British Columbia Hansard — Monday, October 29, 2007 p.m. — Vol. 23, No. 7 (HTML) (38th Parliament, 3rd Session)
20071029pm-Hansard-v23n7
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
2007 Legislative Session: Third Session, 38th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
MONDAY, OCTOBER 29, 2007
Afternoon Sitting
Volume 23, Number 7
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Page
Introductions by Members
Tributes
Jean Southam
Roddick
Introductions by Members
Statements (Standing Order
25 B )
Olympic torch relay in Tri-Cities
Farnworth
Richmond Society for Community
Living
J. Yap
City of Terrace Forestry Task
Force
Austin
Army, navy and air force veterans
in North Vancouver
Whittred
Wark Street Commons community
garden
Fleming
Terry Fox Research Institute
Mayencourt
Oral Questions
Management of Vancouver
Convention Centre expansion project
Macdonald
Hon. S.
Hagen
H. Bains
Ralston
Fleming
Farnworth
Child protection investigations
Simons
Hon. T.
Christensen
A. Dix
Treatment of resident at
Retirement Concepts seniors facility
C. Wyse
Hon. G.
Abbott
Call for audit of tree farm
licence land removals
Simpson
Hon. R.
Coleman
Tabling Documents
British Columbia Ferry
Commission, Annual Report for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31,
British Columbia Human Rights
Tribunal, Annual Report 2006-2007
Petitions
S. Fraser
Committee of the Whole House
Tsawwassen First Nation Final
Agreement Act (Bill 40)
Hon. M.
de Jong
Fraser
Jarvis
MacKay
Lekstrom
C. Evans
Gentner
Ralston
Sather
[ Page 8887 ]
MONDAY, OCTOBER 29, 2007
The House met at 1:35 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Introductions by Members
S. Hammell: Members, on behalf of the Speaker, I'd like the
House to welcome the members of the Canadian Association of Former
Parliamentarians who have joined us in the gallery today. This association is
holding its regional meeting in Victoria from October 28 to October 30. We are
privileged to have them here and to have them as guests. Would the House please
make them welcome.
Hon. C. Hansen: I have two introductions to make. First, I
would like the House to welcome a delegation that's here from British Columbia's
sister province in China, the province of Guangdong. Professor Xu is the
president of the Guangzhou University of Chinese Medicine, Professor Lo is the
chief of staff for the Guangdong Provincial Hospitals, and they are accompanied
by Dr. Ken Fung, who is with the faculty of medicine at UBC. Would the House
please make them very welcome.
Also, as part of the delegation that's here from the association
of former politicians…. Sorry, former parliamentarians — and politicians, of
course…. I think we all at some point in our careers get to be former
parliamentarians, but you never get away from being a former politician. It goes
with you for the rest of your days.
A very dear and longtime friend, Sophia Leung, is a member of that
group, and I wish the House to make her welcome.
Tributes
JEAN SOUTHAM
V. Roddick: The daughter of H.R. MacMillan, Jeannie Southam
carried on with her father's philanthropy and contributed hugely to this
province. As former B.C. Lieutenant-Governor Garde Gardom said of her: "She knew
her stuff, and she spoke her mind."
Mrs. Southam died last week, three days before her 92nd birthday.
It's truly the end of an amazing era. I ask that the House join in recognizing
the life and legacy of Jean Southam.
Introductions by Members
M. Karagianis: I'd like to join with the introduction that
was made of all of the parliamentarians who are here, but in particular, I'd
like to acknowledge a friend and mentor of mine. That is Ms. Lynn Hunter, who is
here. I'd like to have the House make her especially welcome.
R. Lee: I'd like to also welcome the members of the
Canadian Former Parliamentarians Association: Sophia Leung, also her son Ken
Leung, member Douglas Rowland, the hon. Sheila Finestone and many others. Would
the House please make them welcome.
Statements
(Standing Order 25
B) OLYMPIC TORCH RELAY IN TRI-CITIES
M. Farnworth: In 2010 British Columbia will welcome the
world to the Winter Olympics, a tremendous honour for our province, and for many
communities an exciting opportunity to showcase the region and the towns where
they live, because part of that is the traditional Olympic torch run. It will
pass through many, many communities in this province.
I want to put it on the record now that the people of the
Tri-Cities are firmly working, as we speak, to ensure that that happens. Led by
the chamber of commerce and many activists in our community, we are working to
ensure that the Olympic torch relay comes through the Tri-Cities — that it comes
through Port Coquitlam, Coquitlam, Port Moody, Belcarra and Anmore. All of us in
the Tri-Cities are excited by the Olympics coming, and we want an opportunity to
showcase our communities.
So I am speaking on behalf of my constituents, and we are sending
a very strong message to VANOC that when the decision is made on the route of
the run, the Tri-Cities expects to be on that route. There are a lot of
dedicated volunteers, along with the chamber of commerce, working very hard to
ensure that that happens.
So from the Tri-Cities to VANOC: make sure we're on the relay
route.
[1340]
RICHMOND SOCIETY FOR
COMMUNITY LIVING
J. Yap: I rise today to bring attention to a wonderful
organization in my community, the Richmond Society for Community Living. Founded
in 1982 by a small group of concerned parents, the society has grown to become
an integral part of our community.
From its humble beginnings of ensuring that children with special
needs were receiving proper after-school care, the society has expanded to serve
over 800 individuals in Richmond. They now offer 13 programs that provide
support, services and information to individuals with developmental disabilities
and their loved ones. These programs range from respite care and family support
to early learning programs and adult day programs. The society is the only
organization in Richmond to provide services of this kind for every stage of a
person's life.
Not content to rest on their reputation for great care, the
society is continually improving their services and expanding the opportunities
for growth and learning. In January 2007 the Richmond Handycrew Co-operative was
incorporated as a social enterprise offering a variety of tasks such as
painting, yard maintenance and housekeeping. Providing individuals with
developmental disabilities the opportunity to
[ Page 8888 ]
contribute has been very successful and has only helped to include them in
the community as a whole.
This year marks the society's 25th anniversary, and I was proud to
be a part of the celebration gala event this past weekend. The support and
services they provide meet the highest of standards, and they have set the bar
in our community for understanding and compassion. They have been truly
successful in proving that inclusion of all people is not only the right thing
to do but enriches the lives of everyone in the community.
I ask the House to join me in wishing board chair Tanis Reimer,
executive director Janice Barr and the entire team of the Richmond Society for
Community Living continued success as they continue to make Richmond a caring
and inclusive community.
CITY OF TERRACE FORESTRY
TASK FORCE
R. Austin: Last week West Fraser announced the indefinite
closure of their sawmill in Terrace. This is a terrible blow to my community,
especially since it comes on the heels of the settlement of the coastal labour
dispute, because it dashed the hopes of the workers and the community that the
mill would get back to normal operations and people could get back to work. Let
me reinforce that this is the last major sawmilling operation in the region, and
they're being closed down indefinitely.
This effectively marks the end of an era for the northwest as a
forest-based economy as we've understood it for generations in this province.
However, while mineral exploration, mining and transportation may become the
economic drivers of the future of this region, the closure of this sawmill does
not signal the definitive end of forestry as an economic force in the northwest.
I'm pleased to stand here today to inform this House of the work
of a group of hard-working and dedicated volunteers who participate on the City
of Terrace Forestry Task Force. The task force initially formed in 2003 and made
various recommendations to both provincial and local governments. However, as
the task force's most recent report points out, these recommendations were based
on the premise that the community had a pulp mill and two sawmills to work with.
When the pulp mill and Terrace Lumber closed down permanently, the task force
reconvened and refocused its efforts based on this new reality.
As a result of this more recent work, the task force came forward
with a single recommendation to council and, by way of council, to the province.
They have simply and quite understandably asked that the province extend to the
northwest region the same "resources and initiatives currently in place to
support communities and industry impacted by the mountain pine beetle epidemic."
The task force included in this recommendation a specific request
that the province fund the northwest revitalization strategy that was developed
under the leadership of the Kalum forest district manager.
I want to thank the members of the task force for their
commitment, dedication and foresight, and it is my sincere hope that the
province will support their efforts, especially now that the last sawmill in
Terrace has been slated for closure.
ARMY, NAVY AND AIR FORCE VETERANS
IN NORTH VANCOUVER
K. Whittred: It gives me pleasure to stand in the House
today to give recognition to the Army, Navy and Air Force Veterans in Canada,
North Vancouver branch 45. On October 14 the ANAVETS of North Vancouver
celebrated their 85th anniversary year. I was honoured to be part of their
special day.
[1345]
The North Vancouver branch is part of the Canadian ANAVETS, the
oldest veterans organization in Canada. Although its precise year is lost in
history, 1840 marks the ANAVETS official charter, given by Queen Victoria. The
Army, Navy and Air Force Veterans North Vancouver branch was formed in 1922. The
branch maintains strength in loyalty, and in fact, some of their oldest members
received a 60-year pin at their recent celebrations.
To this day the organization continues to give back to the
community. The branch offers an affordable venue to socialize for the men and
women who fought for our country, and through their ANAVETS Senior Citizens
Housing Society, the society operates nearly 90 units of low-cost housing for
seniors in the lower Lonsdale area of North Vancouver.
The ANAVETS are a tribute to the men and women who fought for the
freedoms we are privileged to enjoy today. I ask the members of the House to
join me in recognizing the service given by the ANAVETS North Vancouver branch
WARK STREET COMMONS
COMMUNITY GARDEN
R. Fleming: Last month, on September 15, the Wark Street
Commons garden celebrated their first anniversary of providing food to the
Hillside-Quadra community. The community food garden, located by the Blanshard
Community Centre, is situated on land donated by the city. It's tended by
volunteers and offers free fresh produce to local residents.
The purpose is to provide food for all those who need it and
demonstrate to community members the variety of fresh fruits and vegetables that
can be grown locally here on the south Island. Although it is only one year old,
there is already ample evidence the community garden is improving the health of
the neighbourhood by giving low-income families in the area access to fresh
food.
The Wark Street community garden also gives something to all who
simply enjoy its presence in the neighbourhood. In place of a disused small
parkette, which some felt was unsafe and at risk of attracting criminal
activities, there is now a thriving, productive public space for community
members to enjoy.
This community garden is the result of hard work by many in and
around Wark Street. Since fall 2006
[ Page 8889 ]
volunteers have been weeding, watering and planting to cultivate this little
piece of land. People have donated their own herbs, seedlings, irrigation
materials and artwork. The volunteer hours that go into maintaining this
community garden are too many to count. The Wark Street Commons garden committee
have also offered a series of workshops identifying the different plants in the
community garden.
Although there had been an interest in starting the community
garden in the Quadra village area for a long, long time, this project began as a
university health research project on community health. I would like to thank
Jackie Robson and Laura Funk, in particular, who were the coordinators of this
research project and now continue as volunteers, along with many, many dedicated
Hillside-Quadra community members — people like Leni Hoover, Pat Hunter, Vern
Wagner and many more.
As the MLA for Victoria-Hillside, I'd like to thank the volunteers
of the Wark Street Commons garden for their great work and their commitment, and
congratulate them on their first successful year of many more years to come.
TERRY FOX RESEARCH INSTITUTE
L. Mayencourt: Today I want to talk about someone that we
all knew very, very well, someone who inspired each and every one of us, and
someone we'll always remember.
At the age of 18 Terry Fox was diagnosed with cancer and was
forced to have his right leg amputated about 15 centimetres above the knee. This
happened in 1977, and while Terry was in the hospital, he was so overcome with
the suffering that other cancer patients were experiencing, particularly small
children, that he decided to run across Canada to raise money for cancer.
