
(continued)
MR. BRUMMET :
This legislation provides a commissioner and a vehicle and a real
opportunity to keep in operation some of the industries that can be
kept operating — those that can be kept operating rationally, logically
and for the long-term benefit of the people of this province. That
means saving jobs — not all jobs — based on successful experience in
the mid-eighties. So it's a tried-and-true approach. It cannot save all
jobs, but it certainly can save many jobs. Previous legislation saved
hundreds of jobs in this province that are still ongoing, and this bill
has the opportunity to do that as well.
So I would
challenge the opposition to set aside their partisan inclination to
automatically reject anything that this government tries to put into
legislation and to support this bill. If in fact they are interested,
as they say, in protecting the jobs of workers in this province, then
they should support this bill before us. I would challenge them to do
so.
Mr. Speaker, in larger communities or areas the
obfuscation tactics and rhetoric of the socialists can perhaps be
accepted, because they're lost in the morass of other industrial
activity and other things that are going on. In smaller communities the
effects of socialism and socialistic policies become very evident, very
readily apparent and very much detested, because they mean the
destruction of jobs.
You see, socialist philosophy in
itself may not be that harmful, and it has a certain appeal to it. But
we had the experience once in this province when that philosophy was
translated into policy and action. It had a very damaging effect. As a
matter of fact, you could say that it is hazardous to the health of
economic activity. That is why the people in my area are not supportive
of socialism. As a matter of fact, I know they are even in favour of
Site C, because they see the benefits of it. It is reusing water that
is already stored, and so it is a more efficient use.
know that during the '79 campaign, the '83 campaign, the '86 campaign
and even recently the NDP members from down south have come to my
riding to speak against Site C. My majority went up, because I was in
favour of Site C and still am, because Site C generates electricity.
Electricity in this province generates economic activity, and economic
activity in this province generates jobs. That's why I'm in favour of
Site C. As a matter of fact, I know that the member for Kootenay, as
Environment critic, came up to my constituency earlier this year for a
meeting to speak very much against Site C. I am happy to report that
she was able to draw to that meeting all 23 socialists who still exist
in the North Peace River.
Speaking of socialism and this
bill, Mr. Speaker, let me use the example of Petro-Canada that was
raised this morning. I'm certainly happy to hear the political
platitudes being expressed by some members on the socialist side, but I
would like to ask what they have actually done to try to keep the
refinery in British Columbia. They still attack the oil companies. They
still attack all of these people, and they say: "Vote for us." Its no
wonder that one of the people on an open-line radio show in my riding
last Friday phoned in when the Premier was on the open-line and said:
"Mr. Premier, I'm not a Social Crediter. I don't support you
personally. But, Mr. Premier, voting for the NDP is voting for
unemployment."
Petro-Canada was a socialist creation,
albeit by the Liberal government in Ottawa. Taxpayers' dollars were
generously used to buy a refinery at Taylor that had been developed by
private enterprise and had been operating successfully and serving the
area well for many years. They also spent a lot of money buying up
service stations, and that was with taxpayers' dollars.
Since
then Petro-Canada has taken a lot of tax write-offs in order to do some
fixing of the refinery at Taylor. Despite that fixing — and it would
appear that it was only an illusion that they were trying to create —
for some time now Petro-Canada has been setting the stage for saying
that the refinery is not economical, that it can't handle it, etc. I do
know that recently there was a report that Petro-Canada made more
[ Page 11676 ]
money
from refineries last year than they ever have in the past. It was in
the paper just the other day. I'm sorry I don't have the figures with
me. But PetroCanada has been trying to phase out the refinery in Taylor
for some time.
[2:45]
I think it goes to show you that
when you have a government-run conglomerate, such as the socialists are
for, it disregards the wishes of the people in the area. They have seen
fit to use all those tax dollars over the years and now turn around and
say: "We're going to pull that refinery operation into our bigger
centres — Port Moody and Alberta. We can refine the oil there cheaper
and ship it back."
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
Let
me talk about the environmental effects of shipping that oil from the
region to Port Moody. Right now the petroleum products are trucked up
the Alaska Highway, some three tanker trucks every day to Whitehorse
alone, plus the tankers on B.C. Rail going to Fort Nelson and all of
the highways operation. Also, the gasoline is trucked from some parts
of Alberta to Prince George, to Tumbler Ridge and that whole area. If
that oil is refined at Port Moody, the trucking industry will not be
hauling it to Whitehorse; it will go by barge up the coast. So that is
an environmental concern. It will also increase the size of the
operation of the Port Moody refinery. So some of the opposition members
might give some thought to objecting to taking the oil from the Peace
River country and refining it in Port Moody and creating all those
environmental concerns, They seem to object to so many things, except
when it would help.
The other oil may go to Alberta; I very
much object and I am working with the minister to say that the oil in
British Columbia should be processed in British Columbia. So we are
working hard.
I just got a note today at noon hour.... We
have been working through the National Energy Board, which does not
have jurisdiction over whether or not refineries close, but they do
have jurisdiction over whether or not the plant is transferred to
Westcoast Transmission. I have no problem with Westcoast Transmission.
Natural gas sales and the processing plant are expanding and growing,
but Petro-Canada — this federal conglomerate that used our taxpayers'
dollars to buy that refinery — is now going to give it, in effect, to
Westcoast Transmission. They say they're charging $13 million on paper
for it, but before they charge the $13 million, they are going to be
putting $7 million into fix-up of the parts that Westcoast gets. Now
you really can't blame Westcoast for taking that deal. They're
expanding anyway, and it's a wonderful deal. I don't know how many
people in this province know that Petro-Canada owns a controlling
interest in Westcoast.
I have tried to say to the National Energy Board that since that refinery was
not put on the market, and since no effort was made to ask anyone else to operate
that refinery, it has to be an insider deal, and the National Energy Board should
at least give the people in the area an opportunity to be heard.
Today
I heard their answer. They say they don't intend to have any meetings
here. They're going to decide it down east, probably on Thursday.
It's
a good example of when socialism gets into taking over Industries that
were operating successfully. So you have a federal conglomerate that is
serving its own interests despite the fact that it used taxpayers'
dollars in order to do that.
Mr. Speaker, we're going to
continue to fight for that refinery and for the value added to the
products in British Columbia instead of, as 1 said, the political
rhetoric and me-too....
Interjection.
MR. BRUMMET :
Yes, I care too. Maybe some of the socialists could get in touch with
some of their socialist friends in Petro-Canada and privately try to
assist us.
Mr. Speaker, this morning some of the opposition
members were saying that this bill is in order to benefit our Social
Credit friends and Social Credit ridings. I note the second member for
Victoria applauds that statement. Obviously he was either not here or
again not listening this morning when I pointed out the facts. The
allegation is that we favour Social Credit ridings and our friends, I
noticed that the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew, who this morning
talked about pork-barrelling and about all of this, did not mention
anything about pork-barrelling this afternoon when he found out that
this government assistance had made possible the shipbuilding industry
in his riding. This government puts financial assistance where it makes
sense — not on a partisan basis.
Now contrast that with the
socialist position, where they have already promised special favours to
practically all of the special interest friends of theirs in this
province. What chance do they have to deliver? Obviously the socialists
in Ontario made a lot of promises, and their leader now has to retract
many of those promises and even then go into $6 billion and $8 billion
debt a year. So that's really going to help the people in Ontario. One
of the reasons we do not have enough jobs in British Columbia is that
these people from Ontario are moving here to get better opportunities
in British Columbia. So let's put to rest some of these allegations.
The
socialists have made an allegation that we favour our friends and our
Social Credit ridings. It is a fact, despite the fact that there are
only half as many socialist ridings in this province as Social Credit
ridings, that $300 million went to the Social Credit ridings over the
last four and a half years and $283 million went to the NDP ridings. So
on a proportional basis the NDP ridings have received a lot more.
Interjection.
[ Page
11677 ]
MR. BRUMMET : That second member for Victoria keeps saying:
"Call an election." That member would very much like to have an
election before the people find out the facts.
This Social
Credit government provides help on the basis of merit and where the
benefits will accrue to the workers and to the people in British
Columbia. As I say, contrast that to the socialist position of
promising each one of their friends: go with us and we will get you
more; go with us and we'll get you more wages, more benefits and more
government spending.
I suggested this morning and I repeat
that I think their philosophy should be "go down with us, ” rather than
"go with us, ” because that's exactly what's going to happen to many of
the people in this province and the workers if we ever have the
misfortune to again elect a socialist government. I think it's probably
indicative that in any province or country which has experienced the
socialist system for any period of time, they are working their butts
off to get out of it.
So the NDP philosophy — go after the
companies despite the fact that if you take down the companies you take
the jobs away with them.... They don't seem to understand that. They
said they were very interested in keeping the forest jobs in this
province. They're against the MOU, but they did speak for higher
stumpage we've — got to get more, get those companies that are logging
and that are creating those jobs to pay a great deal more.
I've
mentioned that they are against Site C, against generating electricity
from a renewable resource. Yet they say that they're in favour of jobs.
