British Columbia Hansard — Tuesday, December 1, 1987, Afternoon Sitting — British Columbia Legislative Assembly (34th Parliament, 1st Session)
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British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1987 Legislative Session: 1st Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 1
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
2779 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Softwood Lumber Products Export Charge Compensation Act (Bill 61).
Hon. Mr. Couvelier
Introduction and first reading –– 2779
Motor Vehicle Amendment Act (No. 2), 1987 (Bill 63). Hon. Mr. Rogers
Introduction and first reading –– 2779
Tabling Documents –– 2780
Oral Questions
Surrey hospital beds. Ms. Smallwood –– 2780
Mrs. Boone
Ex-mental patients charged with crimes. Mr. Cashore –– 2781
Riverview Hospital downsizing. Mr. Cashore –– 2781
Miscellaneous Statutes Amendment Act (No. 4), 1987 (Bill 59). Second reading
Mr. Rose –– 2782
Mr. De Jong –– 2785
Mr. Barnes –– 2785
Mr. Messmer –– 2788
Mr. D'Arcy –– 2789
The House met at 2:11 p.m.
MR. PELTON: On your behalf, Mr. Speaker, I would like to make
two brief announcements. The first one is that within the precincts
today — and I notice a large number of them in the galleries right at
the very moment — there are 150 students from the Squamish high school.
Some of them who aren't in the assembly at the moment will be in later.
I would ask the members to please, with me, make each and every one of
them most welcome here this afternoon.
The second thing I would like to say, hon. members, is that this
evening Mr. Speaker is entertaining at dinner a number of the past
Speakers of this House. In attendance will be: Mr. Hugh Shantz, who was
Speaker from 1958 to 1963; Mr. William Murray, who was Speaker from
1964 to 1972; Mr. Gordon Dowding, who was Speaker from 1972 to 1975;
Mr. Edward Smith, who was Speaker from 1976 to 1978; Mr. Harvey
Schroeder, whom many of us remember, who was Speaker from 1978 to 1982;
and the second member for Delta (Mr. Davidson), who was our Speaker
from 1982 to 1986. Within the House, sitting on the floor of the House
today, hon. members, are two of these outstanding gentlemen, Mr. Hugh
Shantz and Mr. Gordon Dowding. Would you all give them a most
resounding welcome.
MS. EDWARDS: Today I'd like to introduce two deans of the
institution from which I am currently on leave, East Kootenay Community
College: the dean of academic studies, Mr. Larry Szalanski; and the
dean of vocational studies, Mr. John Siray. I wish the House would join
me in making them welcome.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: In the gallery this afternoon are two
nurses from our hospital in Surrey, Surrey Memorial Hospital: Donna
Holtsbaum and Morah Avery. And in the precincts we have: Gordon
Campbell, mayor of Vancouver; Don Ross, former mayor of Surrey; Don
Lanskail. mayor of West Vancouver; and Gil Blair, mayor of Richmond. I
would ask the members to please make them all very welcome,
MR. WEISGERBER: Mr. Speaker, it's a rare pleasure for me to
introduce to this House a constituent from South Peace River. In the
members' gallery today is a well-known lawyer, the newly elected
president of the Dawson Creek Chamber of Commerce. Please join with me
in welcoming Mr. Les Dellow.
HON. MR. REID: It is with pleasure that I introduce Mr. Jim
Doswell, the assistant deputy minister of the development division of
the Ministry of Tourism, Recreation and Culture, who is in the members'
gallery today. I hope that while I'm standing I can ask the employers
of the member for Kootenay (Ms. Edwards) to pay attention because
they'll have her back in their employ very soon.
[2:15]
HON. S. HAGEN: It is indeed a great pleasure for me this afternoon to
welcome to the House three gentlemen from Trinity Western University. We have
in our midst Dr. Neil Snider, the president; Dr. Bruce Traub, the associate
dean for special academic programs; and Mr. Brian Anderson, the assistant to
the president. Would the House please make them welcome.