He called his journey the Marathon of Hope. Canadians from every
part of Canada in my generation can remember him dipping his leg into the water
in Newfoundland, but we can also remember a very important day, and that was the
day that his Marathon of Hope ended. I think all of us can remember seeing Terry
lifted into an ambulance, and that was sort of the end of the Marathon of Hope
as far as him running it.
But he ignited a passion and a desire on the part of every
Canadian to do something about cancer, and so he inspired us. Over the years
many, many people have helped to create the Terry Fox legacy and the Terry Fox
Foundation.
This morning our Finance Minister and other officials, along with
the Fox family, announced that the Terry Fox Research Institute for cancer will
be located here in British Columbia, in Vancouver. Terry Fox means so much to
each and every one of us. It is a great privilege for British Columbia to hold
that place of honour with his family.
[1350]
Researchers from across Canada will share in this. We will have
centres of excellence in Montreal, Toronto, Saskatchewan, Alberta and so on, but
the work here will be creating that foundation and making sure that other people
don't suffer the same kind of fate that he had.
Mr. Speaker, I know that Terry Fox is remembered very fondly by
all members in this chamber and in particular by the member for Port
Coquitlam–Burke Mountain. I ask you to please join me in celebrating this
amazing announcement of a new research facility in Terry's honour.
Oral Questions
MANAGEMENT OF VANCOUVER CONVENTION
CENTRE EXPANSION PROJECT
N. Macdonald: I'll begin with a quote. "This will be built
on time and on budget. Count on it." That was the Premier, November 8, 2004,
talking about the convention centre expansion project.
Interjection.
Mr. Speaker: Member.
N. Macdonald: He said it would be $495 million. The Premier
personally made that commitment, but when he made it, he knew it was inaccurate.
The Auditor General's report clearly shows the government was told
in May of 2003 that the cost would be at least $637 million, but the Premier and
a succession of cabinet ministers made inaccurate statements and used them
unequivocally. Those figures that were wrong — they used them again and again,
guaranteed their accuracy.
To the Minister of Tourism: why did he, the Premier and an entire
roomful of cabinet ministers choose to hide the true costs of the convention
centre expansion project?
Hon. S. Hagen: I've said time and time again, in this House
and in my estimates, that we are not happy with the cost escalations on this
project. We were the ones who asked the Auditor General back in February to do a
comprehensive review of this project. We take his recommendations responsibly.
We take them seriously.
To that extent, we have already embarked on changes with regard to
the project. Six months ago we appointed a new chair, and we started appointing
new board members who brought in construction and marketing expertise to the
board.
Mr. Speaker: The member has a supplemental.
N. Macdonald: If ever there was a definition of too little
too late, it is that explanation given there.
The current Minister of Small Business, the current Solicitor
General, the current Minister of Labour, the current Minister of Economic
Development and the current Minister of Finance all have responsibility for the
convention centre and its budget at some points.
Six ministers, six failures. But from the beginning what we all
know is that this project was the Premier's. It was the Premier who ran the
project. It was his pet project. He made the decisions that drove up costs. It
[ Page 8890 ]
was him that drove the mismanagement. It was the Premier who had his own
deputy chair on that board.
He knew what was going on, but consistently he used numbers that
were inaccurate. Why did six successive ministers and the Premier choose to
cover up the true costs of this boondoggle?
Hon. S. Hagen: As I've said before, we are not happy with
the cost escalations on this project. The decision about how this project was to
proceed was ours, and we take responsibility for that. Certainly, in hindsight,
if we had a chance to do it over again, we would proceed differently.
As the Auditor General states in his report…. He talks about the
pressures on the Vancouver construction market. In fact, the Auditor General
likens the situation to a perfect storm. In quoting the Auditor General: "The
cumulative…"
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. S. Hagen: "…construction inflation in the…years from
2002 to 2006 was 47 percent…. The actual escalation rate caught everyone in the
industry by surprise."
Mr. Speaker: The member has a further supplemental.
[1355]
N. Macdonald: All of the excuses that this minister makes
about this project have been looked at by the Auditor General, and he has thrown
them out piece by piece. The cause of this problem was a Premier that mismanaged
the project from day one. But there are plenty of others on that side to share
responsibility, and in the clearest way, they have signed off on their
responsibility.
If you go back to 2003-2004, the service plan: "I am accountable
for the ministry's results and the basis on which they have been reported." The
same was done in 2004-2005: "I am accountable for those results as reported." In
2005-2006 — the same thing. In 2006-2007 this minister said: "I am accountable
for those results as reported."
What did the Auditor General think of those results? He said that
they painted an altogether too rosy picture. That is the politest way that you
could possibly say it. "Too rosy a picture" means inaccurate.
To the minister: if he is accountable, there is only one way in
this system that you show accountability. If you are wrong, then you are
responsible and you must resign.
Hon. S. Hagen: You know, it's always interesting to me to
listen to the NDP. They always want to go backwards, not forwards. Well, let's
go back…
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. S. Hagen: …to 1995, when industry in British Columbia
told the NDP government that they needed an expansion….
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Minister, just take your seat so we can hear.
Continue.
Hon. S. Hagen: Back in 1995 the industry in British
Columbia told the NDP government they needed…
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. S. Hagen: …an expansion of the trade and convention
centre. So the NDP government studied this until the year 2000. That's five
years of studying.
Then they decided not to go ahead with it. Why? Because they
couldn't get the federal government cooperation and they couldn't get the
private sector to contribute any money, unlike the board of directors at VCCEP,
who got over 300 million additional dollars from the federal government and the
private sector.
H. Bains: Minister after minister said that they were
accountable. Minister after minister hid the true cost of cost overruns from the
taxpayers. Now they've been caught. The Auditor General is very clear, and this
minister today apparently has accepted that he accepts the blame on behalf of
the government.
Mr. Speaker, in a Canadian parliamentary system the only way the
minister can be held accountable for the boondoggle that they have created here
is to resign. Will he do that today?
Hon. S. Hagen: I don't know what planet this member is
living on. We went public on July 11 with $883.2 million on this project. We
went public on July 11 with the new board, the new chair and the new board
members. We listed them out. For this member to suggest….
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Minister, just take your seat.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Continue, Minister.
Hon. S. Hagen: Let me remind the member opposite. It was us
who invited the Auditor General to come in and review this project. We asked him
to, and we've asked him to come back again in the spring with a following
review.
Mr. Speaker: The member has a supplemental.
[1400]
H. Bains: Mr. Speaker, this minister cannot in one breath
say that he accepts the blame for $400 million of
[ Page 8891 ]
taxpayers' money to be wasted and causes a billion-dollar boondoggle….
The Minister of Finance last week accepted that this was a
boondoggle. Will the minister do the honourable thing and keep up with the
longstanding tradition of this parliament and resign?
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members. Members.
Hon. S. Hagen: I can't believe what the member opposite is
talking about on this project. This project has 400 working people on that site.
Does he not care about that?
On top of that, let me talk about the success of this project. So
far, VCCEP has secured 77 conventions. That is up from 54, when I was doing my
estimates. We have 23 new conventions. Those 77 conventions are worth $1.6
billion in the economy.
B. Ralston: Well, there's one British Columbian who is no
longer on the worksite. That's Ken Dobell. The Premier's close friend and deputy
minister was removed as chair of the convention centre board but stayed on as a
director. Sometime in the last six months he was removed as a board director.
Can the Minister of Tourism explain why Mr. Dobell was removed?
Was he on the hunt for a fall guy?
Hon. S. Hagen: Let's talk about what that initial board
accomplished under the leadership of Ken Dobell.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Take your seat.
Continue, Minister.
Hon. S. Hagen: If you recall, a few minutes ago I mentioned
that the reason the NDP government of the day — and thank goodness they're no
longer government…. The reason that they cancelled the project after five years
of studies was that they couldn't bring the feds to the table, and they couldn't
bring Tourism Vancouver to the table. Well, guess what. The new board of VCCEP,
back in the 2000s, actually brought over 300 million new dollars to this project
from the feds and from TVan.
Mr. Speaker: Member has a supplemental.
B. Ralston: Well, the overrun is now closing in on $400
million, so that $300 million appears to have been eaten up already.
The minister appoints members to the board directly himself. Paul
Taylor, president and CEO of ICBC, was on the board. He even chaired the
project's audit committee. He was re-appointed in April 2007 to that position.
But once again, since then, he became another fall guy and was removed.
These two top government officials reported directly to the
minister. When is he going to accept responsibility — he or the Premier — and do
the honourable thing and resign?
Hon. S. Hagen: As I said, we have taken responsibility for
this, and we've done the following things. We've put a new chairman of the board
in place, a person with 33 years' construction experience. We've put a new board
of directors in place. We have a fixed-price contract now with the contractor,
with a completion date of March 15 of '09.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
[1405]
R. Fleming: We know from the Auditor's report that the huge
cost overruns aren't just the board's to wear. The Premier's office, Treasury
Board and the minister have been involved intimately in all the key decisions.
The buck does stop there.
The minister talks about replacing the board chair in the past six
months, but Treasury Board of cabinet has now approved six major cost overruns
since December 2003 and three occasions under this minister since March 2007.
Under the budget transparency legislation, under balanced budget legislation,
this minister is supposed to be accountable when things go wrong. When will the
minister, when will the $900-million man make himself accountable to this House
and to the taxpayers of the province?
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. S. Hagen: You know, talking very large numbers, let's
just consider the large number that not doing this project in the '90s, like the
NDP should have done, has cost the province — over $1 billion in economic
activity, because that government did not move on a project that everybody was
asking for.
Mr. Speaker: Member has a supplemental.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
R. Fleming: Among the Auditor General's report findings is
some discussion about the Vancouver Convention Centre's unique structure as a
Crown agency. Among other things, it had a deputy minister on its board of
directors from 2003 to mid-2006 and again later in 2006 through 2007. The
Auditor states that an outcome of this arrangement "is that the minister
responsible can have direct and timely access, through the reporting
relationship of the deputy minister, to board discussions and decisions and to
all governance and project-related material."
[ Page 8892 ]
My question is to the minister. You and your predecessors have had
every opportunity and every avenue to intervene in this project and make sure it
was well managed. You didn't do it. Why, then, has this government over the past
four years instead focused on keeping the true cost from the taxpayers instead
of managing this project properly?
Hon. S. Hagen: As I stated previously, we have taken
action. When we couldn't get a number from VCCEP, I appointed a new chair. I
appointed a new board. We got the number in July. We told the public the number.
The public number is $883.2 million. That's what it will be built for, and it
will be completed by March 15 of '09.
M. Farnworth: A very simple question to the minister: why
did it take you so long to take action — almost to the end of the project before
you took any action? Why, Minister, why?
Hon. S. Hagen: As the member well knows if he's looked at
the project, this is a very complex project. We're about halfway through the
project now in expenditures. It was time to make a change on the board. We knew
that we needed to bring a construction person in, which is why we brought in
David Podmore. David Podmore has said: "I can bring this project in at $883.2
million and by March 15 of '09."
CHILD PROTECTION INVESTIGATIONS
N. Simons: From one example of chaos and mismanagement to
another.
My question is for the Minister of Children and Family
Development. Documents provided to the opposition show that as of last month,
3,264 child abuse investigations remained open for more than 90 days. That's
three times what standards allow, and it's a 20-percent increase over last year.
In light of this clear evidence, what is the minister going to do about this
obviously worsening situation?
Hon. T. Christensen: As the member should know, the staff
within the ministry take all child investigations very seriously. We respond to
over 30,000 reports of a child that may be in need of protection each and every
year.
[1410]
In some cases, though, investigations remain open because they are
ongoing. Where any investigation is open more than 90 days, then supervisors
within the local offices as well as at the regional level ensure that they are
looking at those specific files to ensure that they're not remaining open
unnecessarily.