They're against any land development, even in my constituency where a
few hundred acres wouldn't even be noticed out of the millions of acres
for farming activity. Yet they support keeping all of that land tied
up-don't do any development, don't provide power, don't provide land
and don't provide trees.
Any movement in this province that
says "save the trees" immediately gets the support of the socialists.
The Carmanah example is probably a good one, where this government said
half and half — the key parts for preservation, the other parts for
logging. What did they do? They were against that. Save them all,
everywhere. 1 would think that it is far better to compromise in the
interests of jobs as well as the environment, than to simply say:
"Forget about the jobs. We're going to get onto that bandwagon at this
particular time."
I think that the members on this side of
the House will have absolutely no trouble supporting this legislation.
I challenge the socialists to, for a change, set aside their natural
inclination to attack this government and to vote in favour of this Job
Protection Act in British Columbia.
MR. BARLEE : I
see that the usually rational member for North Peace River has departed
somewhat from his usual style. I think we concur in principle, but
there are some fatal flaws, some weaknesses in the provisions of the
bill.
The minister in introducing Bill 83 emphasized the
impact of the economic downturn on one-industry towns. That's all very
well, but he forgot about some other towns, too. I think there are some
general flaws in this overview.
Firstly, the bill does not
really address the problems of most of the towns of the interior of
British Columbia, because most of those towns are not one-industry
towns. Most of them have a more diverse economic base. Some of these
towns, members will be interested to know, never really recovered from
the downturn of the 1980s, which was introduced by this government. The
unemployment rates are still unusually high, almost Draconian.
these towns are not one-industry towns; they are multifaceted towns.
Many depend upon various parts of the economy for their well-being.
There are many small businesses, and they have been hit very hard in my
particular area by the free trade agreement, which this government has
endorsed. I think they should go around and ask some of their former
supporters in places like Oliver and Osoyoos and Grand Forks what they
think of the free trade agreement now, a few years after it was
inaugurated by this government.
The cross-border traffic
figures will indicate something there. In Grand Forks, the cross-border
traffic figures are up 820 percent in one year. Those are one-way
dollars. Those dollars leave B.C., and essentially they leave forever.
they haven't done a very good job on them. Some of the small businesses
in my area are also closing down the secondary industries because of
the impact of the free trade agreement, which was endorsed by this
government.
There are a couple of other areas I'm interested in.
HON. MR. RABBITT : Mining.
MR. BARLEE : We'll get around to mining, Mr. Member for Yale-Lillooet.
The
agricultural business is still in disarray. Five thousand jobs depend
upon it, and this government really hasn't done much yet. Nor do I
expect them to.
With tourism, which I think is the great
wave of the future, there has been no strategic economic policy from
this government for the last decade. There really has not been any
strategic policy at all. What's the result of this? In our area, 16
percent unemployed — an army of unemployed in the Okanagan. There are
20,000 people out of work, and 20,000 people is quite a bit. It's been
historically that way, probably only exceeded by the number out of work
in Kamloops, which is the minister's own constituency.
The
member for Yale-Lillooet was talking about myths, and I find these
myths very interesting. He said that this government has been very kind
to mining. We both have a little background in mining. I've a
background in lode mining and in placer mining. When you study the
record, it is rather interesting. For instance, free miners have been
in this province since 1858. As the member may or may
[ Page 11678 ]
not
know, you used to pay $5 a year. This government jacked that up to $25.
That's only a 500 percent increase. That's not too bad. There are other
increases which are rather interesting, too.
Interjection.
MR. BARLEE : Yes, 1858.
That's
not too bad; it was all in the last ten years, Some of the other
increases.... We have a small mining company that used to pay $50 a
year. Now it's $500. That's 1,000 percent. So you guys have done very
well.
Talking about myths, the member for North Peace River
talked about unemployment. I would suggest to the members on the
opposite side that they take a look at page 41 of the budget of last
year. Take a look at the real unemployment figures over the last 20
years.
The lowest unemployment figure in the last 20 years
was a 7.4 percent average between 1972 and 1975. That's the lowest in
20 years, and the highest in 20 years was about 16 percent in the early
eighties. Some of our towns are still experiencing 16 percent.
[3:00]
You
really don't handle the economy too well. You have perpetuated the
myths brilliantly, but your handling of the economy.... And you can go
right down the line from the overrun on Coquihalla: $500 million there.
Over $700 million on SkyTrain. A billion on northeast coal. And that
wonderful deal on Expo. Oh, man! It's astonishing — Li Ka-shing will
probably walk away with a billion dollars net on that. Absolutely
amazing!
The member for Yale-Lillooet also mentioned wining
— how they've come to the aid of all these small mining companies. I
was thinking about it, and I listened to him and said: "You know
something? He's missed a few." I've got a little mining company in my
area — it's called Highland Bell; it was in Beaverdell. It was the
oldest continuously operating silver mine in Canada for almost 100
years. It produced 40 million ounces of silver — that's a lot. That
company has operated continuously, but as all mines will eventually do,
it closed down. Who owned that mine? Teck Corp.
Well, let's
examine Teck Corp. It probably had more capital than arty other mining
corporation in Canada. Some of those miners — and I'm sure the member
for Yale-Lillooet will be interested — worked for this mining company
for 20 years. And do you know what their severance package included? It
was really very generous of Teck — one week for every year. So some of
those guys worked a lifetime for Highland Bell producing their share of
40 million ounces. They got one week for a year — 2 percent. You've
really taken care of the mining fraternity — a marvellous job.
The member for North Peace River waxed rather eloquent about a number of things,
and he came to the defence of the oil companies. Man, did he defend the oil
companies! And you know, they really need it too. I'll tell you why. They
need it because in Washington State the average price of their low-grade gas
is 32 cents — we've researched it — and in other parts of the state it's
much less than that. Here it's about 60 cents. How does that come about?
You guys haven't done the job for the consumers of British Columbia. You
simply haven't done the job — as usual.
Let's
talk about taxation. I just looked at the taxation on fuel the other
day. We have the second highest taxes on fuel in the country, after
Quebec. British Columbia and Quebec are hand in hand on that. We're
even higher than Newfoundland. It's astonishing. The average tax
increase is 12 percent per year. In fact, in a couple of weeks we're
putting the tax up again - another blow to the consumers of British
Columbia.
And what else happens to these oil companies
you're defending all the time? Well, if you watched CBC about a week
ago you will find that they have downgraded their gas. The octane
rating isn't what it was, and his government doesn't protect the
consumer again.
In any other civilized jurisdiction — and I
say, "civilized" jurisdiction — they protect the consumers. They make
these oil companies put the octane rating right on the tanks that they
get the gas from. Oh no, not in British Columbia — not a chance.
This
particular bill is flawed. And by the way, I don't mind a company
making a profit; it doesn't offend me at all. But I hate a company
making a profit that I consider gouging, and some of these companies
made 760 percent last year over the year before. That is not protection
of the consumer, for heaven's sake.
So this particular bill
is flawed. It should go back to the drawing-board again. We really
don't need a czar to tell the small towns in British Columbia what to
do — who deserves to get a grant and who doesn't. That should be placed
back in the hands of the communities concerned.
It could lead to a good deal of pork-barrelling, and it is basically a bill that needs many revisions and a very hard look.
MR. LONG : I rise today to speak on Bill 83, the Job Protection Act, and how it affects small towns throughout British Columbia.
guess we have to ask ourselves: what does the act do? Well, it protects
jobs throughout British Columbia to start with, especially those in the
small one-industry towns. Secondly, it protects the companies that
provide these jobs, and each of them work together, hand in hand, to
make our country work and our province survive.
I guess we
ask: where are these jobs? They are throughout the province, but most
of these jobs are out in the hinterlands, so to speak, and in a lot of
the NDP ridings: Alberni, Nanaimo, pulp-mill towns, North Island, and
on the Sunshine Coast-Powell River and down in Port Mellon.
good example of our government working with industry, is Port Mellon
and Howe Sound Pulp — a pulp mill that was beyond repair at one point
and
[ Page
11679 ]
was going to be shut down, with 450 jobs lost. With
the cooperation of this government and a Japanese company, Howe Sound
Pulp put in the cleanest mill in Canada for our environment and secured
450 jobs for the people of the Sunshine Coast. That's right in my
riding; that's what I know about. This is something that I haven't
heard the opposition bring up — securing those 450 pulp-mill jobs right
here in British Columbia.
At this time we have a major
problem in Powell River with jobs. We have MacMillan Bloedel, a big
company, shutting down for a week; 1,800 employees will be out of work
for a week. With the multiplier, with their families, it turns into
7,200, and in a town of 12,000, the remaining 4,800 people depend on
the other 7,200. This is disastrous for a small-industry town.
what's causing this? Markets? Yes, markets are causing it in the United
States and across the world, but these people understand that and are
willing to take that downtime to make it work. I can see where this act
can help them and other industries that are affected in the future.
times the NDP raises issues of pork-barrelling — that the Social Credit
government just protects insiders. I'd like to draw something to the
attention of the NDP. I have in my hand right now a grant that has been
given to a Mr. Howard White, president of Harbour Publishing in Madeira
Park. I have to ask who is Mr. Howard White? Well, he is a book
publisher of.... Well, anyway, it's for $39,740. Mr. Speaker, I've got
to tell you now: this person is the NDP candidate for the Sunshine
Coast. It's ironic. I imagine that's what the NDP are clapping about.