Introduction of Bills
SOFTWOOD LUMBER PRODUCTS
EXPORT CHARGE COMPENSATION ACT
Hon. Mr. Couvelier presented a message from His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor:
a bill intituled Softwood Lumber Products Export Charge Compensation Act.
HON. MR. COUVELIER: As an introduction to this bill, I would
like to mention the background events that make this proposed
legislation necessary. As part of a memorandum of understanding signed
between the governments of Canada and the United States to resolve the
lumber countervail dispute, a 15 percent federal charge was imposed on
exports of Canadian lumber to the United States. However, the
memorandum of understanding also contains a provision to allow the
export charge to be replaced by provincial measures subject to
consultation and negotiation with the United States government.
On October 1, 1987, my colleague, the Minister of Forests and Lands
(Hon. Mr. Parker), introduced a series of major changes to B.C.'s
forest policy. The changes included an increase in stumpage charges and
the transfer of silviculture costs to the industry. These measures were
intended to meet the requirements of full replacement of the 15 percent
export charge. Officials from the governments of Canada and British
Columbia are currently negotiating with the United States to allow the
export charge to be removed. However, until these negotiations are
complete, the British Columbia forest industry is faced with paying
higher stumpage charges and the export charge on lumber shipped to the
United States.
I am therefore tabling Bill 61 for first reading. Bill 6 I will
enable the government to provide compensation for the export charge
paid in these situations. The government's intent is to refund with
interest the export tax paid on lumber shipped from a mill of final
processing in British Columbia on or after November 1, 1987 –– I should
point out, however, that the final design of the program will depend
upon the outcome of the negotiations with the United States government,
and compensation will not be paid until these negotiations are
complete. I move first reading.
Bill 61 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on
orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House
after today.
MOTOR VEHICLE
AMENDMENT ACT (No. 2), 1987
Hon. Mr. Rogers presented a message from His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor:
a bill intituled Motor Vehicle Amendment Act (No. 2), 1987.
HON. MR. ROGERS: This is a relatively innocuous bill — my
former colleague Mr. Chabot used to call these things shortycoats. It
clarifies the qualifications for tow trucks. It introduces the category
of recovery vehicle in vehicle towing. It provides authority for making
regulations for the passing of safety certificates to certain classes
of vehicles operated within the National Safety Code, and it will add a
[ Page 2780 ]
reference allowing for the use of demonstrator plates under the
Commercial Transport Act and improve consistency in vehicle licensing.
It is a relatively routine matter, Mr. Speaker. I move first reading.
Bill 63 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on
orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House
after today.
Hon. L. Hanson tabled the annual report of the Travel Assurance Board
for the fiscal year ending March 31, 1987.
Oral Questions
SURREY HOSPITAL BEDS
MS. SMALLWOOD: Mr. Speaker, my question is to the Premier.
Dr. T.S. Wong, chief of staff of the Surrey Memorial Hospital, wrote to
your government on November 24. I quote from his letter: "The
physicians in this hospital are constantly frustrated in their efforts
to have their mentally ill patients admitted, because the psychiatric
ward is always full, and overflow psychotic patients are being held in
emergency, ICU and throughout the hospital. In addition, there is the
unsafe situation of constant and long waiting-lists." Will the Premier
accept that the situation in Surrey is only an example of the mental
health care crisis in this province?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker, I am not familiar with the situation in Surrey, and I would defer to the Minister of Health.
HON. MR. DUECK: Mr. Speaker, I could never get up and say
that we have enough beds for everyone, whether they're psychiatric or
acute, extended or intermediate care. However, I think we're providing
adequate care, and we're always continuing to took at ways to alleviate
any shortfall.
This may well be the case in the Surrey Memorial Hospital. I have
not had a letter from that particular doctor. If there is a problem, I
would like to know about it and see whether we could correct it.