Mr. Speaker: Member has a supplemental.
N. Simons: Let's be perfectly clear. This is not a question
about the staff of the Ministry of Children and Family Development. This is
about the management of the ministry, and that's what's failing the people of
British Columbia.
We have over 3,000 cases of child abuse investigations that have
not been completed. This is not an issue of paperwork. This is an issue of the
needs of children at risk needing to be met, and this minister can't answer what
he's going to do. What's he going to do to ensure that the social workers in
this province have the resources they need to do their job?
Hon. T. Christensen: Unlike the previous government, what
this government is going to do is add resources. We're going to add human
resources on the front lines, which is exactly what's been happening over the
course of this last year. Over 200 social workers have been hired to enhance our
ability to respond to child protection investigations.
As I indicated in my initial answer, where any investigation is
open for more than 90 days, those are followed up by management within the
regions to ensure that there are good reasons for those investigations remaining
open. That is something that did not happen under the previous government.
A. Dix: That's simply, wholly unacceptable. Thirty days is
his ministry's standard. Some 3,264 cases are over 90 days — three times worse
than his standard. It got 20 percent worse in the last year. The hon. minister
can't sit there and say that that is good news. It is terrible news. Every
single one of those cases is a child.
I ask the minister: what's he going to do today about those 3,264
children?
Hon. T. Christensen: We're going to do what the NDP for ten
years did not do. As I said….
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Minister, continue.
Hon. T. Christensen: The ministry has taken steps to
address the number of open protection reports. As I indicated, we've hired more
than 200 new front-line workers over the course of the last year. Dozens more
will be added this year.
The regions are increasing the tracking of open investigations by
ensuring that team leaders review all cases that don't meet the 30-day mark, and
managers review all cases not meeting the 60-day mark. Designated directors in
each region then review any case that is open for more than 90 days.
These are not simply cases that are sitting on a shelf not getting
any review. The ministry staff are on top of those cases, and they are closing
them as is warranted.
Mr. Speaker: The member has a supplemental.
A. Dix: Well, the Minister of Children and Families must be
the only person in British Columbia who thinks his government's record on child
protection is good. Simply put, he says that he's taking strong
[ Page 8893 ]
action. The problem, during his strong action, got 20 percent worse.
I'm going to ask the minister — since, presumably, this action
that's taken after 30, 60 and 90 days is on his direction — whether he thinks
that 3,264 cases is acceptable, whether 20 percent worse is acceptable and
whether this is not a reflection of a botched reorganization in his ministry.
[1415]
Hon. T. Christensen: Well, it's interesting. We're well
aware of the member's penchant for revisionist history, but let's look at the
numbers.
The number of open protection reports of 30 days or less is down
when compared to 2001 figures. The most recent figures show that the number of
open protection reports in excess of a year is down dramatically — 230 this past
spring compared to 567 in February of 2001. Those in excess of two years are
down even more dramatically. There were only eight in February of 2007 compared
to 154 in February of 2001.
I take very seriously where investigations remain open. We have
put in place measures to ensure that those investigations are being monitored.
We will continue to do that, just as we will continue to add front-line staff to
ensure that we can close these investigations as quickly as possible.
TREATMENT OF RESIDENT
AT RETIREMENT CONCEPTS
SENIORS FACILITY
C. Wyse: Last week the minister told this House that there
have been no substantiated concerns raised with the Interior Health Authority
for the last 18 months about the treatment of seniors at Retirement Concepts in
Williams Lake.
On January 9 of this year — I repeat, this year — the verbal abuse
of a resident of the unit for seniors with dementia was captured on voice mail.
On the recording the senior is being yelled at by a staff member: "Now, you
listen. I know you are on effing drugs, but hey, what am I effing doing it for?
This is four effing times. Now listen to what I am saying." On January 10 of
this year, the wife filed a formal complaint with the senior licensing inspector
and copied Retirement Concepts and Interior Health.
How can the minister continue to say that everything is fine and
that there are no serious problems at Retirement Concepts? How can he continue
to ignore this situation and pretend that no problems have occurred over the
last 18 months when he hears story after story of inadequate care being given to
our most vulnerable seniors?
Hon. G. Abbott: Every day in this province there are
literally thousands of registered nurses, licensed practical nurses and care
aides who get up, go to work and provide the very best care that they can. Every
day those thousands of nurses and care aides provide care to about 25,000
British Columbians who are in residential care, who need complex, 24-hour care.
Now, the member has made a charge. If the member has a charge to
make, then he should make it. He should provide me…
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. G. Abbott: …with all of the substance around the
complaint, because I can tell him, as I can tell every member of the opposition
and every member of this House, that whenever a complaint or allegation is
tendered about the treatment of someone in a residential care facility in this
province, it is followed up with rigour and it is followed up in a comprehensive
way.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members. Members.
CALL FOR AUDIT OF
TREE FARM LICENCE LAND REMOVALS
B. Simpson: Last week in an interview the Minister of
Forests said that he did not believe that compensation was required for
releasing private lands from tree farm licences because "the province has
received substantial stumpage benefits from those private lands over the last 50
to 60 years."
Mr. Speaker, we do not receive stumpage from private land logs.
The companies, in fact, get preferential property tax treatment for having those
private lands in a tree farm licence. They get exclusive rights to Crown timber,
which the companies continue to exercise today.
[1420]
My question to the Minister of Forests is…. Again, he only
represents the benefits that the companies get. He continues to give them those
benefits. The environmental law clinic last week called on the Auditor General
to do a review into this case to see if, in fact, this minister protected the
interests of the public. I ask the minister today to stand in this House and say
that if he's right, if we did not deserve compensation, if the people did not
deserve consultation, will he support that call for the Auditor General to look
into these private land releases?
Hon. R. Coleman: As I said in this House before, under the
Forest Act companies can apply to have it removed. It goes through a process,
comes to the desk of the minister. It's examined on its merit. You take the
recommendations; you make the decision. The decision has been made. It is not
being changed by this minister.
Mr. Speaker: Member has a supplemental.
B. Simpson: We've heard this minister say that over and
over again. However, there's been a first nations court case against the
previous minister where a judge said that they were not fairly consulted, ought
[ Page 8894 ]
be consulted and the minister ought to know he should have consulted with
them.
We have a continuation of those complaints from all the first
nations involved with Western Forest Products. We have the complaints from
Jordan River, Shirley and Port Alberni that they were not consulted with. They
ought to be consulted with. They want to be consulted with.
Now the minister is saying: "We don't need to compensate, because
I don't think we need compensation. I think they paid." Well, they didn't pay.
They didn't pay, and I'm challenging the minister again. I don't care what his
process was.
Mr. Speaker: Could the member put his question.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
B. Simpson: I don't care what his process was for making a
decision. The question to the minister is: if he's so sure he did the right
thing, will he call on the Auditor General to tell us whether he did or not?
Hon. R. Coleman: The Auditor General is an independent
officer of this Legislature, and nobody in this Legislature tells the Auditor
General what to audit and what not to audit.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. R. Coleman: I get the fact that the member opposite
doesn't support private property rights. I get that. I get the fact that the
member opposite….
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Take your seat.
Continue, Minister.
Hon. R. Coleman: I know the member opposite doesn't want to
admit to the fact that any of these properties that have come out of the TFL get
any other uses. They have to go through local zoning, and at that time there are
public hearings and input from the public on the use of those lands. That's
fine.
The reality is that this thing is done. It was done in January.
Consultation was done with first nations. The recommendation came to the desk of
the minister. It was recommended to allow this tree farm licence removal to
continue, and it was done.
[End of question period.]
Tabling Documents
Hon. W. Oppal: I have the honour to present the following
reports: the British Columbia Ferry Commission Annual Report for the Fiscal
Year Ending March 31, 2007 , and the British Columbia Human Rights Tribunal
Annual Report 2006-2007 .
S. Fraser: I seek leave to present a petition.
Mr. Speaker: Proceed.
Petitions
S. Fraser: I present a petition with a thousand signatures
from across the province supporting legislation to protect animals, the
environment and children against antifreeze poisoning.
R. Fleming: I seek leave to make an introduction.
Mr. Speaker: Proceed.
Introductions by Members
R. Fleming: We're joined today by graduate students and
faculty from Portland State University, and I'd like the House to make all of
our guests feel welcome.
Orders of the Day
Hon. M. de Jong: I call committee stage debate of Bill 40.
[1425]
Committee of the Whole House
TSAWWASSEN FIRST NATION
FINAL AGREEMENT ACT
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section
B) on Bill 40; K.
Whittred in the chair.
The committee met at 2:27 p.m.
The Chair: Good afternoon, Members. Before we proceed, I
have a few remarks from the Chair.
Hon. Members, today we are embarking on committee stage of Bill
40, a bill to approve and give effect to the final agreement made between the
British Columbia.
I wish to take this opportunity, in light of the unique form of
the bill, to comment on the process to be used in committee debate. This bill,
like the Nisga'a bill of 1999, is intended to approve the final agreement, which
is attached as a schedule, and to enact ancillary legislation to conform with
various aspects of the agreement.
It is a Crown prerogative to make agreements. The role of
parliament is to debate, accept, reject or amend the bill, but subject to
technical amendments, it cannot amend the agreement. In the case at hand, the
Chair will not accept amendments to the
schedule other than purely technical
amendments to ensure that the
schedule contains the correct text.
[ Page 8895 ]
The Chair will not accept amendments to sections of the bill which
have the effect of amending the
schedule but will accept amendments to sections
of the bill that are relevant and otherwise in order.
It seems to the Chair that
section 3 of the bill embodies the
operative portion of the bill. It is to be remembered that the committee stage
of a bill does not provide an opportunity to recanvass all the arguments which
were applicable at second reading, where the principle of the bill was under
debate. During committee stage, debate must be strictly confined to the
section
which is before the committee.
Likewise, debate on proposed amendments must be strictly relevant
to the amendment as proposed. The agreement, while not amendable except as
provided above, will be open to debate when the
schedule is called, subject to
the observations made with respect to
section 3.
Hon. M. de Jong: Following from that statement, my sense of
how the debate was going to proceed structurally was that there was some
informal agreement that the final agreement would be the subject of focused
debate, sort of
chapter by chapter, when we got to
section 3 of the bill. I'm
getting an indication that that is the opposition critic's understanding as
well. Very good.
[1430]
S. Fraser: Actually, I'm responding to the comments made by
the minister. I'm just looking for clarification. So we're going to address
section 1 and then
section 2. At
section 3, we can engage in further
free-ranging conversation that will occur. Am I correct there?
Hon. M. de Jong: Right. I think that is a logical way to
proceed. I'm hoping that when we get to
section 3 and begin to address the
schedule, which is the final agreement, we can come to some sort of
organizational agreement on which chapters we're going to deal with in terms of
having the appropriate expertise available and to coordinate the participation
of members that may want to participate.
I think we had had some discussions about proceeding through it
chapter by chapter. If we have to change some of the order of those chapters, I
think that's something that the hon. member and I can work out.
S. Fraser: Again, I'd just like to confirm that that would
be acceptable to this side of the House. Be mindful that it's been many years
since we've had a discussion at committee stage on a treaty and that we're all
going through a bit of growing pains on this. So I appreciate the minister's
comments, which show some flexibility in order to make sure that the appropriate
critic is present with a bit of notice.
We're still not sure exactly on the time line on this, although my
last discussion with the House Leader from the opposition is that this will be a
much more abbreviated committee stage than certainly we saw under Nisga'a.
Am I correct in anything or in all that I'm saying?
The Chair: More general comments, Minister?