This pork-barrel they talk about must be big enough, because they're
all in it.
Mr. Speaker, I back this bill. It's good for our
small-industry towns. It makes all the people on the Sunshine Coast
feel a lot better that our government is willing to put up for the
people who work in these pulp mills. I, for one, say that it's about
time we got job protection in British Columbia for the people and the
industries that are the driving system that make this country work.
MR. ZIRNHELT :
Mr. Speaker, I'm pleased to rise in support of the principle behind
this bill. As the previous speaker on this side of the House mentioned,
there are some flaws. However, it is our role to criticize — ultimately
to improve — legislation and to be supportive of our communities and of
initiatives that would benefit all of us back home.
One thing that is noticeably missing in this act is community vitality. This
bill does not establish in its principle that community vitality is essential.
Saving individual industries does not result in complete community vitality.
When we reflect on the loss of some 1,500 jobs in the Cariboo over the last
ten years.... It doesn't help people who are already laid off. It doesn't
help all the people who will lose their jobs in the future because of adjustments
in the industry. I think that
an act like this ought to go a bit further in
developing an economic plan for these one-industry, or predominantly one-industry,
towns.
Really,
what this act does is provide for a financial plan, a business plan,
for a particular industry. I think what is needed is a land use
strategy that provides some security of supply of the raw resources
that go into creating the vitality in the industry it is trying to
save. In fact, what we've seen recently are destabilizing effects on
the forest industry — in particular in the Cariboo — as a result of
there not being secure resource management plans. For example, the
Minister of Native Affairs said as recently as yesterday that we need
to establish arrangements so that the province can exercise its
responsibility to protect native interests, and so that when we plan
for resources, we have accounted for all the interests that could
displace those that are vital to the lifeblood of the forest industry.
must say that mill closures are something we're very concerned about in
Quesnel, Williams Lake, Clinton and 100 Mile House. They've all
suffered somewhat from lines going down and from some mills being
threatened. My colleague from the north coast has alluded to the
problem of the link that's necessary between the access to the
resources, the tenures, and some responsibility to the local
communities to provide ongoing employment and make adjustments to
replace those jobs that have been lost over time through technical
change and modernization of industry.
The threats that we
have seen recently and that have been fulfilled in the loss of 1,500
jobs have been replaced in part by value-added jobs, but we have not
seen sufficient attempts made to withstand the potential effects of
return to the pre-beetle-kill cut in the Cariboo. When that happens
there will be some need to retrain people.
The planning for
that retraining has to happen now, and it isn't happening. I think that
part and parcel with job protection is future job protection, which
will involve training, incentives and continued moral suasion and, if
necessary, legislation that will insist that jobs need to be replaced
if jobs are planned out of existence. I see nothing in here that will
do that.
May I summarize that point by saying that we need
to plan for the orderly transition through manpower planning so that
the locally based economy has some time to adjust rather than just wait
until the effects are there, the layoffs are there, when you end the
overcutting or when a mill closes down. As we saw in the case of
Quesnel, the value-added jobs didn't add up to more than about 25
percent of the jobs lost. We saw 300 people recently being thrown out
of jobs, and they have nowhere to turn. They don't have the skills. All
of that could have been prevented.
We see a similar
situation a year down the road where there is the possibility of ending
the 50 percent lift in the cut due to the beetle-kill cut. We could see
a downturn there. We have a couple of industries — the fibreboard plant
and the co-generation and possibly others — that could take up some of
the slack. Only
[ Page 11680 ]
one
of those is certain. The others look promising but not enough to be the
only eggs in the basket. We really have to provide other alternatives.
Instead
of the top-down solution on a firm-by-firm basis, we need more
bottom-up planning and more coordination of the efforts at
community-based planning, which will help people to be part of the
decision-making about their own future.
We know that the
public understands that the New Democrats are the ones who can deal
effectively with the native issues, who can integrate planning and deal
with their needs in the context of all other needs. I believe it. We
will protect jobs and paycheques. We will protect the environment, and
we will ensure that large companies, small companies and government
will be responsive to the needs of local employment.
would ensure this by instituting a procedure where there could be
public hearings to establish accountability when we examine measures
that will alter the allocation of resources. Rather than just throwing
the money to larger and larger companies, we need to ensure that the
timber goes to produce a diversity in the companies, from the very
smallest business right up to the larger integrated ones. We are the
political party that will correct the past failures of this government
with respect to what has happened to community stability.
[3:15]
seems to me that when we are dealing with this bill, we are really
dealing with what has been called a motherhood idea. We're all in
favour of it. But I think we should be reminded that it's a bit like
the father on his deathbed when he asks forgiveness from his sons for
the abuse during their lifetime. It's a little too late. A lot of
damage has been done, and that is what's going to hang this government.
You mark my words.
Should I remind you of the statement of
one of your former premiers when he said that the forest industry is a
sunset industry? What a cynical comment. I think it is and will remain
a sunrise industry when we start with the communities and fully involve
all sectors of those communities before the closures take place, not
when they're imminent.
HON. MR. MICHAEL : Before I
get into the details of Bill 83, I would like to make a couple of
comments about a statement of the second member for
Boundary-Similkameen. He mentioned in his address that this government
had no strategy regarding tourism.
I think that the
citizens of British Columbia would do well to reflect on the actions of
the leader of the NDP when he was the mayor of Vancouver and sent that
famous telegram to the Expo selection committee that said that Expo 86
was not wanted in the city of Vancouver.
Interjection.
HON. MR. MICHAEL : The member opposite has said that we're still
paying for it. The people of the province of British Columbia have gained immensely
from Expo 86. Tourism increased. Between 1985 and 1986 it increased in excess
of one billion dollars, and the member opposite says that the people of British
Columbia are still paying for Expo. As a result of Expo 86, tourism has continued
to grow. It is not $3.5 billion anymore, Mr. Member. Tourism today is a $5 billion-a-year
industry in British Columbia.
Perhaps
we should remind the members of the opposition about some of the things
that have happened in this province as a result of government actions
and government partnership with the private sector. We can look to the
length and breadth of this province and see tremendous strides,
tremendous improvements, in the development of ski resorts. We can see
some of the world's best golf courses and destination resorts in all
regions of the province. Saltwater fishing, heliskiing, the Theatre in
the Sky at the top of Grouse Mountain, the Three Valley Gap resort, the
Enchanted Forest, Beardale Castle, the hotsprings developments
throughout the Kootenays, the freshwater fishing opportunities — second
to none anywhere in this country.
Along with the
infrastructure, look at the facts, members. Look at the facts of the
infrastructure that has been built by this government. Look at the B.C.
Ferry Corporation. Look at the modern fleet that has been developed as
a result of the actions taken by this government. Look at the
Coquihalla Highway, opening up the avenues of opportunity to the
interior regions of this province. Look at the airport infrastructure;
look at the tremendous job that this government has done over the years
in developing airports in small communities throughout the length and
breadth of this province. Look at the development of the hospitality
industry through the SuperHost program led by the Ministry of Tourism,
the information networks and the information centres. Look at the
development of Accommodations B.C. Tremendous strides in developing an
infrastructure for tourism.
Mr. Speaker, the members
opposite will hear, as will all of the citizens, much more about Music
'91, indeed one of the greatest musical extravaganzas ever held
anywhere in North America. We will see entertainers coming to this
province, entertainers like Ray Charles, Rita MacNeil, Tom Jones, Harry
Belafonte — the list goes on and on. Infrastructure — tourism
development to bring tourists into this province from all over the
world. We'll see tremendous success, tremendous growth, as a result of
the initiatives of this government.
The second member for
Boundary-Similkameen dares make a statement in this House about tourism
growth, tourism strategy and tourism development. The only province in
this country to show any growth in tourism in 1990 was British Columbia
— 5 percentage points in real growth. The only other province in the
entire country which had any growth whatsoever was Alberta, at 1
percent. All other provinces in the country had flat growth or negative
growth, and we in this province had a growth of 5 percentage points.
[ Page
11681 ]
I compare that with the NDP performance in tourism in 1972-75. 1 can
only recall one statement by the then Minister of Highways, Graham Lea,
when he said: "The tourists are clogging the highways of this province.
Will they please go home." That was the NDP approach to tourism. That
was their strategy.
Perhaps we would all do well to look at
the province of Manitoba during the NDP rule there. Let's look at
Manitoba and look at tourism growth and what they did for that
province. Indeed, the NDP were not only defeated in Manitoba; they were
kicked right down to third position at the bottom of the heap in the
last election held in that province.