MS. SMALLWOOD: The chief of staff also writes in his letter:
"Riverview Hospital, whose present population is approximately 1,000
beds, cannot meet the demand for medium- and long-term beds. Patient
transfer from our acute ward to a longer-stay ward in Riverview is
delayed, further blocking our psychiatric beds." My question again to
the Premier is: why don't those patients in Surrey have access to those
long-term beds in Riverview?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker, having lived and served in
Surrey for many years, I am probably more familiar with that
constituency and municipality than the hon. member. But having said
that, I would still defer to the Minister of Health.
HON. MR. DUECK: Mr. Speaker, as for the question that they cannot get
access to Riverview, this is incorrect. We do not make an exception; we do not
say that Surrey cannot have access but others can. We are of course talking
about providing community care for a lot of these patients, which we are doing
now. We've got many out-patient facilities throughout the province. If you
have a specific concern about some specific individual, I would like to look
into it. Other than that, we are providing care for all the people that need
it.
MS. SMALLWOOD: I can't accept that, Mr. Minister. Our
catchment area is the same size as Vancouver's. We have 20 beds to
their 195 beds. Your own consultative report recommends the closure or
the reduction of beds to 550. I'd like you to explain to this House
what you are doing to alleviate the pressure that our municipality and
our catchment area are feeling.
HON. MR. DUECK: ML Speaker, we have completed a report on
mental health which has been tabled. It is a preliminary report; the
final report will be out at the end of the year. We will then look at
the report and I will make recommendations to cabinet; if approved, the
plan will be for a downsizing of Riverview over a period of five years.
Within that period of time we will not release people into the
community and not have a place for them to go, which makes common
sense. We're not going to close down Riverview and have 500 or 600
people roaming the streets. For heaven's sake, we have never done it in
the past; we won't do it in the future.
If you have a shortage of beds in your community, that may well be.
You can phone my office and see what the plan is for that particular
hospital, rather than bringing it up here. If you want a report back
for tomorrow, I will do so.
MRS. BOONE: On November 13, Dr. Luke, the chief of Surrey
Memorial's department of psychiatry, wrote to the government indicating
that Surrey's need for more psychiatric beds had become quite desperate
— quite desperate, Mr. Minister, We have effectively been the regional
referral centre for a catchment population of 350,000. Our present 20
beds are definitely inadequate compared to Vancouver's 195.
Will the Premier accept Dr. Luke's professional advice that the
situation in Surrey, as elsewhere in the province, has become desperate
for patients and hospitals and that in fact Riverview has closed its
beds to people right now? People are unable to get into Riverview
because they are closing their doors to new patients.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: The Premier would recommend that the distinguished doctor make contact with
the Minister of Health.
MRS. BOONE: Dr. Luke has also written that patients awaiting
emergency and ICU have priority for admission, but having psychiatric
patients waiting perhaps several days in emergency for an in-patient
vacancy causes stress among the emergency staff and patients
themselves. The doctors in the emergency department have voiced their
concern for years in that psychiatric patients, are languishing in the
emergency blocks waiting for medical and surgical treatment, with
serious consequences.
Will the Premier accept that Dr. Luke's professional assessment is
accurate and that action is required by this government to deal with
this serious situation in Surrey and in other hospitals throughout
British Columbia?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker, I can't tell Dr. Luke what
he should be doing or how best to do it. Dr. Luke has to decide for
himself whether he wishes to have it
[ Page 2781 ]
presented through the critic from the opposition, or directly to the minister. That's Dr. Luke's decision.
EX–MENTAL PATIENTS CHARGED WITH CRIMES
MR. CASHORE: Mr. Speaker, my question is to the Minister of
Health. The Minister of Health said in this House today that he does
not want all sorts of people walking the streets — ex-mental patients.
Will the Minister of Health not acknowledge that the Mental Patients'
Association has documented an alarming increase in the number of
ex-mental patients coming before the courts charged with such things as
theft under $1,000? I know that the minister has received that
information, and I would like to ask him what his comments are on that.