Hon. M. de Jong: Only to introduce the officials that are
here presently: ADM Mike Furey to my immediate left; Bronwen Beedle, who played
a key role in terms of the negotiations of the final agreement; and Frances
Statham. All of these individuals have worked diligently and with passionate
commitment to see this final agreement become a reality and are here to help
guide us through the discussion that is about to unfold.
section 1.
S. Fraser: All right. Again, please be gentle with me if
I'm off on the wrong step here.
Section 1. Are we specifically dealing with
definitions? Is that correct at this point?
Hon. M. de Jong: I think we can probably start with the
preamble and then go to
section 1 of the bill. The two combined address the
question of some of the
definitions.
Definitions in this legislation are actually dealt with slightly
differently, because they incorporate the
definitions as they appear within the
final agreement itself. So within the final agreement,
definitions for
particular terms are laid out. Unless I'm mistaken, what this bill does is
incorporate those
definitions. The instrument by which that is done, I believe,
section 1.
The Chair: Member, perhaps I could just interject here. The
preamble is normally dealt with at the end. If there is a wish to chat about it
earlier, that is at your discretion. However, I will not call for it to be
passed until the completion of the committee stage.
S. Fraser: I am comfortable with the
preamble. If there's
no statement from the minister or his staff as to justification, I have reviewed
the
preamble and don't require clarification at this stage. I'm glad that we're
not called to vote on it by
section here. That's heartening. So we can move on.
I have a couple of questions around
definitions as they appear,
but I believe that's coming up next.
[1435]
Sections 1 and 2 approved.
section 3.
Hon. M. de Jong: I think it is at
section 3 now where we
can move to the final agreement and start to deal with some of the substantive
provisions included there.
S. Fraser: Thank you again, hon. Chair, for your patience
on this. We're just learning how to do this also. In
section 3, I'm going to
touch on the nature of the agreement.
On the issue of boundary disputes, with this treaty there have
been a number of challenges, both legal and certainly verbal challenges,
regarding the boundary
[ Page 8896 ]
issue. I know we historically saw some challenges with Nisga'a. Considering
that there are a number of challenges with this particular treaty, how is that
to be addressed after the treaty presumably passes?
As challenges come forward potentially in court, my understanding
is that, according to this, there is room for changes based on a court
challenge. That's still allowed to be open. What mechanism will be used to
address those from the Tsawwassen people, and what role would the province play
here? As it's a tripartite agreement, how are the federal representatives
engaged at that stage? I'm being hypothetical here. I don't quite understand it
from reading it.
Hon. M. de Jong: The member is correct in pointing out some
of the activities, some of the litigation that has evolved and emerged around
this. The general answer to the question goes as follows.
There are, within the legislation and the agreement, what are
termed non-derogation provisions which explicitly set out that the agreement
cannot adversely impact the rights of other aboriginal peoples — other first
nations. There are other provisions in the agreement that say if, subsequent to
the effective date, it is determined that that has happened….
That can happen in potentially two scenarios. One, if it is
determined that the agreement does that or a specific provision of the agreement
does that, then changes to the agreement are contemplated. The member is
correct. That would involve a discussion/negotiation amongst all three
signatories to the agreement.
[1440]
Similarly, it is also conceivable that in the future a subsequent
final agreement involving another first nation, if it were found to adversely
impact on the aboriginal rights of the Tsawwassen First Nation…. Then there
would potentially have to be changes made, and that too would engage a
discussion amongst the three signatories.
The Chair: Before we proceed, I just want to be sure —
because of the complexity of this debate in terms of comparison to other bills —
to make it clear, including to myself, that we are discussing
section 3 of the
bill, which is the schedule. In the
schedule there are a variety of chapters.
So, Member, as we progress through this, I will ask you whether
you're still on
chapter 1, whether we're now moving on to
chapter 2 and so on. I
hope that will be clear to all the parties.
Proceeding with
chapter 1 of the schedule, Member.
S. Fraser: Thank you for that clarification, hon. Chair.
The way I'm reading it,
chapter 1 is all
definitions. Am I correct? Have I
jumped the gun already? I'm placing the question to the Chair.
The Chair: I think you can proceed, Member. Just keep me
apprised, as Chair, of where you are. If we can try to keep this in the order in
which it appears in the schedule, I think it will be simpler for everyone.
S. Fraser: And I agree. So I thank the Chair.
If she could indulge me for a moment.
Chapter 1 is essentially
definitions. We're going to go in order. That's fair enough.
Bill 41 has some amendments to
definitions. Is it appropriate to
touch on Bill 41? I mean, are we talking about the whole package here? There are
Bills 40, 41 and 42. They're inextricably linked. If I'm dealing with
definitions, for instance, out of Bill 40, out of the final agreement, are we
open then on Bills 40, 41 and 42?
Hon. M. de Jong: I don't want to constrain the hon. member.
I think when we get to Bill 41, that represents another opportunity to address
any of the issues that might emerge.
I should say, and I've checked quickly, I'm not aware off the top
of my head — nor, I think, is anyone with me — of a situation where a definition
in Bill 41 purports to amend a definition in Bill 40. But I'm not going to make
that unequivocally. I'm not aware of one at this point, but we will certainly
have an opportunity, when we canvass Bill 41, to test that thesis.
The Chair: Just for the benefit of members, technically the
bill before the committee right now is Bill 40. That, however, does not preclude
the member asking general questions in pursuit of information around the bill.
D. Jarvis: I'm a little bit confused, but I think I have a
rough idea. I was going to ask a question on the definition of the Pacific
fishery management area, regarding the earlier definition of Canadian total
allowable catch. I'm not sure whether I should be discussing any of that here at
this point….
It's really not a question as to amounts or anything like that.
It's how the federal government, which now, from what I understand talking to
various ministries of this Legislature, have said that they are not counting….
They've run out of money, so they are not counting the fish that go up, for
example, the Fraser River. How do we establish what the allowable number of fish
would be if we don't know what the total will be other than a guesstimate?
[1445]
Hon. M. de Jong: I think those are questions that obviously
elicit interest in many quarters. I do note that at
chapter 9 in the final
agreement, we get to the fisheries component to the treaty. Without trying to
suggest to the member what he should or shouldn't do, it might be easier to have
the conversation as part of the broader discussion around
chapter 9 and the
fisheries component than in isolation and abstractly. That's perhaps my
suggestion.
Interjection.
S. Fraser: Thanks to the minister for that, and the member
for North Vancouver–Seymour. We will be having some critics speaking to that
also. It would maybe be a time to do it, economy-of scale-wise, so the right
staff can be in place.
[ Page 8897 ]
A question on procedure again. But it does raise a question that
the member for North Vancouver–Seymour…. Fisheries, for instance, is not
exclusively but largely a federal issue. The role is very strong there, although
there's certainly a role for the province.
As this is a tripartite agreement, I am a little bit confused.
Excuse my ignorance, but we don't have representation from one party of the
tripartite agreement — the federal government — in this House. So as we are
debating this, I'm anticipating questions will come up on fisheries issues.
Will the staff that are brought forward — and this is no
disrespect to the good staff that we have working on this for the province — be
able to answer certain questions? Or will they be taken on notice if it's
specifically a federal responsibility, if the question is aimed that way?
Can I get some help there, just so I know? It isn't exclusively
fisheries. There's the federal component of every
section of this. So for my own
edification, could the minister maybe give us some clarity?
Hon. M. de Jong: Two good points, actually, that he raises
at this juncture in the discussion — the first being that two of the parties
have a provincial presence and one a federal, national presence.
We are engaged in a ratification process that's contemplated by
the final agreement that, now that the Tsawwassen First Nation has adopted the
agreement, would see that ratified by this chamber. There is a subsequent
proceeding in Ottawa that needs to take place.
Just as there are features to Bill 40 that are unique to the
provincial legislation, there will be features to the federal bill that are
unique to it, insofar as there are aspects of this final agreement that impact
exclusively on some of the federal constitutional authorities. That's the first
thing. The member is correct to point that out.
With respect to the second issue, notwithstanding the fact that
the fisheries components of this engage most directly the federal government, we
are a signatory to it. Therefore, I think it's fair to say that we accept the
obligation to have a sufficient appreciation and understanding of those
provisions to warrant us agreeing to them and to allow for questions from the
member or his colleagues or other members of the House, and to provide answers
to the best of our ability and demonstrate why it is that we are satisfied the
fishery has been dealt with in a fair, equitable manner.
S. Fraser: Thanks to the minister for that.
Just for clarity then, the
section I'm looking at is
chapter 2. I
don't have any debate of merit to deal with the
definitions at this point. I
don't see any other members standing up. So just for the minister and his
staff's clarity, I'm looking at
chapter 2. I've moved beyond the
definitions,
and we're into "General provisions" as such. That's how I proposed my first
question — going right to that. So I apologize for not giving clarity as to
where I was.
[1450]
In keeping with the first question that I had — and I thank the
minister for the answer — regarding the challenges potentially on the borders
issue, and with understanding of the answer to the question…. I guess the next
question is….
There are substantial challenges at this point — whether they are
legal or not or whether they become legal in the future — from certain other
first nations involved either proximally or around other issues with resource
use maybe up the Fraser. What resources, if any, are made available post-treaty
to address those?
I guess there are sort of three parts to that. The Tsawwassen have
some resources, my understanding is, which they receive through this treaty.
That's fair enough. That's one piece. But do other nations? Are they responsible
solely for the capacity to challenge historic uses to establish those? Is that
all their responsibility, whether they're in the treaty process or outside of
the treaty process?
Hon. M. de Jong: Thanks again to the member for the
question. It's a good question because it touches on an aspect of this that
captures, really, the entire agreement and what is taking place here. That is
the establishment of a relationship — a new relationship, as it were — that is
very much governed by the provisions of the agreement.
There will be ongoing interaction at a different level between the
Tsawwassen First Nation, the parties to this agreement — Canada and British
Columbia — but also other communities, whether they are the community of Delta,
the regional government or other first nations. That won't change.
The obligations that exist for the Crown in the right of the
province of British Columbia or the Crown in the right of Canada to consult and,
where it's appropriate, to accommodate other first nations' interests…. Those
continue. Nothing here in any way diminishes that.
In some cases some of those obligations will now be shared with
the Tsawwassen First Nation itself and its government. That is something I think
they're well equipped for and that the Chief accepts as a responsibility they
will have post–effective date.
I think the other component to this, though — if I understood the
member's question correctly…. What resources exist for other first nations? I
should say that we're not funding legal challenges. If someone were to do an
analysis, as some have, and have concerns they feel obliged to pursue through
the courts, they have made those decisions. We don't provide a funding
allocation or an invitation for other groups or first nations to do that. We
believe, as we have said, that the agreement is sound in that respect.
The point, which is an important one, that the member has raised
is that there will need to be ongoing dialogue. There will need to be an ongoing
relationship, and we will have, post–effective date, a new partner at the table
in that respect, which is the Tsawwassen First Nation and its government.
S. Fraser: Thanks to the minister for that. I appreciate
his comments.
[ Page 8898 ]
I guess I'll be more specific. On the opening day of our return,
there was substantial protest from nations from across the province that came
here because they had issues. They were critical of the new relationship that
the minister refers to and their ability to be heard on some of these issues.
I don't see a mechanism for that, and I understand that the
province — and the feds, I'm sure — will not fund court challenges of other
nations. I understand that role.
One of the things of the new relationship is to get beyond
litigation. So I guess it's in conflict resolution around this treaty, in this
section, in "General Provisions" and "Nature of Agreement."
[1455]
We have a motion on the order paper suggesting that the government
empower the parliamentary Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs to try to
address, among other things, these kinds of issues. It's a way of getting around
litigation, which I don't think any of us wish to see. We're hoping — and the
new relationship refers to that specifically — that we're trying to get beyond
an age of litigation on these issues.