Perhaps we should now
look at the projections of tourism in the great province of Ontario
under NDP rule. I will tell you, Mr. Speaker, if you talk to anybody
from Ontario in the tourist industry, they will tell you what their
projections are for 1991. 1 can tell you, It's gloom and doom and
devastation. It's bad news.
Look at the results, folks.
Compare the performance of this government. Compare it with Manitoba.
Compare it with what's going to happen in Ontario in 1991. I think that
the facts and the record speak for themselves. We have done a very good
job in this province, and I'm very proud indeed to be a part of this
government and the success that we have had.
Just in
closing, I want to congratulate the Minister of Regional and Economic
Development. I think Bill 83 is indeed very timely. We know we've had
success on previous occasions under Art Phillips, the industrial
inquiry commissioner. We know how well Bill 83 fits in with the
Premier's 12-point program. I am convinced that we will see every bit
as much success with this bill and with this program as we had back in
'85-86. 1 know that this is just another spoke in the wheel of the
overall development, the initiative of creating jobs in which this
government has been very successful. Indeed, I don't know how many
people in the province are aware that we have created 50 percent of all
the new jobs in Canada right here in British Columbia. I think that
speaks well for government programs.
I know that many
programs that have been brought forward.... I think of the programs of
the Minister of Forests, the small business program. Plants have been
developed and expanded in such communities as Armstrong, Notch Hill,
Chase, Tappen, Grindrod — the list goes on and on. Hundreds of
employees are working in my constituency as a result of the initiatives
of the Minister of Forests. I think that Bill 83 is just one more spoke
in the wheel of good government, good management and good initiatives
for creating jobs in this province.
MR. REYNOLDS :
Mr. Speaker, I'd like the House to welcome today 110 grade 11 students
from Howe Sound Secondary School in Squamish, and also Mr. Alger, their
leader.
MR. JONES : Mr. Speaker, I too would like to make an introduction with leave.
Leave granted.
MR. JONES :
I'd like to introduce a member of the political science faculty from
Simon Fraser University, Mr. Paddy Smith. Would members of both sides
of the House make him feel very welcome.
MR. CASHORE :
Mr. Speaker, there's no question that there's a need to protect jobs in
this province; nobody is debating that fact. The question is: where has
this government been in the intervening years since the last time in
1983 when you applied a band-aid approach to deal with this situation?
The
fact is that this government thrives on a boom-and-bust style of
economy. This is what fuels this government, and this is what fails to
serve the people of this province.
This government's
incompetence has resulted in more pain for our resource communities, So
here we are; again your band-aid measures were not followed up with
measures to strengthen local economies. So here we are again, boom and
bust.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Do you know
what you're doing? You're taking an initiative that should protect
single-industry towns, and you're using it for the politics of
desperation because you desperately need an issue. This bill, which has
potential were it drafted as our leader and my colleague from Prince
George North have advised, would be worthwhile were you to take their
advice.
But what we have here is a Social Credit Trojan
horse. Now what's inside that Trojan horse? Well, we have a regional
and economic development minister; he's in there with his barrel of
pork. It's not an arm's-length process; it's hands-on for that
minister. We have someone who has a free rein to reward Social Credit
friends and insiders. Inside that Trojan horse we have a Forests
minister who can also reward friends and insiders by waiving penalties
for overharvesting, by allowing carte blanche for the overcutting of
our forests and by being a handmaid to expanded corporate control.
Also
there's a Minister of Environment who sits in. that Trojan horse. He
sits there in silence. His eyes, his ears and his mouth are covered —
hearing nothing, seeing nothing and saying nothing. He's not standing
up for the environment, and he's not concerned with overcutting. That
minister is powerless in this cabinet. Why is he not here today
standing up to protect the forests from overcutting?
Mr.
Speaker, why does he not stand up for the environment when the Minister
of Forests has been given carte blanche in this legislation? This bill
is a deathbed attempt by the Minister of Regional and Economic
Development to allow him to wield even more power to hand out pork than
he already has in that pathetic, demoralized cabinet.
know what to expect, Mr. Speaker. Cabinet will not stand up to him.
Perhaps others will follow the former Minister of Finance to a safer
haven. There's
[ Page 11682 ]
question that the fox is among the chickens in this cabinet, and you
know who the fox is and who the chickens are. British Columbians don't
want to pay for pork for Socred friends and insiders. They are not
comforted by the use of the term "arm’s length"; that's simply
rhetoric. The simple fact is that the legislation gives the Minister of
Regional and Economic Development too much power to hand out favours to
the friends of this government. The bill is not about jobs, and it's
not about paycheques. It's about their special interest in trying
desperately to achieve an election issue.
Mr. Speaker, I
have recently visited communities in this province beyond Hope. I've
travelled throughout the area of Highway 16, and last week I was in
Terrace, Telkwa, Houston, Kitwanga and Burns Lake. We've found out
there that the people of this province want to have a say in the
decision-making on resource extraction that affects their lives.
[3:30]
They
want to have a say in developing greater value-added for their areas.
They want to be in a position where they're not subject to the kind of
process that leaves them at the whims of a boom-and-bust approach.
while I stand before you today to say that I’ll be voting in favour of
this legislation, I do so in the very sincere hope that the
commissioner will be empowered to fulfil his mandate in an appropriate
manner, and that the political interference which we fear is contained
in this bill will not be seen.
MR. REYNOLDS : I
hadn't planned to get up and speak on this bill, because it's such a
good bill I didn't think anybody would want to delay it. But listening
to that man of the cloth over there - my former critic on the
environment - get up and say everything he said, then that he's going
to vote for it, made me want to jump to my feet and make a few comments.
Mr. Speaker, the NDP say: "Where have you been?" I'll tell you
where we've been. We've been creating more jobs in British Columbia
than all the rest of Canada put together. That's where this party has been;
that's where this government has been. The NDP over there, after a speech
like that.... I'm so glad it's on television, with everybody listening,
because they'll see what the difference is between the Social Credit Party
and the socialists across the hall.
They
talk about a boom-and-bust economy. Why don't they look at provinces
like Ontario, which now has a socialist government? It has a $3 billion
deficit this year and a projection for an $8 billion deficit next year.
That's the boom and bust of the socialists, not the good government of
Social Credit.
The member talked about the Minister of Forests. I want to quote him, so I'll
read my notes. He said: "Hearing nothing, saying nothing and doing nothing."
I thought he was starting to lead into a speech about the Leader of the Opposition,
because there's the man and the party that are hearing nothing, saying nothing
and doing nothing, sitting back and Saying: "When are we going to get a
chance to form a government?"
I've said many times before, Mr. Speaker, they get right up to the
crest.... They always think they're going to win, and then after the
election, I enjoy sitting on this side of the House and seeing the
people of British Columbia voting Social Credit, voting for good
government.
Interjections.
MR. REYNOLDS :
The member who's their critic for finance says: "Way back on the back
bench." I'll tell you, second member for Vancouver East, I'd rather be
on the back bench in this party than in any part of that party over
there, because this party has good government. There are also people in
this party who have a little principle, something those members know
nothing about. There are members who have a little bit of parliamentary
tradition, something those members know nothing about; nor do they have
any respect for it.
Mr. Speaker, let's talk about the B.C.
job protection commission and what it's doing for British Columbia. The
member over there talks about the environment. Where was he when this
party was creating jobs in a de-inking plant? Sitting in a press
conference with one of their candidates in the next election, telling
the people of British Columbia it shouldn't go ahead. A real crazy, by
the way — a man who doesn't want anything to happen.
MR. CLARK : Order!
MR. REYNOLDS : I didn't call the member crazy. His colleague who is running with him is crazy.
Mr.
Speaker, where were they when this project was going to create 200 jobs
and recycle all the newspapers in this province? On television, saying:
"Don't let it happen." By God, if the next day I didn't read in the
paper that Greenpeace supported me on the issue. I thought I must be
wrong, but even they couldn't support the NDP environment critic on
that issue. That was creating jobs in the province. Where was that
member? Not congratulating us, but knocking us again.
Mr.
Speaker, I'm proud to say that the commissioner is up in Pemberton
trying to solve a very serious problem there with jobs. I respect the
job that the commissioner has done, and I know that he's going to make
sure that people in this province — people in Pemberton — get their
city and community working in a better way.
MR. CASHORE : Are you going to appear before that commission in Ottawa?
MR. REYNOLDS :
Oh, I would love to talk about that, but it isn't in the bill. When we
get on the issue of going to Ottawa, I'll be very happy....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please. We are doing second reading of the bill. We've allowed a little le-
[ Page
11683 ]
niency — in fact, a lot of leniency — this
afternoon, but I must remind members.... I shouldn't think it would be
difficult to remind the member who once held this chair about the rules
in second reading of debate. Perhaps, since others have strayed, you
might stray to the same parameters as they have. But if we widen the
parameters, this debate might last longer than it might otherwise
normally last.
MR. REYNOLDS . Mr. Speaker, I thank you very much for those comments.
I'm sure you appreciate more than anyone that it's very difficult to
stick to your speech when they're interjecting from the other side. I hope
they won't interject, and I'll stick to my speech.