HON. MR. DUECK: If you're asking me if I'm concerned that
people who have problems of any kind are walking the streets, of course
that's true. If you're asking if I'm going to do something about it,
that's also true. We're constantly revealing our plans. We are building
hospitals and taking people from Riverview, which has been going on for
years, incidentally, and has nothing to do with the downsizing of
Riverview. We just moved 30 people into the MSA area recently, people
who can now be released on the basis of integration back into the
community. This is an ongoing process; it has been going on for years,
which you well know because you were in that business.
However, when you speak about overcrowding, yes, there is some
overcrowding; yes, we haven't got enough beds; yes, we're trying to
improve the situation, and we're constantly working on it. We will go
on improving it in the future.
RIVERVIEW HOSPITAL DOWNSIZING
MR. CASHORE: I have another question for the Minister of
Health. That minister has spoken in very positive terms about this
report. It's a report that has some very real merit. The minister has
gone on record as saying that nobody will be discharged from Riverview
Hospital unless there is proper preparation and education of the
community, and that the facilities are well in place. I want to ask the
minister: why has he participated in a government that has announced
that that hospital will now be handed over to a private society, when
the final report — which he has just said will come out at the end of
this year — is not even being issued? Does the minister not realize
that this is very unsettling for the patients, for the families of the
patients and for the workers in that hospital?
[2:30]
HON. MR. DUECK: Mr. Speaker, the hon. member is completely
wrong, because we just received a letter from the Mental Health
Association. They write that they are very happy with the plan of
downsizing Riverview; they say that's the direction we should go. As a
matter of fact, they wrote a letter to the Province criticizing the
article written on the downsizing of Riverview, and the Province
printed the criticism. If you saw that particular letter, you will note
that this association is very happy. Of course they're concerned that
we have the infrastructure in place before we release any people from
Riverview — should this report be accepted and approved by cabinet —
for there to be a place to go. Why criticize me, when we haven't even
decided to close or downsize Riverview' The report hasn't even been
accepted yet. You're already criticizing it, saying that these people
are, roaming the streets. We're not even at that point yet.
MR. CASHORE: Another question to the minister. The minister
knows full well that there have been comments from street workers,
community workers and health workers about the number of ex-mental
patients who have fallen between the cracks and ended up on the streets
of Vancouver and other locations. The minister is very much aware that
on the day this consultation report came out there was an announcement
to close the psychiatric day facility at the Royal Columbian Hospital.
I have some information from an accreditation committee that has
recently conducted an accreditation of Riverview Hospital. These are
the words of Dr. Colin Smith....
[Mr. Speaker rose.]
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. The member has had a large
preamble.
If he can get to the first question, maybe there can be another one.
[Mr. Speaker resumed his seat.]
MR. CASHORE: In view of the words of Dr. Colin Smith, who undertook a detailed survey of Riverview Hospital....
[Mr. Speaker rose.]
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. Would the member please ask his question.
[Mr. Speaker resumed his seat.]
MR. CASHORE: In the light of the accreditation committee's
findings that there are very severe problems at Riverview Hospital in
terms of the working conditions and the deplorable conditions people
are in, will the minister not recognize that he has a responsibility to
make sure that the facility is adequate to care for the patients in
that institution now?
HON. MR. DUECK: I am aware that an accreditation process is
now going on, and I want to remark on what he calls privatization of
the Riverview Hospital. It's not privatization; it is, in fact, going
exactly the route of every hospital in this province which is run by a
society. Surely you're not telling me that all the hospitals are not
operating efficiently. That's what happening now. We're saying that
government shouldn't be operating the hospital; it should in fact be a
society, and that's the route we're going.
As far as the people are concerned who are in these institutions,
yes, it is my concern that they are properly treated and have proper
facilities. That facility is too old, and we either put up a new
facility or we move them out into the community, and that's a decision
that's going to be made by cabinet in the very near future.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Adjourned debate on second reading of Bill 59.
[ Page 2782 ]
MISCELLANEOUS STATUTES
AMENDMENT ACT (No. 4), 1987
(continued)
MR. ROSE: I'll just tread water while some of the other
people carry on with their conversations and leave the building. That's
what usually happens when I get up to speak anyway, so actually, I
suppose, that won't be a new experience for any of us.