I haven't got a response yet on that motion to empower the
standing committee, which met, I think, 27 times during the Nisga'a process. The
minister would know that better than me, because he was involved in the standing
committee. He sat on the standing committee. I guess what I'm looking for is
advice here.
There is a mechanism in place in this Legislature for, among other
things, addressing boundary issues and preventing — hopefully, averting — a
litigation situation from other nations that would maybe challenge the
boundaries and other sections of this treaty. I'd like to know if the minister
is considering that committee. And if not, what other mechanisms might be in
place to avoid wholesale litigation challenges of this treaty?
Hon. M. de Jong: Thanks to the member for raising the
issue.
The member is correct. I was part of a process, a select standing
committee that met fairly extensively around the Nisga'a treaty, in particular
the agreement and the agreement-in-principle. My recollection is that that did
not, in and of itself, prevent some similar litigation that emerged around the
overlap.
It's a vexing problem, and I think it's fair to say that we are
all still learning about some of the steps we can take. I actually have a
suggestion, or something that I'm at least turning my mind to, that I'd be
curious to know the member's reaction to.
Some of this has emerged, I'm told, from nothing more complicated
than a series of maps being transferred around. People look at them and go:
"Whoa, where are those lines on the map coming from?" and "That's our
traditional territory," and "Why is someone else claiming an interest of any
sort in our traditional territory?" So some of this very much relates to
communication.
I think there may be a role for the Treaty Commission here, in
terms of facilitating discussions amongst the parties who have an interest in a
particular final agreement and perhaps even to formalize some kind of dispute
resolution process. What that all looks like and how it all plays out, I can't
pretend to offer the details to the member now.
It has come up here in Tsawwassen. It was an issue in Lheidli
T'enneh, a final agreement that was not ratified by the first nation, but I
think the member knows that it also emerged as an issue there. It went away when
the ratification didn't proceed, but my guess is that it would not have gone
away as readily if the treaty had been ratified.
Involving the Treaty Commission in a more extensive and direct way
is something that I'm thinking may have merit and is something we're exploring.
I'm interested to know what the member thinks.
S. Fraser: Thanks to the minister for that. Addressing his
statement about the Treaty Commission, we do support an expanded role for the
Treaty Commission certainly in dealing with conflict resolution and the
boundaries issues.
It's very difficult. There are many first nations, as the minister
knows, in the province that do have potentially conflicting boundaries in any
treaty that's being addressed. We know that is a problem. It is with Tsawwassen.
It was with Nisga'a. It's more extensive here, and there's reason to expect that
it's not going to lessen in other treaties. So we endorse that — the Treaty
Commission's role expanded.
[1500]
The resources and the capacity in many nations are stretched very
thin, as the minister well knows, and their ability to legitimately challenge
boundaries as written through treaties or to challenge through litigation
afterwards…. Those resources are often not there, and the capacities within the
nations themselves are often not there, so having the commission involved is
important. But I think that's a separate issue.
The standing committee involves both sides of this House, and as
we need to debate and ratify these things, the level of understanding that's
provided to all members and to communities, first nations and non–first nations,
through the process of the standing committee is a valuable one in the province.
It's one that I know the minister, in his previous role as critic in the
opposition, took advantage of — and I mean that in a good way.
Certainly, he was able to voice his opinions. That, I think, made
for more fulsome discussion, and it led to all points of view being able to be
brought to the table, not just from members of this House but from communities.
I see that as not exclusive to…. I'm not saying that the commission won't still
have that expanded role, but there is a role that could help mitigate some of
the protests that we saw on the lawn here two weeks ago now.
We endorse from this side of the House, from the opposition. We
have no problem. We encourage the expanded role of the commission. But along
with that, the standing committee has a role. It's acknowledged here at the
beginning of every session by the Premier, but it has not been empowered.
[ Page 8899 ]
I'm asking the minister, based on that…. Of course, we have a
motion asking for that empowerment, because in the spring we, and I as critic,
saw a need. I saw a number of issues bubbling to the surface throughout the
province around this treaty, around the Lheidli T'enneh and potentially around
the Maa-nulth.
Does the minister not see a role there to help address many of
these issues around the very nature of the agreement and where that leads?
Hon. M. de Jong: Well, potentially, but I want to share
candidly with the member my thoughts around the subject.
Some of the criticisms, critiques we heard from a variety of
sources around the final agreement that we're discussing here went to the core
of the treaty process. Some people are opposed to negotiating treaties. I'm not
certain how to reconcile that kind of opposition — when we are trying to advance
a final agreement that is in a form that someone fundamentally opposes.
There are other questions around mandate from those who are
involved in the treaty process. The member is correct. We hear criticisms from
many quarters about the nature of the mandates that come to the table. I suppose
that's a natural component of any negotiation.
It's a good opportunity for me to say this on the record as well.
Sometimes the people that bear the brunt of that criticism are the people that
represent the Crown, the province of B.C., as chief negotiators. But in fairness
to them, they get their mandate from the government — ultimately from the
executive council, and they are bound by that.
The criticism — and I've said this to first nations as well…. To
the extent that there is criticism around what those mandates are, it is more
appropriately directed at the people who generate or provide those mandates to
the negotiators.
I think it's fair to say we haven't been shy about drawing on the
expertise of members via the committee process. In fact, I think the number of
committees that have been utilized over the past few years has been
unprecedented.
[1505]
Is there a role to involve an all-party committee around certain
aspects of the discussion that is taking place, the new relationship?
Potentially, but I don't think it's the best place to try and resolve overlap
disputes. I'll tell the member that candidly. I think the dynamic at play on a
committee like that…. Overlap disputes generally involve first nations who are
asserting competing interests.
Someone would have to spend some time convincing me how an
all-party committee represents a forum that would be of assistance in resolving
those kinds of specific claims and disputes. I can see a role for the Treaty
Commission there.
To the other extent, I wouldn't rule out some role as we move
forward for the all-party committee, but the member will have to do some work
convincing me that overlap disputes would be appropriately referred to an
all-party committee.
S. Fraser: I have a member from the government side that
wants to ask questions. I'm going to allow that in a moment, but I just want to
touch on this.
I don't know that an all-party committee would solve the
boundaries issues, but what I do know is that we on this side have…. You've
mentioned there's one party that doesn't believe in the treaty process. The
Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs is an integral part of the leadership council —
one-third of the leadership council. Their concerns are valid. They have signed
on to the unity protocol. That sum total of first nations in B.C. is
substantial, and they have criticisms.
Those within the treaty process, as it exists, and those outside
of the treaty process, as you point out — the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, I
think you were referring to — have valid concerns that need to be addressed,
that aren't being addressed.
If we are to incorporate, for instance, the needs of those two
groups that are working together to some extent, in the interests of
reconciliation, and maybe make amendments, address the concerns that are seen as
lackings within the current treaty process…. That's the opportunity to bring
members like the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs into the negotiations for
reconciliation — maybe through the treaty process. I'm an optimist.
That is not happening now. Since I see that as a role,
potentially, for the committee…. I see that as a role for government, but I
don't see the government addressing that issue through the treaty process,
through this process. I see it dividing more, with other nations — not with the
Tsawwassen. I understand that.
My hope is that boundary issues…. Well, if that's all handled by
the Treaty Commission, that's great. That's one piece of this. But some of what
I've seen as fundamental flaws in the treaty process are preventing a great
number of first nations in this province from reconciliation.
I'm hoping that as we see court decisions happen…. There is
certainly a sentiment out there that those be incorporated, that those basic
changes in case law, for one, be helped to amend and grow a treaty process that
will involve all — all three parts of the leadership council, including the
Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs. That is my hope.
If the government would take that on, on their own, great. Seeing
that void, which I see as a void…. I do not believe that's being addressed
through the treaty process that we're standing here today discussing. I believe
that we're going to see great discontent increasing in the province. We're going
to see treaties coming forward here and there, and the process is going to get
stalled because there's going to be great numbers of first nations that are left
out of that process. They will feel they have no ability to get into the process
because there's no willingness to address some of the critical issues or what
are seen as failings in the treaty process.
With that gratuitous statement, I'm going to move on. I will cede
this next question to the government member who sits behind me.
[1510]
[ Page 8900 ]
D. MacKay: The debate in the committee stage of Bill 40
that we're into today is obviously going to be somewhat complicated. It's a very
complex issue. It took 17 years to get us here today, and there's probably going
to be some questions asked out of sync with what the
preamble to the committee
stage of the bill alluded to. Having said that, I'm going to try to stay on
track as best I can, and I will ask the Chair's forgiveness if I happen to
wander and get ahead of myself.
I wanted to touch very briefly on the overlap issues and the fact
that the minister, I believe, made the statement that we don't fund native bands
for overlap issues. I don't disagree with that. However, it's my understanding
that the federal government and, to a small degree, the provincial government
provide funding to the native bands as they're in the treaty process to work
through the process.
Given the fact that there are eight bands who are also claiming
territory that is included in the Tsawwassen band, given the fact that there are
eight other bands out there that claim the same territory, I would suspect that
one or two of those bands, if not all eight of them, as they get into the treaty
process, are going to be coming to government, going to the negotiators and
talking about the overlap issues.
Some of the funding that has been provided as they move down that
road is, in fact, going to be used to try to deal with the overlap issues. I
wonder if the minister would care to comment on that.
Hon. M. de Jong: Certainly, part of what the member has
alluded to or speculated about is potentially true. As parties become parties,
as first nations become involved or are involved in the Treaty Commission
process, they are provided with funding and repayable loans to help finance the
expertise they require to assist them whilst in that process. Some of that
funding, I am advised, can be utilized to address issues that arise with alleged
overlapping claims. To that extent, the member is correct.
It is in all of our interests to try and do everything possible to
avoid these kinds of disagreements from evolving to a point where litigation is
necessary, because for those that are involved in the treaty process, my sense
is that those resources are better spent on other issues.
I can say this in a personal way. As we moved through the
ratification process in Prince George with the Lheidli T'enneh and into
Tsawwassen and now the Maa-nulth, we certainly learned some things. I wish I
could follow that up with a statement that says "and therefore, we've learned so
much that these issues have disappeared." They haven't, but I think we've
learned a great deal about how to try and deal in advance of final agreements
being finalized.
It hasn't made it go away, and the member's right. When they don't
go away, when they aren't dealt with conclusively, it means further resources
are spent. Some of those resources, for people involved in the Treaty
Commission, come via the Treaty Commission itself.
B. Lekstrom: Certainly, it's my pleasure to be able to
enter into this discussion today, committee stage and on
chapter 2.
I have a question on
section 11 that refers to the full and final
settlement. It reads: "This Agreement constitutes the full and final settlement
in respect of the aboriginal rights, including aboriginal title, in Canada of
Tsawwassen First Nation."
When I read through the document, I ran across a couple of
sections further on, so bear with me. I'm going to relate to those, which would
chapter 4,
section 42, which states: "If, within 50 years after the Effective
Date, Tsawwassen First Nation owns any parcel of Specified Lands in fee simple,
that parcel of Specified Lands will become Tsawwassen Lands after completion of
the process set out in clauses 43 and 44." Then we go over, and it talks about
that process.
[1515]
Similarly, it would be
chapter 4,
section 47: "After the 50-year
period referred to in clause 42" — which I just read — "Canada will consider a
request from Tsawwassen First Nation to add land, including any parcel of the
Specified Lands, to Tsawwassen Lands."
I'm confused. I guess maybe I'm wondering if my definition of
"full and final settlement" as we sign this is different than 50 years in the
future. Could I get some explanation on that, please?