The
reason we have the B.C. job protection commission is that we want to
make sure that we have the lowest debt in Canada and that we continue
to have the lowest debt in Canada. The reason we want this bill is that
we want to make sure that tourism keeps on continuing to rise in this
province more than in any other province. The reason we want this bill
is to make sure that our exports, which are up 10 percent over than any
other province in Canada, continue to go up. That's the reason this
side proposed this excellent legislation; that's why I'm going to
support it. That's why the members on that side will spend and waste
the taxpayers' money by speaking against the bill; but when it comes to
voting, they'll vote for it.
MR. LOVICK : Mr.
Speaker, I take some delight in participating in this debate. It's
interesting that all members on both sides of the chamber are going to
support this measure. We on this side, however, feel the need to
express some reservations about it.
I can't help but note
with some interest that when the minister introduced the measure, he
had to make the point that some people would be, sadly, as he
suggested, political. Indeed, he suggested that we on this side would
use this as a political opportunity. How interesting that we have just
listened to the most partisan, arm-waving, rambunctious, passionate
speech yet in this chamber from the former Minister of Environment
being slightly political. I'm not going to be political; I'm going to
be rather whimsical.
I'm intrigued especially by the fact
that this blatant effort to intervene in the workings of the economy,
this particular measure that looks like macroeconomics 200 revisited,
this particular good and desirable measure, comes to us from a
government that nevertheless continues to prate and to prattle and to
pontificate about the workings of the free market left entirely to its
own devices.
We on this side find that passing strange. On
the one hand, we hear all these utterances about free enterprise that
must be allowed to exist unfettered and unhindered, yet this particular
measure demonstrably is an admission that the market isn't working all
the time, doesn't function perfectly well left to its own devices and
that there is a need for government to take that kind of
interventionist position.
I'm pleased to see that the
government in its actions is prepared to accept that simple economic
truth, even if for ideological purposes they like to say all that other
stuff about the marketplace and the primacy of the marketplace. I'm
intrigued, too, by the title of this measure. It's called Job
Protection Act. To be sure, it takes steps to protect jobs and that is
good and desirable. But I think it's worth noting that this measure
doesn't have the impact and influence of preserving only jobs. It also
— and this I think is its ever-principal claim to be defended — does
something about preserving the integrity of communities.
I'm
not just talking about protecting jobs and paycheques, however
necessary and desirable that may be. We're also talking about
maintaining a community infrastructure. We're talking about maintaining
a tax base in given communities, and that too is certainly good and
desirable. Indeed, that's precisely what we on this side of the House,
traditionally as social democrats, have argued is a role and a
responsibility of government.
I would challenge this
government, by the way, to reconcile this measure and what is said in
defence of this measure with various statements they have made about
the marketplace and about what we on this side advocate by way of
intervention.
The objects of the measure are quite
laudable. I think everybody on both sides of the House has indeed
acknowledged that. We recognize that we have a crisis in various
single-industry towns — a crisis that is going to get larger. There's
no doubt then that we ought to be doing something about that.
have some difficulty, and I think we can be forgiven for being a
little, dare I say, partisan political, when we listen to that
particular minister telling us about the principle of equal sacrifice
defining and animating the entire bill. It is that particular minister,
let us not forget, who was quite happy to grant his former executive
assistant a salary increase of some 19 percent and, at the same time,
zealously defend legislation now on the order paper that's going to
limit the salary increases of people like nurses, teachers and other
public servants.
The point I am making is that that
particular minister by his conduct, it seems to me, is contradicting
the main defence of this particular measure. I stand by that.
also have a concern because this measure, like so many other measures
introduced by this government, has a wonderful idea and concept. But it
is a concept and idea that seems to be perverted; perverted only
insofar as they haven't had the courage to stick with the principles
enunciated in the measure. You'll recall that the minister, in
introducing and defending the bill, talked about the arm’s-length
relationship between government and the commissioner. Well and good. We
all accept that premise and we indeed defend that particular
contention, that case.
The problem, however, is that there
is a piece of this bill that effectively gives the lie to that entire
concept of arm’s-length relationship. I'm referring to
section 4.1 —
strategic industries — where we dis-
[ Page 11684 ]
cover,
in effect, that strategic industries no longer have to be defined or
explained in any serious way. As long as the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council deems something will be a strategic
industry, it will be. In short, it's unanswerable. There is no longer
any definition, no longer any due process involved in determining what
industry ought to be supported; rather, it's purely a cabinet decision.
That,
Mr. Speaker — I think you would agree with me, and I'm sure most of
those people who are watching there proceedings on television would
agree — is investing too much power in the hands of a single cabinet
minister and in the hands of cabinet. Our experience tells us again and
again that this government has to carry with it the appearance in the
eyes of many people in the public of being less concerned with the
public good than with protecting the interest of its own friends and
those who have the inside track.
If the government wants to
show that our fears are unfounded in that regard, I would suggest there
is an easy way to do so. All they have to do is take out the particular
section of the bill I referred to. Don't give the cabinet minister that
kind of unlimited power if you don't want to be accused of using it for
your own selfish political purposes.
I would also point out
that we have a couple of other concerns. The power this commissioner
has — and indirectly then the ministry has — is also one that sends out
rather bad or at least negative signals to industry, most notably to
the forest industry. What will happen here with the bill....
Interjection.
MR. LOVICK :
The Minister of Finance, I'm glad to see, is awake and paying
attention. The Minister of Finance says that I don't support the bill.
As I made very clear, I do support the bill. We on this side do support
the bill, but we have drawn to your attention some ways in which this
bill could be improved. I hope you are listening and will take some of
those suggestions.
Part of the predicament, as I was about
to say, is just that. With this measure, what we effectively do is call
upon the Ministry of Forests to ignore much of its own legislation. It
is built into this that we will have to ignore the existing Ministry of
Forests Act.
I suggest to you that this sends out bad
signals. I would suggest to you that this is the kind of thing that
Mike Apsey, who recently gave a talk to the Vancouver Board of Trade on
behalf of the Council of Forest Industries, was referring to when he
made the following statement. He talked about "the reality of a policy
environment characterized by ad hockery." That's the predicament
outlined by the most senior representative of the forest industry in
this province. I submit to you that this measure, given its impact,
will do nothing to dispel that air of ad hockery which seems to define
this government's approach.
[3:45]
Again, my colleagues on this side have made the point that we accept the premise
of the bill. We're happy to see that this government does indeed believe
in recycling. We know that this is a recycled 1983. We wonder, however, where
it was in 1986 when communities were literally falling like ten pins around
the province for want of the kind of attention that is enunciated in this particular
measure. We also wonder where the government had been when it talked about B.C.'s
economy having diversified and having become a mature economy so that it was
no longer so susceptible to boom-and-bust and the problem of single-industry
commodities. We wonder where all that went, given now this admission that things
are not quite as they ought to be and that therefore we must take this kind
of interventionist measure.
With
those comments I would again emphasize that we support the bill, but I
sincerely hope this government will recognize there is a fundamental
flaw in this legislation-at least one. I would suggest that for its own
political survival, if nothing else — and I offer this free, gratis,
for nothing — it might want to consider taking the error out of the
bill of doing favours for friends and insiders.
HON. MR. MESSMER :
In response to the last member who started off his speech by saying
this is a whimsy bill, I guess on this side of the House we refer to it
as being a very serious bill. However, I'm pleased to rise today to
speak in favour of Bill 83, the Job Protection Act.
The
Critical Industries Act in the early eighties worked, and saved
some-not all-commercial businesses. The main thing that it did was to
save 13 companies and roughly 2,900 employees within British Columbia.
They are still with us today, and I'm sure if they are listening to
this debate after that many years, they will be pleased that we had an
act in those days that helped us to put people back to work and save
those jobs. Art Phillips said:
"We start with
a hard-nosed assessment of the company. If it is potentially viable, we
attempt to get as many parties as possible to contribute to the
solution. Government contributions have been modest. In fact, every
case has immediately been profitable to the provincial government in
terms of direct income versus direct expenditure."
And
that, Mr. Speaker, says it all. It says that if you put a little effort
into it, the rewards you get will be worthwhile to the people of
British Columbia.
I'm pleased that the minister has
introduced a new act which takes the proven parts of the Critical
Industries Act and adds them to the provisions of this new act to
protect the jobs and the paycheques of people in British Columbia.
in British Columbia have not felt the same economic downside that has
occurred in the balance of Canada. However, we have people working in
industries that are the main employers within that area; communities
that have small businesses always dependent upon the larger industry,
industries that may have, because of external events like high interest
rates and markets, the ability to be competitive in the world market
but find themselves no longer viable; businesses that have been good
corporate
[ Page
11685 ]
citizens, that have been supporters of events over
the years, that have helped social and recreational needs within those
communities, that have employed fathers and sons, daughters and mothers
within the community and that have played a major role in everything
that went on in that area — and, I might add, were probably major
taxpayers when it came to education in the province of British
Columbia. However, things have turned the other way. At this particular
time, they have had to make a choice — whether or not they are a viable
company, whether or not they can support their creditors and whether or
not they can exist in a climate that is not in their favour during this
particular time. That's why the commission will work with all of the
parties involved — the employers, the employees and the creditors — to
make sure that the industry can afford to operate in that community,
not on a short-term basis but on a long-term basis.