AN HON. MEMBER: Hand out some hankies.
MR. ROSE: No crying towels, no.
When I was so rudely interrupted by noon hour and moved adjournment
of the debate, I was having a little exchange with the Minister of
Education (Hon. Mr. Brummet). I find him a delightful debater. He
admitted to me at noon — I don't know how privately or how
confidentially — that he didn't really care much for order or the rule
books. I was trying to make sure that he didn't lose his place in the
debate, when it was really a point of order. But the Chairman at the
time....
HON. MR. BRUMMET: On a point of order, I think there is room
for fun and exchange and that sort of thing, but for that member to say
that I have said to him privately that I don't care much for order is, I
think, a little bit too much to take.
MR. ROSE: I apologize, but I thought it was a little bit of
fun, and that was the way it was intended. So if I have offended the
minister for the fourth time in a row, I am sorry about that. But in
all due respect, it was supposed to be kind of light-hearted, although
the rest of my speech will not be.
Interjection.
MR. ROSE: Light-headed? I really do feel that the minister
took offence at something that really wasn't. And there's another
minister that should be taking offence right now, and I'm going to deal
with him. He's not here, so he's already offended. Maybe it offends the
rule of anticipation — I don't know.
Before lunchtime we were talking here about the whole matter of this
business of decentralization and the appointments of ministers of
state, and we were being scolded by the Minister of Education. He
didn't use a pointer and he didn't point his finger, but there's no
doubt in my mind that we were being scolded because we in the
opposition had decided not to be co-opted into a system of statism in
British Columbia, or into regionalism in British Columbia, to which we
object. It's the idea that "you come along on board with us, fellas,
and we'll get you in on these big committees for the good of the
region." We don't trust the government to do that. We think they want
us there to legitimize the whole process, which is illegitimate;
therefore we say: thanks but no thanks.
We don't like, for instance, the fact that they authorize $8 million
under warrants to set this whole thing up — to provide for parties and
all this other kind of stuff — before it even came to the Legislature.
We made that point yesterday. We object to it because it offends our
traditions. What happens is that you have the parties and the public
has the headache. We don't want to belong to that sort of thing.
Another thing is that we were unsettled somewhat by the honest
remarks of the Minister of Tourism (Hon. Mr. Reid). I think that's the
kindest thing I can say about it. I wasn't going to suggest that this
is a new experience for the Minister of Tourism — such honesty;
nevertheless, I regard them as honest. He spoke to the Esquimalt Social
Credit Party here in October. I didn't have his direct quotes this
morning when I was discussing this; I paraphrased him. But now that I
have the direct quotes, I'm shocked and dismayed. I'm absolutely
shocked that anybody would admit in a democratic society, in which we
are all freely elected, that if you don't vote the right way, your area
or district will not receive "consideration from government."
AN HON. MEMBER: Who said that?
MR. ROSE: Well, I don't like to mention this, because I know he's quite hail-fellow-well-met.
Here's what he had to say, as reported in the Times-Colonist
on Thursday, October 15. The Minister of Tourism said.... I can't use
his name. I think we could have a look at that rule, Mr. Speaker, but
that's another inside joke. I hope it doesn't offend you and have you
walk out of here in a huff.
But he said: "...will go without government money unless the area
elects a Social Credit MLA." That's really, really shameful. Oink,
oink! I would spell that for the Hansard reporter, if it is felt
necessary. [Snuffle! Snort!] I don't know how you put that in Hansard ,
but you should try to get up to speed on it. You might hear some sounds
that are even more obscene in future.
I'm quoting: "Reid told an Esquimalt-Port Renfrew Socred
constituency meeting that while decentralization will improve access to
government, the only way to secure government funds for the area is to
vote Socred."
Here's what one of the people who were listening countered with: "We
hear all this talk about a new approach by the government." This is the
oldest one in the world; it's called "jobs for the boys." It's called
"patronage." It's called "pork-barrel." It's the new approach to
government: "consultation, no political wars and arguments. Then we've
got an elected official saying something like this. Was all the talk
before simply window-dressing?"