Hon. M. de Jong: I think it is important, as the member has
done, to both look at the specific provision and then recognize that the
agreement touches on a range of issues.
The certainty model that is contained in
section 11, as it were,
is designed, in effect, to make clear that this is not a case of coming back
later and seeking further benefits or further accommodation but that some of the
benefits or the provisions that are contained within the agreement crystallize
at a later date.
For example, there are ongoing obligations by the federal
government to provide moneys, and the member has pointed to one in terms of
land. So there are some options that exist.
There's an ongoing relationship created. For example, in some of
the chapters there is an ongoing obligation on the part of the provincial Crown
to consult around changes to legislation that might impact on the Tsawwassen or
on Tsawwassen lands.
The agreement is designed to be a full and final settlement, but
that doesn't mean that there isn't an ongoing relationship. It doesn't mean that
in certain cases — the member has referred to what are called, I think,
specified lands within the agreement — there aren't some options created around
whether or not and how those specified lands are incorporated into treaty
settlement lands.
The member has, I think, astutely observed this. Not everything
crystallizes or occurs on the effective date. There are some things that happen,
or could happen later, but those things are defined, and they are defined
conclusively and exhaustively in the agreement that we are discussing.
[ Page 8901 ]
B. Lekstrom: Just so that I'm clear on this, then. I think
that for most British Columbians, if they were to pick it up and read
section
11,
interpretation of this "full and final" would be: "This is it." What I think
I'm hearing, and I believe this is correct, is that it refers — under
chapter 4,
sections 47 and 42 — to 50 years hence — that this full and final settlement
document actually is an active document up until that time. Would that be a
reasonable assumption?
Hon. M. de Jong: Yes and, in some cases, beyond it, insofar
as defining what the rights, responsibilities, obligations might be. But yes, I
agree with the essence of what the member has said.
D. Jarvis: To follow up on that last question, Minister, I
was of the understanding that this sort of…. Well, it's an expression of me-too
clauses, and I was informed that they only pertain to the taxation part. But I
noticed in
section 49 of
section 2(
a) it says that in the event of any agreement
within sections 25 and 35 of the constitution, "Canada or British Columbia, as
the case may be, will provide Tsawwassen First Nation with additional or
replacement rights or other appropriate remedies."
[1520]
Is that what you would interpret as a me-too clause — that if
another treaty comes down the line, like, next week and if it had something
different, we'd have to top up the present bill that we're discussing?
Hon. M. de Jong: I think the member is referring to
section
49, but I want to be clear that I know what he's referring to.
D. Jarvis: Yes, 49 and 49.a, Madam Chair.
Hon. M. de Jong:
Section 49 relates specifically to the
situation that I speculated about a few moments ago where, following a
determination that other aboriginal rights had been adversely impacted or as a
result of a subsequent final agreement, it was determined that Tsawwassen First
Nation rights — as defined by this treaty — had been adversely impacted. It
provides both the obligation and the mechanism by which that is addressed.
So it would be incorrect to describe this as a me-too provision.
It would be correct to say that the sections in their entirety contemplate the
possibility of finding that aboriginal rights have been impacted and that the
agreement would need to be adjusted to address that.
S. Fraser: I guess I have a process question at this point.
Obviously, there are a number of government members that also have substantial
lines of questioning on Bill 40, as they have every right to have.
As a critic that's never been involved in this process before, I
am concerned. What's our time line here? If we're jumping from
chapter to
chapter now…. I mean, I have a hard time keeping track of this anyway, but we're
going to run out of time. We won't be able to fully address this treaty. Are
there any suggestions? Is there any process that maybe the Clerk can help us
with to make sure that doesn't happen?
Hon. M. de Jong: We're in
chapter 2, and I appreciate what
the member is addressing. I want the critic, members of the opposition and other
members to have the time they need to canvass the issues.
We're into our first leg of this debate. We won't do it now, but
following the conclusion of proceedings this afternoon, we can speak amongst
ourselves or those with questions and highlight where we think those questions
are so that as the critic, the member, has some understanding of where those
interjections might take place and proceed on that basis.
I think it's helpful for everyone if we can maintain the order of
at least the chapters, or we'll be bouncing all over the place, and that won't
help anyone. I'll endeavour to help in any way I can. By the way, I accept the
proposition that the critic has a primary responsibility on the part of the
opposition and needs to be accorded the time necessary to fulfil that role.
[1525]
C. Evans: I just want to belabour the point here. We jumped
chapter 6 a second ago and then back. That's great with me. It actually fits
with the way I think better than progression.
I just want a commitment from the Chair, the Clerk, the minister —
whoever it is. We're going to go through this. We're not having votes
section by
section, is my understanding. Ergo, if a member walks in this room, wants to go
back to
section 2 and we're in
section 20, nobody stops that person. Is that
correct?
The Chair: That is correct, Member. As has been pointed out
several times, we're all sort of treading new ground here, and I am endeavouring
to keep the debate focused. We are presently on
chapter 2, which is
section 3 of
the bill. There is a long way to go. But the whole
schedule is subject to
discussion, and it will be appropriate at some point, if you've left something
out, to come back to that discussion.
B. Lekstrom: Following through on
chapter 2, moving to
sections 26, 27 and 28 combined, just for clarification I again ask the
minister…. I read
section 26. It says: "Any Tsawwassen Law that is inconsistent
with this Agreement is of no force or effect to the extent of the
inconsistency." That makes extreme sense.
Reading the next one, it says: "This Agreement prevails to the
extent of an inconsistency with a Federal or Provincial Law." I note that
throughout this agreement we have different sections that talk about that
specifically, where Tsawwassen law would supersede provincial or federal, and
vice versa. Under
section 27,
chapter 2, why would this be…? Is it
all-inclusive, and would it override future comments on the issue of whose law
takes priority?
Hon. M. de Jong: Again, good question. What these sections
combined do is confirm that the agreement is paramount insofar as other
provincial and federal laws
[ Page 8902 ]
— the contents of the agreement. But within the agreement it sets out, in the
event of conflicting laws in various areas, which laws are paramount. So the
agreement takes precedence, and then within the agreement it lays out which laws
are paramount in various areas.
S. Fraser: An umbrella question, I guess, before proceeding
any further
section by section, for my own edification. Recently there was the
UN declaration on the rights of indigenous people, and it directly, I think,
refers to treaty.
As we're debating a treaty now, the Tsawwassen treaty, I note that
there was no position taken by government on the UN declaration, which I think
was pretty fundamental to treaty.
[1530]
I've got to ask the question, because it's been asked to me by
first nations. Was the silence on the part of government around the UN
declaration not supporting, just silent on, the UN declaration on the rights of
indigenous people? Were there provisions in that UN declaration that would
either have offended this treaty or caused a problem for future treaty
negotiations?
Hon. M. de Jong: The most direct answer I can give is that
I'm not aware of any analysis. I certainly didn't ask for any as between the
proposed UN declaration and this treaty. So I can offer the member very little
there.
I think I told the member at one point or made a comment somewhere
that I was disappointed that the federal officials responsible for transacting
business at the UN on behalf of our country weren't able to arrive at language
they deemed appropriate. But I think that is a matter best canvassed with
federal officials.
[S. Hammell in the chair.]
S. Fraser: I won't follow that line of questioning any
further, although I'm not happy with the answer given by the minister.
On constitutional issues. It's
section 8, and also dealing with
modifications, on the next page are sections 13, 14 and, to some extent, 15.
What happens in a constitutional challenge? I'm just wondering. I
don't see in this agreement a mechanism for dealing with that. If there's a
constitutional challenge — and you'll have to excuse my ignorance here — that is
successful in court to this or other treaties, would there…? I see there being
two ways of dealing with that. If that challenge was successful, either the
fundamentals of the treaty itself — or of a treaty, not necessarily this one —
could be challenged or the constitution could be challenged for amendment, which
is less likely, I assume. It's a federal issue.
Is there anything to deal with that? There is potential for
constitutional challenges, as the minister knows, in these questions.
Hon. M. de Jong: Well, I can advise the member that a
process by which a party would notify the members of its intention to raise a
constitutional issue is laid out in the agreement and in some of the provisions
within the chapter. I think I need more information from the member, though,
about the nature of the constitutional challenge he contemplates.
D. MacKay: Madam Chair, on the process for this committee
debate. I'm wondering…. I know the previous Chair allowed us some movement
within
chapter 2, but I'm wondering if we couldn't speed this up a bit if the
Chair was to go through
section by
section in each of the chapters. We're going
to be bouncing from the last
section in
chapter 2 back to the first chapter, and
I just thought it might move things along quicker if we were to go through
section by section,
chapter by chapter.
We're in
chapter 2 now, and the member for Alberni-Qualicum has
been talking about chapters 8 through 15. If we could continue on with that, I
just thought it might move things through a little faster.
The Chair: Members, to facilitate, we will move from
chapter to chapter. Right now we're on
chapter 2.
[1535]
G. Gentner: I'll jump over to
section 47, therefore. I have
many other questions on other sections, but this is still within the chapter.
Under
section 47, "Other aboriginal people," the discussion was
brought earlier relative to some of the protests out on the front lawns and some
of the concerns of other first nation peoples. I have a concern as well, and I
just want to read to you a statement made by Boas. He was one of the first
anthropologists who recorded history in the province.
This quote is something from 1887. "In the spring all the tribes
of the Cowichan dialects and the Squamish go to the Fraser River to catch
salmon. Only the Nanoose have the right to use the passage between Gabriola and
Valdes Island for this journey. The remaining tribes who live on Vancouver
Island own the passage between Valdes and Galiano Island."
My question, therefore, is: how did we ascertain that the TFN's
traditional treaty is so inclusive of the Gulf Islands?
Hon. M. de Jong: I'm not going to go through the B.C.
Treaty Commission process by which parties register their statements of intent
and their assertion of traditional territories. But I will say — and I touched
on this earlier in the debate — that as I understand it, the discussion and
debate that is taking place relates to provisions of the treaty that provide
certain rights to the Tsawwassen in certain areas, but they are not exclusive
rights. That is, they do not exclude others from exercising whatever rights they
may have.
G. Gentner: I don't mean to belabour the point. I'm just
trying to be informed so I understand the process.
The Treaty Commission has suggested that the area that encompasses
the Gulf Islands is the traditional
[ Page 8903 ]
territory of the TFN. Can the minister describe to me whether that's based on
territories that belong primarily to its residents? Or is it based on shared
territories? Is it based on the hunting, gathering and reef net locations? Or
does it also include that, based on the dialect that is spoken in the area?
Hon. M. de Jong: Thanks to the member for the question.
Much of that determination work that the member refers to is in fact conducted
by the B.C. Treaty Commission. It is important work and instructs much of the
negotiation and discussion that follows from that.
I need to emphasize again that where a question has arisen, as it
has here, nothing in the provisions we are discussing, either in this
chapter or
elsewhere in this final agreement, can adversely impact on the rights of other
first nations aboriginal peoples. To the extent that a body other than this will
make a final determination, that protection is set out distinctly and
specifically within the provisions of this agreement.
G. Gentner: Thanks to the minister for that answer. Can the
minister explain why there is such consternation among many of the bands who are
suggesting that this is their traditional territory, if he is suggesting that
they will not be adversely impacted by the boundaries that are in question?
Hon. M. de Jong: No, I can't. I am tempted to leave my
answer there, but I don't want it to seem like a flip answer.
[1540]
I take very seriously the concerns that have been expressed. As I
said earlier in this debate, it remains our stated objective to move through
ratification of treaties by having successfully, along with the other partners,
had all of these issues resolved. But I wouldn't presume to speak on behalf of
the people who have given expression to a concern. They have given expression to
that concern in a variety of ways, including the filing of court documents,
which have been referred to earlier.