The
Minister of Regional and Economic Development has outlined that the job
protection commission will be an independent agency. It will be at
arm's length from government, yet it provides the commissioner with the
power to authorize economic plans which will include extraordinary
assistance from the province. This applies to an industry which
hopefully will be one of those industries from the early eighties that
we've just talked about that is still in operation in British Columbia
today.
It's very easy for us to sit back and turn our backs
on those industries that have been viable within those communities. I
have heard great remarks today about how we should have public hearings
in all our communities to discuss what's going to happen with
economics. Public hearings are a good thing, but unfortunately we need
people to invest their dollars in order to hire the people who are
going to work within our small communities. In doing so, these people
must have some long-term investment needs.
In most of the
communities in British Columbia today the chambers of commerce are
going out and trying to entice businesses to come to their communities
We had a plan that was put on by the provincial government a few years
ago. I forget what it was called. It was the provincial
partnership-in-enterprise plan, and it worked extremely well during
that time.
MR. BLENCOE : You can't even remember the name of it, can you?
HON. MR. MESSMER :
We have so many good programs. I'm not too sure, but I think the second
member for Victoria was the opposition critic of that program during
that period of time and disapproved of it. But I can tell you that a
lot of industries located in small towns in British Columbia took
advantage of that particular program.
In the early days we
also had DREE, which encouraged industry to settle in certain parts of
British Columbia to help in the areas we talked about that have a high
interest rate.
Mr. Speaker, our government strongly supports the belief that industry must
be within our communities. It is those industries that employ the people, and
it's those people who make the communities of British Columbia. If you have
never been in business, it's easy to sit and condemn those who are in trouble
today. But I think most of us know — certainly on this side of the House — that
if you're in business, there are good times and there are bad times. The
most important part of the whole thing is that you have to write a cheque, and
those cheques are the payrolls for the women and men who live in our communities.
Without those we have nothing.
say that we would turn our backs on those industries that are trying to
survive is completely wrong. Therefore I support this bill, and I would
hope that both sides of the House support it also.
MR. G. JANSSEN :
The member from Penticton just mentioned that they have businessmen
over there who know how to write cheques. Well, I happen to know a
little something about that myself — having been in business all my
life, having taken over a family business and knowing what it's like to
struggle during hard economic times.
HON. MR. VEITCH : How's it doing now?
MR. G. JANSSEN :
It's doing fine, Mr. Finance Minister — without the help of the
provincial government and their devastating policies of taking
paycheques out of people's pockets by devastating the economy by having
over 750 tax and fee increases since this government took office in
1986, by increasing the cost of doing business to every business in
British Columbia, by increasing the paper burden to every business in
British Columbia, by increasing taxes to those very people who would go
in and spend their dollars in those businesses and by reaching into
those wallets and those paycheques before they have a chance to make
those businesses viable, to create that economic activity and to create
those spinoff dollars that are so vital to staying in business.
The
cost of doing business in British Columbia, particularly small
business, has gotten higher and higher — thanks to this government —
while at the same time their friends in big business have been given
tax breaks time and time again. The taxation burden has been taken off
the backs of large corporations and shifted to taxpayers and small
businesses. Yet they call this a job protection plan.
This
is recycled legislation, Mr. Speaker. It's legislation that was enacted
during the last recession. We proposed a paycheque protection plan.
After reading our legislation and our proposals, this government woke
up and said: "Yes, this is what we must do because we can see that the
New Democratic Party — the party of new ideas, not recycled ideas — is
moving up in the polls." The government party said: "We're in trouble.
We're going to lose the next election, so therefore we have to adopt
some of the policies of the New Democratic Party in order to appeal to
the voters." But it's a little late, because we've already, as I said
earlier, had 750 tax and fee
[ Page 11686 ]
increases on the backs of working people and small business in this province.
Let's
talk about Ontario. I've heard the deficit there mentioned by members
opposite. I will remind the members opposite that the reason a New
Democratic Party was elected in Ontario by an overwhelming margin was
because a massive deficit was run up by a so-called free enterprise
party. They turned to the New Democrats in Ontario and said: "Please
help us." Those paycheques and those jobs are now being protected
because New Democrats care for people. They work on a bottom-up not a
top-down level.
This bill is a last gasp by the government
to say: "Where can we win some votes? How can we appeal to the public
that's turned off by a tired government with tired, recycled ideas?"
The minister says: "It's the global slowdown that's to blame. Ottawa is
to blame. The recession is coming from the east coast."
The
former Finance minister said: "We have a budget stabilization fund. We
have a rainy-day account. When these bad times come along, we'll draw
on that. We'll bring that out."
Where is it? Where's the
rainy-day account? It's pouring outside. This government offers the
taxpayers a rowboat when what we need is an ark.
Bankruptcies
are up, both personal and business, in the province of British
Columbia, and they've been increasing steadily for the last four or
five or six months. New business starts and investments are down in
this province, and this minister runs around in what he calls a free
enterprise government, handing out paycheques right, left and centre to
industry.
Right after he made the announcement of this job
protection plan he ran off to Golden and handed out $5.8 million to
Evans Products. Then he ran to a plywood plant in Vancouver and handed
out some more money. Recently, Milestone Wood Products got even more
money.
He's handing out dollars right, left and centre,
trying to buy votes in this province, trying to ensure people that
we're here to protect them. Where's the rainy-day account? The Minister
of Finance was asked in question period just yesterday what the state
of finances was in this province. They don't know. He didn't answer the
question.
[4:00]
Free enterprise
government says: "We're going to have some timber transfers with no
competition." Have you ever heard of such a thing? We know the
devastating position in the forest industry. We know the MOU's going to
be re-discussed — after this province gave away British Columbia rights
to a foreign government. Now they're going down to try to negotiate
their way out of it. Is that free enterprise — to give away public
lands, public forests, without competition? I think not. It's another
way of buying votes from their friends and insiders.
The former Finance minister of this province left the post because he didn't
want to face opposition questions about how he could be imposing restraint in
this province while the Minister of Regional and Economic Development — I think
he is known as "the mechanic" in politics — goes around handing out
millions of dollars on the one hand and preaching restraint on the other. Whether
it's Western Star Trucks in Kelowna or Conair in Abbotsford, deals are made
right, left and centre at the whim of the minister.
These
are not sound business practices; these are political gifts. The
minister runs around the province offering money. Is it done on sound
business practices? Over 7,000 people in the forestry industry have
lost their jobs since the spring of 1990. Where were the ministers?
Where was the job protection plan, and where was help for small
business and the taxpayers of this province who were losing their jobs?
They weren't there.
What is happening now? This government
opposite sits there and says: "We have to do something. We have to call
an election this year." Were they worried a year ago? No, they weren't.
They're worried now because they know that they can't get re-elected.
government going to give control to the communities, or is it going to
continue to have a top-down approach? "We will make the decisions at
the top as to where the paycheques go. We will make the decision" — the
minister will make the decision, they say — "about who gets the
benefits of the job protection plan.” Communities should be given that
opportunity. Communities should be involved, Mr. Speaker, in the
decisions of how to rescue this province from the inadequacies of
Social Credit fiscal management.
The BS fund is empty. The
government is empty of ideas. The sooner we have an election, the
sooner the voters can cast a decision — the same decision given in
Ontario. They're tired of old ideas; they're tired of recycled plans.
They want fresh new ideas from a fresh new government, a New Democratic
Party government.
HON. MR. SERWA : It's certainly a
pleasure to take
part in this very interesting debate on Bill 83, the
job protection commission and its single mission to protect the jobs
and paycheques of British Columbians.
I come from a
government that may be measured by its deeds, not by its words, and I'm
very proud of that. I heard the second member from Okanagan Boundary
make a statement on the unemployment level during the years 1972 to
1975, and I remember the slogan in the province at that time and have a
full appreciation of why there was probably a low unemployment level.
"Would the last one to leave British Columbia please shut off the
lights." That was the slogan then, and that's the slogan today with the
NDP.
I'm very proud of the record of jobs that have been
created in the province of British Columbia since 1986 with this
particular government. It's always interesting to listen to opposition
members who have very little background in the area of creating jobs.
As a matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, I wonder if any of the members on the
opposite side have created businesses employing 20 or more people. One
mem-
[ Page
11687 ]
ber. How many have created businesses employing 10 or more people? Anyone there? Five or more?
Interjection.
HON. MR. SERWA :
No, I think there's a difference in perspective. There are some who say
that those of the socialist persuasion have been described as parasites
of society, and there are many who would agree with that statement.
Centralist planning and socialism are falling down all over the world.