I guess the whole leadership campaign was window dressing. I'm sorry
to say that. People are disillusioned. They were very, very trusting
that this was in fact the good new day; and we had good news with our
new Premier. But if it has degenerated into the same old stuff, then I
think that people will soon find out. There's some old saying, which I
can only paraphrase, that says: if you're fooled once, it's somebody's
fault; if you're fooled twice, it's your fault.
I could go on quoting from this because I'm sure you're fascinated
by these quotes, Mr. Speaker, and I think I will. Here's another part:
"I can tell you as minister responsible, when my colleagues come up to
me and say, 'Where's that $1,000 for that sports group, I say: 'Well, I
haven't given any to Sihota over there; if I give it to Sihota, they'll
all have a fit."' So what that means is that this grantsmanship really
has a political connotation to it.
I think that what we've been trying to do over the last 50 years is
try to root out that stuff. Down in the Maritimes it was quite common,
as late as the seventies, that you could get a vote for a mickey. Down
in the Maritimes it used to be you could buy a vote for a mickey. You
can't buy a vote for a mickey any more. It may have changed, but I
don't think it's
[ Page 2783 ]
probably changed that much. We have, I think, been relatively free of it.
It's not that we haven't had examples of people who got favours
because they were close to government, but to come out and blatantly
say in public the truth — that "if you don't follow the government line..." — is taking a great political risk.
Mr. Speaker, I've been looking over this list of new ministers of
state and I see the Minister of Advanced Education, the Provincial
Secretary, the Social Services and Housing minister, the Municipal
Affairs minister, the Environment and Parks minister, the Forests and
Lands minister, the intergovernmental relations minister and the
minister of state for education, or the Minister of Education. They are
all ministers of state. Where's the Minister of Tourism? He's not a
minister of state. That's what happens to you if you go out and tell
the truth. He's being punished. Where is he?
The Minister of Education says to us, in effect, "Come on board,
fellows" — and I was going to say girls, but I'll say women. "Come on
board, fellows, in our regions, and you'll be part of the process." Do
we want to be part of this process? I don't. I don't want to be part of
the United States of British Columbia. It is not part of our
traditions. It's divisive and it's not decentralization.
If you put a minister of state in every one of those regions to head
it up and control the patronage, the development, the pork-barrelling
and all that, and then you take those people and put them all in the
cabinet, where's your control? That's not decentralization; it's
control from the cabinet square. That's another reason we don't really
want to have anything to do with it.
The minister of state in my region invited me to a Grey Cup party,
and I thought that was very nice of him. I didn't know that he got his
money on warrants. I didn't go to the party, and I'm trying not to be
too self-righteous about it because in general I enjoy going to
parties. But I didn't go to this one because I felt it was a matter of
principle.
[2:45]
The minister of state is going to have lots of time to be supermayor,
because the Provincial Secretary hasn't got much to do any more. I
mean, all the good stuff in his ministry was gutted out and he's left
with nothing. Plecas took it all into the other ministry, so he hasn't
got much left and has got lots of time to be supermayor of the lower
mainland. I've tried to do my best to commiserate with him and all the
rest of it because he has been on occasion very, very friendly with me,
as other ministers are.
You know, the Liberals in about 1970 — and I go back that long, not
as a Liberal but being around Liberals.... I know a lot of people
across the aisle here are former Liberals. Our Premier once tried to
lead the Liberal Party. They were all absorbed into the Liberal Party,
so there's nothing wrong with it. It's not going to contravene the
health act for communicable diseases or anything like that. It may not
be very savoury in some people's eyes; certainly many British
Columbians don't think so. But nevertheless it is a political party in
this province.
Do you know what they tried federally? It was called regional desks.
This regionalization was tried once before. They would put a
superminister in each province and the hope was that you'd run end-runs
around your MP. There was a terrible outcry over that. It was awful; it
was dreadful; it was deafening. And it didn't work. It was withdrawn
because people saw it for what it was worth. It was a propaganda
machine and a pork-barrel machine and it went, and nobody has heard
from them again, because who was supposed to be looking after that kind
of thing, those problems?