G. Gentner: I look at some discussion…. There was some
history that was recorded, of course, years ago with the Semiahmoo. There was a
belief that there was a cross-cultural pollination, if you will, across the
Georgia Strait culturally and that there was a practice of sharing. There was
really no joint ownership or jurisdiction over these territories. Would the
minister concur?
Hon. M. de Jong: Thanks to the member for the question. I
am not an anthropological expert. I'm not in a position to offer a definitive
opinion on that.
B. Lekstrom: Moving along, under
chapter 2, sections 35, 36
and 37, "Other rights, benefits and programs." It reads: "Tsawwassen Members who
are Canadian citizens or permanent residents of Canada continue to be entitled
to all the rights and benefits of other Canadian citizens or permanent residents
of Canada applicable to them from time to time" — which is fine.
When I go down and read 36 and then 37, it reads:
"Tsawwassen Members are eligible to participate in programs
established by Canada or British Columbia and to receive public services from
Canada or British Columbia, in accordance with general criteria established for
those programs or public services from time to time, to the extent that the
Tsawwassen First Nation has not assumed responsibility for those programs or
public services under a Fiscal Financing Agreement or other funding agreement."
My question would be…. I'm trying to interpret this and how it could
have some, I guess, applicable meaning on the ground.
If, for instance, the Tsawwassen First Nation implemented a
K-to-12 system, which they have the ability to do under this treaty, if a member
chooses to send their child to a K-to-12 school outside of the Tsawwassen First
Nation, how does the financing work there? It's my understanding that if they
assume the responsibility to provide K-to-12, they'll recover the necessary
funds to run that jurisdiction.
What happens if a Tsawwassen First Nation family decides to send
their child somewhere else? Are they still eligible to do that, or do they have
to look to some taxation issue there?
Hon. M. de Jong: The best advice I have at this point is
that in the scenario described by the member, where the Tsawwassen First Nation
has established a K-to-12 system, they — any family, parents — are, first of
all, entitled to make any choices and send their child, alternatively, to other
schools.
If they have established the kind of program that the member has
alluded to, I believe that the provisions of the agreement and the agreements
that are contemplated at this point would impose an obligation on the Tsawwassen
First Nation to send funding to follow that student who has exercised that
choice.
[1545]
B. Lekstrom: A quick follow-up, then. I used the K-to-12 as
an example. There is other law-making authority, in the jurisdiction under this
treaty, for the Tsawwassen government to assume different responsibilities.
Would it be true, then, as was indicated by the minister on other issues that
are laid out in this treaty, that funding would follow if there was a choice
made to not participate in the program provided by the Tsawwassen First Nation?
Hon. M. de Jong: I'm going to be reluctant to make a
blanket statement because I'm cautioned that, depending on the specific program
or service we're talking about, there may be some specific and unique
provisions.
I think, though, that the point I also want to emphasize about
section 37 is that it does preclude members of the Tsawwassen First Nation from
receiving the same benefit program twice — the concern around, say, a
double-dip, once through a government-funded but Tsawwassen First
Nation–administered program and then directly from Canada or British Columbia.
The provisions are designed to provide some options but also some protections
against being double funded.
[ Page 8904 ]
D. MacKay: The
interpretation that I get from reading sections
36 and 37 would suggest that the existing programs that are in place today for
aboriginal people who live on reserves…. Sections 36 and 37 provide for those
allowances — health care, education, housing — and other benefits that they
presently receive to continue after the treaty is ratified or passed through
this Legislature.
That's my understanding of it, and I wonder if I could get some
clarification on that.
Hon. M. de Jong: I think I understand the member's question
and can say that programs of general application can continue to apply, but I
re-emphasize the caveat I attached a moment ago as contained in
section 37,
which precludes the opportunity to double-dip or collect the same benefit from
two different sources.
S. Fraser: I'm going to move ahead to the
section "Other
aboriginal people." It starts at
section 47 and continues onto the next page,
ending with "Information and privacy." The sections basically deal with the
section 35 constitutional rights from 1982 and challenges that could happen from
other first nations.
I haven't been able to find anything in this document that would
deal with challenges from, say, non–first nations. Am I just missing that? The
section 35 issue is covered off for first nations obviously because it's related
section 35 specifically about rights of first nations.
[1550]
But what if there was a non–first nations challenge — I'll give
you a hypothetical — on the agricultural land reserve from a group that might
have felt that they had land expropriated at a time. Say that challenge went
through. The challenges around aboriginal people in
section 35 are clearly
delineated here, but is there anything similar that I'm missing in this
section
or in
chapter 2 that would address the issues around a challenge from
non-aboriginal communities?
Hon. M. de Jong: The
section does contemplate the
possibility of a challenge to a provision not from one of the parties. I'm
looking at sections 42 and 43, which in part answer that question.
S. Fraser: Maybe I've just misinterpreted the legalese on
section 42, but in sections 47 through 49 there is remedy provided, the way I
read this, to the Tsawwassen people jointly from Canada and/or British Columbia
in the case that…. It says here in 49.a: "Canada or British Columbia, as the
case may be, will provide Tsawwassen First Nation with additional or replacement
rights or other appropriate remedies."
In the case of, I guess, a successful challenge from another first
nation, and this is in keeping with the protection of the
section 35 rights…. If
a challenge occurred that somehow pulls something out of this treaty from
another source, is that actually addressed through
section 42? Am I just reading
it wrong?
Is the minister saying that the same situation is addressed with a
non–first nation challenge? Is that covered off in
section 42?
Hon. M. de Jong: I wanted to make sure that I properly
canvass the scenario that the member alluded to. I get the distinction between a
successful challenge emerging in the circumstances contemplated in
section 49
versus a third party–generated.
I'm advised that, at the end of the day, the commitment to address
whatever impact that scenario might have on the final agreement is contained
within the agreement in one case in
section 49. But I am referred to, and refer
the member to,
section 42.a as that area where the parties are committed to
addressing the impact of the kind of challenge that he has described.
S. Fraser: Thanks to the minister for that.
Section 42 just
seems less than definitive. It's almost as though that would be a policy, not a
hard-and-fast rule. "Make best efforts" seems less than certain.
[1555]
With that, I'll move to another
section here next to it that I
find particularly challenging. I don't want to use "challenging" too many times,
because the statement is very simple: "No Party will challenge, or support a
challenge to, the validity of this Agreement or any provision of this
Agreement." No party, from the
definitions, is the parties being the province,
Canada and the Tsawwassen First Nation. Am I right that the
interpretation of
parties is that? Fundamentally, the parties referred to here — no party — are
the three parties involved in the treaty. Is that correct, first of all?
Hon. M. de Jong: Yes.
S. Fraser: Here's where my challenge is around this
statement. If no party will challenge or support a challenge to the validity of
this agreement or any other provisions of this agreement and if we have
subsequent treaties, which we are all hoping to see, and we actually get through
a reconciliation process in a timely and expedited manner based on the history
here…? Hopefully, we'll get that way.
There are almost always challenges between nations — for instance,
boundary issues — that by some
interpretations of first nations should have been
addressed before leaving stage 4 of the treaty process. There is an
interpretation — and I've got the paperwork here from the commission — that
suggests boundary issues should actually be reconciled prior to moving to stage
They're not, so I assume there's a reason for that — why we can
get from level 4 to level 5 without having addressed the boundary issues. I
would like to know that reason just for the record, because the question's been
put to me by first nations who believe that there is an obligation, that it's in
writing where it says you should not move to level 5 without those issues
happening.
If the parties, in this case I'll say the province since I'm
talking to the province, cannot support a challenge and we're going into a
process where we're going to
[ Page 8905 ]
have multiple treaties potentially at a table — level 5, for instance — where
the boundaries issues haven't been addressed and potentially affecting this
treaty…. If treaties were proximal to here — or in Maa-nulth, Nuu-chah-nulth
territories that are now coming forward that are challengeable with the
Maa-nulth treaties mapping — are you allowed as a party to address…?
If you can't challenge the treaty as it stands, say, on the
boundary issue, then are you automatically working against a nation that's
involved in a future treaty process that might conflict with this treaty? Are
you not penning yourself in?
I may have the
interpretation of this wrong, but if we're allowing
the treaty process to proceed right to stage 5 without addressing the boundaries
issues and the parties cannot challenge this ever, when this treaty comes in,
aren't other nations then prevented from having any support from the government
to reconcile through the treaty process? A question; I hope it's not too
confusing.
[1600]
Hon. M. de Jong: I don't have any hesitation in agreeing
with the hon. member that it is far preferable that any questions around
competing boundaries or overlap disputes be resolved as early in the process as
possible. Certainly, I will also agree with the proposition that it is
preferable that they be resolved prior to parties embarking upon ratification.
They weren't, in this case, to the satisfaction of some parties, who are now
identified and who have, in a couple of cases, brought the matter before the
courts.
The parties to this agreement have made the decision to proceed, I
suppose much as the parties to the Nisga'a agreement almost a decade ago said,
"Yes, we acknowledge that there is some dissatisfaction" — that eventually
manifested itself into court action — "but we want to get on with this."
By signing on or recommending this final agreement to this
chamber, we are obviously signalling that we believe the matter has been
resolved fairly and equitably and not to the detriment of any other first
nations.
I know that the member was relating an
interpretation, and perhaps
it's not one that he shares. That's not clear to me. But I don't think I agree
with that
interpretation that says the parties are boxing themselves in. I think
to the extent that other groups or first nations take issue with the other
provisions, they are free to pursue that.
What this
section says is that as a signatory, one of three
signatories to this agreement, we and Canada and the Tsawwassen First Nation
will not be providing support to a party that is seeking to challenge the
validity of this agreement.
C. Evans: I really would like to follow up on this line of
questioning. One of the underlying foundations, I thought, of how we function
here is that no government can preclude the options of a future government —
first nations government, federal government and the provincial government.
Every political party or individual has the right to run for office, state what
they believe, attempt to get a mandate for that and then carry it out if they
win.
You can imagine easily a time when, right or wrong, some very
sensible person or nutbar in one of those three governments will receive a
mandate to challenge a provision of the treaty. It's almost impossible that it
will not happen. I can't imagine a treaty between two countries in Europe that
nobody ever challenges.
Maybe the minister could say what this provision really means for
future governments. And if it is broken, what is the price to be paid by the
government who at some point in future supports or assists a challenge to a
provision of the treaty?
Hon. M. de Jong: Thanks to the member for raising the
question. I'll try to do this in three parts in terms of addressing the issues
that he raises.
The provision clearly represents an assurance the parties are
giving to one another that they will not bring or support any court proceedings
that challenge the validity of this Tsawwassen First Nation final agreement.
The
section does more than that. If one of the parties to this
agreement were to challenge the validity of the agreement at some point in the
future, undoubtedly this
section would be pled by one or both of the other
parties as a bar to that challenge to the validity of the agreement. So it does
purport, in that sense, to bind the parties now and in the future.
In that way it acts as a formal assurance amongst the three
parties that not only is, in our case, the Crown in the right of the province of
British Columbia today signing on and embracing this agreement as valid and
appropriate but that future governments will have to contend with a provision
that says that.
[1605]
If the member is correct and someone were to come along and
purport — either the Tsawwassen or British Columbia or Canada…. The other
parties would most certainly point to
section 43 and say: "You are precluded
from doing so. You have signed on to say that you would not do that."
S. Fraser: Just going back a step, I'm looking for
clarification from the minister.
Section 4 to
section 5, boundary issues. I've
seen documentation from the Tseshaht First Nation near Port Alberni, central
Island, and I've seen documentation from members of the unity protocol that
states in writing that boundary issues must be addressed prior to moving to
stage 5. At least they have an
interpretation of that. And I've seen documents
from the Treaty Commission that seem to verify that.