It's not because of good stuff; it's not because of the standard of
living. The people in the developed countries, in the eastern bloc
nations, are going hungry because of your type of centralist planning
and your concept. It's because of individuals like yourselves who laugh
and make fun, who can speak very well but have no fundamental knowledge
and understanding about what it takes to create an economy, the
responsibility of creating jobs and keeping the economy moving. So when
I listen to you it's with a great deal of humour. You really wax
eloquent on the role of your party. You can speak on many subjects, and
you speak well indeed, but you don't fool anyone, because you're not
coming from any foundation of actually doing it, of actually creating
jobs and caring about people. You pay lip-service to it. What you want
are people to be dependent on a socialist system. You're not helping
people help themselves. You cater to a tendency of some people to rely
heavily on the system. That's where your strong support is: special
interest groups and single interest groups, not caring about the
general health and welfare of the economy. You're a party of takers,
not of contributors.
You know, my friends, there's a great
deal of sensitivity over there, and the member for Alberni just stated
it, with his tendency to create a perception among the people of
British Columbia. Did this government only care for constituents in
their ridings? The member for Alberni just said that. What a bunch of
absolute hogwash. Since 1986, over $283 million has been advanced
through the Ministry of Regional and Economic Development to
constituencies held by New Democratic Party members. Since 1986, with
an overwhelming majority in this House, only $300 million has been
advanced to constituencies represented by a Socred member. Remember
those figures. Each time you come up with a statement that is basically
untrue, you are going to have to be responsible for supporting it. You
continue to make misstatement after misstatement.
The
second member for Cariboo made a quote and alluded to the previous
Premier of British Columbia. That quote was not made by the Premier of
the province, and the member should apologize for the misrepresentation
and the misleading of this House and the people of British Columbia.
You're on call. You're accountable for the first time. You're on
television, and the people are going to get the story the way it really
is. You folks have got to stand up now and be accountable to the people
of the province who really care. You know, you don't understand....
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please. Perhaps we could come back to second reading of the bill.
HON. MR. SERWA : Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker. I was coming to that.
The
unemployed are not simply statistics; they're real people. The members
on the side opposite keep talking about big business getting all the
breaks. Big business creates a lot of employment for all of the people
of the province of British Columbia. We care a great deal about the
business activity that takes place.
The member for Alberni
spoke about Western Star Trucks in Kelowna — a very special deal, he
indicated and intimated. Well, I'll tell you how special that deal is.
Western Star Trucks generates about $62 million worth of purchases in
the province of British Columbia annually. They generate a tremendous
amount of activity in western Canada, and in all of Canada, and
annually they sell some 2,000 trucks all over the world, my friend.
They have produced over 30,000 trucks since they started up. Virtually
every community that has any industry, be it large — a Vancouver — or a
small community like Enderby, has an opportunity to produce widgets for
Western Star, and so they do. They're mom-and-pop shops that depend on
this manufacturing facility that assembles the widgets from all over
the province of British Columbia — be they tires, rims, fuel tanks or
electronics — in the assembly plant in Kelowna and provides jobs and
employment for British Columbians. That is a solid initiative. It's a
good company, and the employers and the employees who work have every
right to be proud of their commitment to the province of British
Columbia.
One thing that the first member for Nanaimo said
was absolutely right. He said the Social Credit government protects its
friends. I have to agree with him; we do protect our friends. Who are
our friends? Our friends are the people of British Columbia — everyone,
my friend. Everyone in British Columbia: the rich and the poor, the
young and the old, the employers and the employees, the native people
and the people from every nation of the world who have freely chosen to
make British Columbia their home. All those working people are our
friends, our Social Credit friends. We care, and we show that we
continue to care. That is why I support Bill 83. It's an outstanding
piece of legislation and very timely.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
I've heard it said a number of times by members opposite, members of
the NDP. "We like the legislation, but...." They don't really say what
the "but" is, and I've attempted to determine what these alternatives
might be. I've waited till the very end because I was hoping perhaps
the Leader of the Opposition — who's mostly away from the House, but I
was hoping perhaps he might be back into the House — would tell us what
the NDP could propose as an alternative, or how they might propose to
improve on the legislative package. I've listened; I've heard nothing.
I tried to do a little research and dig up some material, but there's very little available. I realize
[ Page 11688 ]
there's
all sorts of material about what it is the Leader of the Opposition and
the NDP have been opposed to. They've been opposed to SkyTrain. They've
been opposed to the convention centre, stadium, Expo, B.C. Place, Alex
Fraser Bridge, the Coquihalla, the Island gas pipeline — all these
things that they've been opposed to we know about. I'm trying to find
out just exactly how what they're proposing might be somehow an
improvement on what we're proposing as a part of this legislation and
the whole of the economic package which will continue to keep this
province in the number one place in Canada. If you don't believe that
we're number one, let me tell you: take the time, if you can; go visit
your NDP colleagues in Ontario and see the disaster there.
[4:15]
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
a matter of fact, I think there's something the NDP opposite ought to
know. I think this would be good information for you. Did you know that
hitchhikers in Ontario are now offering to go either way? Hitchhikers
in Ontario will go whichever way. That's the situation in Ontario,
where the NDP has only been the government for not too many months,
it's total disaster. Business is leaving. They've not introduced
anything as progressive as this.
I want to really
concentrate on this legislation, and have you supporting the
legislation in all of our attempts, not with a whole lot of buts and no
alternatives, but in fact as another positive move by this government
in order to keep this province where we brought it, to the number one
spot in Canada.
I also tried in my research.... As I said,
I found lots of negative stuff, but I found one that I thought might be
of some benefit. There's a quote from the Leader of the Opposition. It
was made February 15, 1989. He gave us a good insight as to the NDPs
ability to measure the economy and what is happening in our province
and country. The Leader of the Opposition said on February 18, 1989:
"We have a prosperous economy, but it has nothing to do with Social
Credit." Then on April 25, 1989, two months later, the same Leader of
the Opposition is again quoted — this time in a Victoria newspaper —
and he says: "We're still in a depression in the vast majority of
British Columbia."
This is what we've become accustomed to
with the NDP. They're here today, there tomorrow. You can't pin them
down. They're all over the place. "We'll do this, " or "we'll support
that." But there's no real substance to anything that they propose or
that they in fact might be considering. They have no proposals, no
suggestions. They're completely blank.
In my research I was reminded again about another NDP candidate you mentioned,
Mr. Member for Port Alberni. Let me quote you one of those NDP candidates. His
name is Leonard Krog, a rather famous name in this part of the world now because
he was the NDP candidate who — to his credit — for the first time really spoke
the truth. Leonard Krog was attending a big meeting of about 50 or 60 New Democrats
in Port Alberni, and Leonard Krog said for the whole of B.C. to hear: "If
we're going to be truthful with the electorate in this province, we have
to tell them that in order to meet the promises made by the NDP, everybody's
taxes are going to have to be increased." Everybody's going to be paying
more, they're all going to be paying more. Then, as I went through this
research a little further, I found something else.
MR. CLARK :
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, we're all entertained by an election
speech. I can feel one coming on myself, but clearly this is beyond
even the lax rules in this House in terms of second reading debate. The
Premier keeps referring to election material and the like, and I don't
think the NDP election material, the promises we're making and the good
news that we're putting forward are contained in this government bill
before the House that we're supposed to be debating.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
Mr. Speaker, I can appreciate why it is they don't want to hear about
these things, and how it is that they would want to get me onto
something else. But these are the facts. The one good thing about live
television in the House is that it does give us an opportunity to
really show how bankrupt some of these NDP proposals are, and that they
really don't have a plan. Here we come forth with excellent legislation
as a part of a great economic package that will keep this province in
number one place — and they don't want to hear about it. No, they don't
want to talk about this at all. They keep referring to all sorts of
side issues, hoping that perhaps there will be those in the media
looking from on top, picking up on some of their negative comments, and
this will become the news story then, you see. We've become a little
accustomed to that.
But then again, as I was going through
this material in order to see what the alternatives were when it comes
to the legislation here in this economic package, I was reminded of a
statement made by the member for Maillardville-Coquitlam. He said we
had to double the welfare rates. Suddenly, it struck me what the
economic plan of the NDP is. You double welfare rates, and you double
everybody's taxes, and suddenly you've got people somehow receiving an
income and everybody else paying through the nose. They don't like to
hear that, but it's this government dependency instead of good
progressive legislation — legislation that will maintain this province
as number one, legislation that really provides an opportunity for
people in all parts of this province to have their jobs protected
through the facilities of government working with the private sector,
through the facilities of government working with all the stakeholders
in the private sector to try and protect jobs, to keep people employed.
not think for a moment, members of the NDP particularly, that some of
this somehow goes unnoticed. I was very pleased the other day. I sat in
a restaurant on Commercial Drive and next to me at another table there
were three IWA workers. These three IWA workers were complimenting the
Premier
[ Page
11689 ]
and the government for the tremendous job we had done, and they said: "Don't
you dare let the NDP get in."
It's
like the caller in Fort St. John, Mr. Speaker, who openly admitted —
and I don't mind — that he didn't particularly like or always agree
with me, but he said: "Mr. Premier, I have to vote for you and Social
Credit, because if I vote otherwise I vote for unemployment." It's not
going without notice.