I had a lot of experience with people sitting over on that side of
the House. I know that the former mayor of central Fraser Valley
sitting over there is an estimable gentleman. He's big in the milk
industry and I think he has a good social conscience. He's an immigrant
here and he's made a great contribution to Canada. I was once his MP. I
wonder if he would have liked to be rerouted, instead of needing to
discuss things with me, through a minister of state or a minister for
the province.
There's the member from Dewdney over there — he's also estimable, I
estimate — and another member from Dewdney. They were all mayors in a
riding I represented. I wonder if they would have liked having to be
forced around the block instead of coming directly to me. I was elected
by the people to look after those concerns. I don't think they would
have liked it.
As a matter of fact, I was once the Member of Parliament for the
Minister of Municipal Affairs (Hon. Mrs. Johnston), and I was once the
Member of Parliament for the Premier. I wonder when he was the mayor of
Surrey. I wonder when he intends to move back to Surrey. He boasted
that he knows so much about Surrey; I wonder if he plans to leave Delta
and move back.
He has an affinity for Surrey. but that's not the point. The point
is that this is an insulation between the elected member and the
Legislature, and the region — those duly elected people in the region:
school boards. municipal councils, regional districts and everything
else. Is this a way to keep the increasing number of people elected
from the left of centre rather than the right of centre from occupying
municipal office? Is this going to help them or hurt them? Is this
going to cramp their plans, or is this going to assist them? We'll see
about that, because the record of this government on this whole issue
is shameful. That's parliamentary — I was going to say "shabby," but I
thought that might not be parliamentary.
Mr. Speaker, we had some suggestion earlier that we shouldn't have
second reading debate on this bill. because it has no principle. In
other words, second reading is debate on the principle of a bill. Since
this is a miscellaneous statute, it follows that — like the government
— it had no principle.
That was obviously just testing the waters. People say: "You're out
of order on this bill." I tried the Minister of Education (Hon. Mr.
Brummet) on this bill. "You're really out of order, because do you know
what you do? Every once in a while you mention privatization." Well,
privatization is in the bill. It's one of the principles. I can point
to certain sections in the bill. To complain that we're out of
order.... To be fair, the Chair has never complained that we were out
of order, but the Minister of Education is supposed to know better. He
maintains that he has a tremendous interest in these matters of order
and rules and all that sort of thing. He says that we are out of order
because we happened to talk about privatization. If we can't talk about
privatization in this bill, where can we?
Legislative privatization and non-legislative privatization are one
and the same thing. If the government hoped to call us back and
sweet-talk us through a bunch of housekeeping amendments, and have us
not raise the subject of the future of many of our institutions, I
think they will have to admit that
[ Page 2784 ]
they were mistaken. I think that this week we've shown that they were mistaken, and we've been in order.
Look at the various sections that have to do with health. Can we not
talk about the threat to people's health when you are amending the
Health Act? Of course we can. If I want to talk about the dairy labs
and their privatization — oh, I'm sorry; their sellout — I'm going to
do it, and I will be perfectly in order, I will argue. If I want to
talk about the privatization of SkyTrain or the possibilities in the
future for it.... I look at the B.C. Rail
section of Bill 59. What are
they going to do there? It certainly has some elements which would be
perfectly in order to discuss, as far as privatization is concerned.
The B.C. Hydro rail division — those are all possibilities.
I can talk about anything I like in terms of health. What about the
closure of the Kelowna tissue lab? That is part of privatization, but
it's also part of this bill, because it concerns the health of British
Columbians.
If I have time, I'll do those things, but I want to talk about
something else before I start this. Yesterday we were treated, I think,
to a very excellent debate. I don't know whether one is supposed to
reflect on previous debates, Mr. Speaker. Other people discussed that
debate this morning in this chamber, so I see no reason why I can't do
the same.