Can the minister comment about whether or not that's a
hard-and-fast rule? If it isn't, how come I've seen documentation from the
Treaty Commission and from these nations that states these issues should be
addressed — that they felt there was some obligation on behalf of the commission
and the government to address the boundary issues prior to moving to stage 5?
Hon. M. de Jong: Two things come to mind in response to the
member's line of questioning. It is fair to
[ Page 8906 ]
say that at its inception back in the early 1990s, there was very much a
sense that — and I believe this was enshrined in some of the principles that led
to the creation of the Treaty Commission and the work that it would do — primary
responsibility for the resolution of overlap claims would rest with the first
nations.
Now, we have to be realistic about the fact that that was a
principle that was embraced prior to some additional litigation which has
created some obligations for the Crown. Those are obligations that we take
seriously and seek to discharge.
Again, let me say that I'm not quarrelling with the assertion that
we are better off, all of us, if we can find a means to resolve these disputing
claims as early in the process as possible. I think we've learned some things
about how we can better do that. That's my answer to this stage.
D. MacKay: I'd like to take the minister back to sections
36 and 37. I know he gave me an answer that talked about double-dipping.
The question that I'm trying to get an answer to is pretty
straightforward. The question is: are the aboriginal people living on the
Tsawwassen treaty lands, settlement lands, entitled to receive the benefits that
they receive today, in spite of the treaty?
If we're talking about the delivery of health care…. I can
understand the double-dipping on health care. If health care is going to be
provided by the federal government, why would the Tsawwassen government provide
health care for them, if it's being paid for by the taxpayers of Canada? It's
going to be a big draw on their tax revenue.
Are the natives living on the reserve today entitled to the
benefits and privileges they have today, before this treaty is approved by the
province and the federal government?
[1610]
Hon. M. de Jong: Two things. There's no doubt as, in this
case, the Tsawwassen decide to embark upon the delivery of certain services,
that they will sign some fiscal financing arrangements with the federal
government. They will not be disadvantaged by virtue of the ratification of this
treaty in terms of accessing services that they enjoy, nor — and I think this is
important — in the future. As programs of general application become available,
as a community they will not be precluded from applying to participate in those
programs, but they will be limited in the sense that they won't be able to
access funding twice where it is being provided by government.
I don't know if that helps the member with the issue he's raised,
but that is the transition that is at play with this agreement.
D. MacKay: I think perhaps I'll save that question for
clarification when we get into the taxation side with the exemptions that are
provided and the provisions provided in the taxation
chapter in this treaty.
I'd like to now move to
section 66 on page 33, dealing with
official languages, where it says: "For greater certainty, the Parties
acknowledge that the Official Languages Act applies to this Agreement,
including the execution of this Agreement." I'm assuming they're talking about
the federal Official Languages Act, which to my recollection is French and
That then begs the question, and I think this is probably an
appropriate time to go into the appendix…. Appendix O-4 on page 307 talks about
the list of geographic features to be named with Tsawwassen names. Now, how do
those two marry up? If one is the official languages and it's acknowledged in
the treaty, how is it that we're allowing the Tsawwassen first language to be
placed on places such as the Pattullo Bridge, Burns Bog, New Westminster,
I can't quite get those two together, and I wonder if the minister
could clarify that for me.
Hon. M. de Jong: We will get to the provisions in the
agreement that the member refers to. I should say, though, for accuracy, that
the particular
section the member refers to is included as a requirement of
ensuring that pursuant to the Official Languages Act, this agreement is
translated and available in both official languages. That is the sole reason for
the presence of
section 66.
S. Fraser: I'm not sure where to ask this question. I
believe that general provisions is probably still the most appropriate. Along
with the agreement, are there side agreements concurrent that were negotiated
that are not showing up in the treaty, in Bill 40, which is what we're
addressing now?
Hon. M. de Jong: What I'll endeavour to do is provide the
member with an exhaustive list of those agreements. I tabled three of the actual
agreements two weeks ago, the member may recall, but I'll provide the hon.
member with a list of those agreements in their totality.
[1615]
S. Fraser: Just to finish that…. I appreciate that from the
minister, and I've received those. I guess what I want to know is: if issues are
dealt with, seemingly as part of the negotiation process here — certainly,
concurrent with the negotiation process that's led us to this final agreement
with Tsawwassen — and there are initiatives, if that's the right word, that are
not covered under treaty, that are not part of the treaty, is there the threat
of a lesser level of protection for the Tsawwassen people?
There are a lot of protections built into the treaty. So when
you're putting things beside the treaty that maybe look good but aren't
protected by the treaty, is that deemed to be appropriate? Is there
consideration for protections built into that?
Hon. M. de Jong: To the member: he is quite correct. They
certainly enjoy a different constitutional status, so one could use the word
"protection." But there's no doubt that the agreements that do not form a formal
part of the treaty certainly attract a different constitutional status than
those provisions which are
[ Page 8907 ]
within the treaty. The parties, through the process of negotiation, have
agreed to do that.
It does mean that some of the agreements are open for renewal and
renegotiation sooner. As well, there's no doubt as the member said, that they do
enjoy a different status and, generally speaking, are revisited more frequently
than the provisions within the treaty itself.
B. Ralston: I want to turn to
section 11, "Full and Final
Settlement." As the minister will be aware, one of the objections that some
aboriginal groups — I'm thinking of Mr. Morales in particular — have to
conclusion of treaties is that they are full and final settlements.
This clause here in the treaty crystallizes all aboriginal rights
including title, and there is not a possibility to augment or supplement those
rights by any subsequent treaty or agreement outside this document. Is that
correct?
Hon. M. de Jong: I think I understand what the member is
driving at. By and large, I think he's correct. I think that in fairness,
though, you have to read it in conjunction with
section 12 and the rights
modification provisions of the agreement. But if I heard the member correctly,
it is certainly part and parcel of the certainty model, if you will, that has
been employed to assign an element of finality to the agreement.
B. Ralston: How might
section 12 operate in the way that
the minister has talked about to, if you will, modify
section 11?
Hon. M. de Jong: I'm sorry if I gave a confusing answer.
When I used the term "modification," I was not intending to refer to the
relationship between sections 11 and 12. They do, however, operate in concert to
reinforce a rights modification model that is employed in this treaty.
[1620]
S. Fraser: Just taking a step back to the line of
questioning around the side agreements and concurrent agreements with the
Tsawwassen treaty. I understand the minister's answer.
I guess where I'm going with that is: will those agreements come
before this House for debate? Have they been signed off, independent of this
process? What would occur with those agreements should this treaty fail either
here or at the federal level, which we know won't happen, and how would we ever
have a chance to discuss all of those issues?
Hon. M. de Jong: The agreements that fall into the category
that I believe we are addressing today would be the taxation treatment
agreement, which was tabled in the House; the real property tax coordination
agreement, which was tabled in the House; and the harvest agreement, which was
also tabled in the House. Beyond that, there's an own-source revenue agreement,
a fiscal financing agreement and some fish operating guidelines.
The own-source revenue agreement and the fiscal financing
agreement are posted on the website. I believe the fish operating guidelines are
as well, but I'll have to check on that. They are all referred to in various
stages within the agreement. To the extent that the member has questions that
arise from them, I'm happy to try and answer them as they come up and are
referred to in the body of the agreement.
S. Fraser: I shall finish with this line of questioning,
but just the context.
Section 28 says "entire agreement."
"This Agreement is the entire agreement among the Parties in
respect of the subject matter of this Agreement and, except as set out in this
Agreement, there is no representation, warranty, collateral agreement,
condition, right or obligation affecting this Agreement."
How do we reconcile these other agreements with Bill 40 or with
this agreement, in light of that statement? I suspect I'm just confused by the
legalese nature of this statement. That's
section 68. Can somebody explain that
for me in layman's terms so that I can reconcile how this all works?
Hon. M. de Jong: It's not a foolish question, and it goes
to the heart of some constitutional idiosyncrasies. The member actually put his
finger on it a moment ago. The provisions contained within this agreement
attract and enjoy a certain constitutional status emanating from
section 35.
Some of the provisions of the other agreements, the substantive
provisions, do not. They are contemplated in some cases within the agreement,
but that is the significant difference. We'll probably get into that in more
detail.
[1625]
For example, we talk about the harvest agreement for fish and the
difference between the constitutionality of ceremonial food fish and a
commercial harvest entitlement contained within the harvest agreement and the
different status that those entitlements enjoy, again, because of our unique
constitutional makeup in this country.
S. Fraser: Thanks to the minister for that. Suffice to say,
we're going to be talking about fisheries and such as we get further into this.
I'm assuming, though, that every one of these side agreements is in keeping with
existing case law — whether it's Sparrowor it's Delgamuukw — and that they will
be consistent with the spirit and intent of those court decisions and also,
obviously,
section 35 of the constitution. Am I safe in assuming that?
Hon. M. de Jong: They are certainly the products of the
negotiation between the parties. I'm reliably informed that the fish guidelines,
as well, do exist on the website and are there for perusal.
S. Fraser: All right. I'll check that out. I'm not sure I'm
entirely happy with that answer.
chapter 2, on general provisions, as critic I have no further
questions. So I'll leave that. I'll just let the House know that, in case other
members have further questions on
section 2.
[ Page 8908 ]
G. Gentner: I was looking at the international legal
obligations, 30 to 34. I know that the language is primarily geared between
Canada and the first nation. However, to give you an example, today we heard
that the Premier was in Portugal looking at some protocols relative to climate
change. There is a new trend where the province is actually doing
intergovernmental protocols outside the purview of the nationhood, so to speak.
One example is the international protocols — Ramsar, the migratory
bird implications. That's certainly going to impact the mudflats of Boundary Bay
and Roberts Bank.
For example, there may be some agreement relative to or with
Washington State, where there's got to be some consensual buy-in from the first
nation. Where, in this part of the general provisions, can I find that?
Hon. M. de Jong: Sorry, I missed the essence of the
question.
G. Gentner: Again, I'm looking at the
section on
international legal obligations. I'm wondering where, in the general provisions,
there is similar language regarding arrangements or protocols signed between the
province and/or, for example, Washington State that doesn't involve the
Where, in the context of this legislation, does the Tsawwassen
First Nation have to fit in with those agreements outside the province?
Hon. M. de Jong: I'm obliged to the member. I better
understand his question.
Within the agreement, he's correct. The provision here deals
specifically with Canada fulfilling its constitutional duty in terms of the
international relations and the obligation to consult with the Tsawwassen where
the fulfilment of those obligations may adversely impact the Tsawwassen or a
Tsawwassen law or other provision.
There are similar provisions throughout the agreement that accrue
to the Crown in the right of British Columbia with respect to laws and
obligations we create and the obligation to consult with first nations where,
for example, British Columbia purports to enact laws that would similarly impact
on the Tsawwassen.
[1630]
That can happen in a variety of ways. It can happen in
circumstances, for example, where the Tsawwassen may have obligations to meet or
beat certain provisions of provincial law. The obligation to consult is laid
out. It exists in a variety of ways and in a variety of sections throughout the
agreement.
G. Gentner: Could the minister provide me with the basic
footprint where these sections occur in the treaty, so that I can flag them when
we come to them?
Hon. M. de Jong: For the moment I think I'm going to refer
the member to
chapter 16, the "Governance" chapter, which lays out certain
obligations on the Crown.
Section 29 is a good example of such an obligation.
The Chair: Any more questions on
chapter 2?
M. Sather: I'm just following up on what the minister was
saying in response to the last question about the fulfilment of international
obligations. I'm thinking, for example, of the migratory bird convention.
When it says in