I went to the Vancouver shipyard, and
I wanted to talk to some of the people there about some of this
progressive legislation we're debating today. I saw what they were
doing. They were working on these ferries which we're building because
tourism in the province has been great, number one and on the increase,
year after year. I met with these shipyard workers who were very
grateful for what this government has done. They know legislation like
this will again help to further protect the jobs that are available to
them and that hopefully will continue to be available to them.
This
legislation, such as we've seen in the whole of the package we've
presented for the people of this province, shows that the workingman's
best friend is the Social Credit party and this government.
MRS. BOONE : What about the women?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : It's great...
Interjections.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : Listen.
...to spout a whole lot of philosophy and to be very philosophical, such
as we hear from the NDP all of the time, but you can't pack all of this
philosophical stuff in your lunch bucket and hope to have a good lunch.
You can't pack all of this philosophical stuff in your bank account in
order to meet the mortgage payments. It's jobs that count. It's jobs
that this government provides, has provided during the last four years
and will continue to provide better than any other government in Canada.
the last four years, we've seen more activity, prosperity and growth in
this province than we've seen for a long time. But we know that Canada
is suffering economically — there's no doubt about that — and we're
seeing it elsewhere in the world and certainly on this continent.
know that when investors from abroad look to this country, they look at
all the legislation and what it does for their security as well as the
security of the people who will be involved with their businesses — the
women and the men working in those businesses. They look at how they
might be kept reasonably secure and how the policies of government and
the legislation with respect to the workplace are dealt with, or how
they relate. They look at this. It's important.
They look at Canada and particularly — and unfortunately for us today — at
a province like Ontario, because it is the most populous and most powerful province,
and it certainly is the largest and most central. As far as people looking to
invest is concerned, that is a measure. If they look at Ontario today — I've
already said it — the hitchhikers are preparing to go and offering to go both
ways.
But
the fact remains, they have that NDP philosophy. It's only been there
for a little while now, and people are expected to have philosophy as
opposed to full lunch buckets, philosophy as opposed to being able to
meet the mortgage payments or the car payments. The NDP was a disaster
for Ontario, and it will be a disaster here.
If you look at
this legislation, you will find that it's not only a first in this
country, but it's progressive. It's progressive in that it recognizes
that government does not take the place of the private sector and that
welfare is not the answer. You can't somehow say: "I'll vote for the
NDP or whatever and get the welfare and the payments increased." That's
not the answer. They'll look at this legislation, and they'll realize
this is something we could apply in various provinces very effectively
and help the women and men throughout the whole of this country. That's
the key.
I support this legislation. I'm very proud of what
we've accomplished as a government. I'm very proud of the fact that
this province still has the number one record and will continue to have
the number one record in this country. I'm very proud of the fact that
we're getting very good comments from people in the investment field
abroad when they are considering all of the provinces and how they
figure and see us to be the number one province.
I'm very
proud of the fact that we take the steps and introduce the new
initiatives before any other province, and that we are continuing to
lead this country. This legislation, Mr. Speaker and members, is again
leading the country.
I know the opposition will probably
want to vote for this. You'll want to vote for this and for all the
rest of the legislative package that makes up those initiatives which
will provide protection for all the people in our province, regardless
of where they live.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I get very
concerned when I keep hearing those members ignoring — or perhaps
forgetting, or not making reference to — the needs of the other regions
of the province. They continue to have the mentality of downtown
Vancouver — that whatever it is, downtown Vancouver or downtown
Victoria are somehow applicable to the whole of this province.
[4:30]
They
forget those IWA workers throughout this province and their particular
needs, and they forget those miners out there in the East Kootenay and
elsewhere, and their particular needs. They don't really care about
those people as much as we've expressed and shown in this legislation.
They don't care about the miners; they don't care about the IWA
workers. They care little about anything beyond downtown Vancouver.
They're a party with a downtown Vancouver mentality. I would urge you
to consider this legislation and support it wholeheartedly.
[ Page 11690 ]
MR. CLARK :
I love it when the Premier makes an election speech. It just makes my
adrenaline pump; I can't wait. Unfortunately, he doesn't have the
courage to call an election, to put it to the people to have that
debate. He wants to see his mandate kind of dribble away in the fifth
year.
Mr. Speaker, to the Premier: don't let those pretenders to the throne box
you in. I have some advice: don't wait for the Hughes commission. Don't
wait for it; don’t let them. They're boxing you in; you can feel it.
When you make that speech, I can tell you want to stay, so call an election,
Mr. Premier. Don't listen to them. Take it to the people, and we can debate
it.
Back
to the bill. On balance, this is a good bill. I'm certainly prepared to
support this legislation. The bill proposes, essentially....
Interjections.
MR. CLARK :
I'm going to talk about the bill, Mr. Speaker. I know it would be much
more fun to engage in electoral debate, but we'll wait for an election
for that.
The bill proposes a job protection commissioner
who has the power to intervene and to keep alive industries that would
otherwise close. That's a good thing. The Premier asked us what options
we put forward before the government decided to move in this direction.
The Leader of the Opposition suggested that the critical industries
commissioner be brought back. We support that. This bill does that;
we're prepared to support it.
There is a danger, however.
Government assistance should only be given to companies that have
long-run viability. Companies shouldn't just be given money; they have
to have long-term viability. There will be honest mistakes in any kind
of legislation like this. Judgments have to be made, Companies may look
like they're viable with a little government help, and they may
subsequently fail. I think we have to accept some of that risk. I
support that honest mistakes will be made, regardless of the
legislation.
The commissioner must act prudently. I have
faith in this commissioner; he has the credentials. I believe that he
will act with that kind of judgment. There will be honest mistakes, but
the danger is that this legislation will be abused. The Minister of
Regional and Economic Development has another piece of legislation that
allows him to give money away in loans, loan guarantees and grants, as
we heard in the Conair deal. The minister shakes his head, but we'll
see. He's busy trying to rewrite that agreement now that it's been made
public, in the cold light of day. In each one where loan guarantees and
loans are given, we have to act prudently.
Frankly, Mr. Speaker, I don't trust this Minister of Regional and Economic
Development — the most partisan minister in the government — to act with the
prudence that we expect for the public purse. I trust the commissioner we're
dealing with in this bill, and I'm prepared to support it, but I don't
trust the minister. Art Phillips, the former critical industries commissioner,
made the case that the bill is open to abuse. We have to be very careful about
it.
I appreciate and support that it has a sunset clause. I think that is also something that's worthwhile.
am concerned about certain aspects of this legislation that deal with
the Forest Act. Frankly, reallocating timber licences without public
hearings, without public debate, without competition, is something I
don't support. I think that moving tenure could be done on certain
occasions. If there's non-performance and other companies would use that
timber to create more jobs, it should be done. But I'm very concerned
about the discretion in this bill to allow the minister to make that
decision without public hearings, without public debate and without
competition. The members on this side of the House, my colleagues, have
made the government aware of that concern. We recognize, however, that
on balance we're prepared to support the bill even though we're
concerned about aspects of it which will make it open to abuse.
want to deal with something else the Premier said. This is a temporary
bill; it has a sunset clause, which I support, and it deals with
short-term help for problems which hopefully are short-term, or should
be short-term — otherwise they wouldn't get the help. These companies
have to be viable in the long run. But we also need medium- and
long-term solutions, which we haven't seen from this administration.
There hasn't been any planning in terms of the province as to where our
strengths and weaknesses are or what we should and shouldn't support.
There hasn't been any process to try and do that. There have been no
funds for community economic development, to try to diversify small
towns in British Columbia. We have single-industry towns which have not
been given the attention they should have had over the years under
Social Credit.
Kamloops is a good example, where
double-digit unemployment continues to this day. They never really
recovered from the recession in 1983 in terms of unemployment. The
Premier should know that we have two British Columbians: we have the
lower mainland, and southern Vancouver Island to some extent, and we
have the rest of British Columbia. The lower mainland has an economy
that is still doing reasonably well....
The Premier is
clapping, Mr. Speaker, but we've been making this case for some time.
Why do we have two British Columbians? Because of short-sighted
policies on the part of successive Social Credit governments. We need
to redirect growth outside the lower mainland into the regions of
British Columbia. That hasn't been done under successive Social Credit
administrations. We need to put resources into communities like
Kamloops, to help them diversify and build on their strengths. That
hasn't been done. Double-digit inflation continues to this day.
While
this bill deals with short-term problems which we clearly have, while
we support and applaud the effort of the commissioner to intervene and
use the power of government to assist industries over
[ Page
11691 ]
this difficult time, particularly in small towns, it's simply not
enough. We need medium-term strategies, looking at value-added and
diversification of our forest resource. We still import most of our
forestry equipment. We still import most of our sawmill equipment. We
have a natural resource strength in this province, and we should build
on it for what economists call backward and forward linkages. Instead
we are still, by and large, producing dimensional lumber for export.
There are some positive developments in terms of value-added, but that
is the direction we should be