I'd like to pay tribute to the House and the Speaker and all those
connected with that debate yesterday. I think there should be more
opportunity for people — the public, who pay our salaries — to hear
what we're doing here directly, not filtered through the media. Not
that I have anything against the media, because that would be a very
dangerous thing. "Never attack a newspaper," the old saying
goes, "unless you own one." Since I don't own a newspaper, I have no
intention of attacking one.
Nevertheless, during that debate the Premier chided the Leader of
the Opposition. He said: "You're telling us there's been no
consultation; that our government hasn't consulted when we sought to
privatize something; that we let an aura of fear out there." Then he
said: "Did you consult? Did you consult when you nationalized?" Then he
listed a whole bunch of things that we nationalized. The answer is that
we nationalized — or took under public ownership — a number of things,
including the cannery at Port Simpson, which the Premier mentioned; the
Watson Island mill, which formed the core of BCRIC; Ocean Falls; Swan
Valley Foods and Panco and finally BCRIC. Why did we do that? To save
jobs. We took over virtually bankrupt losers and turned them into
winners: that's what we did.
This government is doing the reverse. They're taking over winners,
and they're going to sell the winners. That's what they did with BCRIC.
There is an air of uncertainty and fear, and a sort of cloud hanging
out there on everybody. We took things over to save jobs. My view, ML
Speaker, is that this particular kind of initiative is to cause
unemployment and to lower wages.
If the Premier asks whether or not it would be safer to ride on Air
Canada than, say, on Canadian Airlines, or vice versa — public against
private — I think it's an excellent debating ploy, but it's a ploy
only. We've got a tradition of public and private enterprise in this
country. That is the Canadian tradition, and we think it's worthwhile.
We think it's worth preserving. We don't want to head towards
Reaganomics, whether it's supply-side economics, which has been a
failure....
MR. REE: On a point of order, we heard the member earlier on
the philosophy of the bill, the principle, and I'm having a little bit
of difficulty relating his privatization speech to the bill. The
opposition made a point last week that they would not have an
opportunity to debate privatization; yet this bill had been introduced
at that time. Therefore they were being hypocritical in their
application for an emergency debate on privatization, or they were
being ignorant of the principle of this bill at that time. But I'm
having a great deal of difficulty following the member's line of
reasoning with this bill.
MR. SPEAKER: I've taken out the bill myself, and I have some
concerns, because the House in the past, as you know, has not normally
debated these bills in second reading; but when you look at the bill,
it does cover a number of sections, and the Chair to this point has
allowed some leeway. But I would also ask the members who are speaking
to listen to the advice of some of those who are concerned if they tend
to stray just a little bit.
MR. ROSE: I admit that I was a bit discursive when
challenged, Mr. Speaker, but I was attempting to make a point. I think
sometimes you have to be able to build your case. There are ways to
reach a point that are not necessarily straight lines. Some people have
very logical, sequential minds, and then other people have non-linear
minds. I think this was one of my non-linear days.
But I don't know whether the hon. Whip, the Miracle Whip.... Now
that's w-h-i-p, not w-i-m-p; I don't speak so good sometimes. I just
wanted to say that he might have been out of the room when I explained
how I was going to keep this whole debate in order even though I might
stray into privatization — discursively — because of the various
sections in the bill, as the hon. Speaker just mentioned. The hon.
Speaker said that, yes, this bill covers a lot of ground. The attempt
here is to have this bill cover up a lot of ground.
MR. REE: On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the
member's comments about the bill covering a lot of ground. It's
obviously a debate. When he's on a non-linear course, he's going to
cover a lot of ground too. It's very fortunate nobody's going to ask
him to walk a straight line.
MR. ROSE: I liked his remarks better the first time, Mr.
Speaker; but he is a good friend of mine, and I know that if I do
happen to stray, he will make certain that I get back in line. I'm just
concerned about the whole concept. There seems to be a philosophy
abroad — especially in the ranks of my friend over there — that
somehow, if you get rid of all regulations, if you make government
simple, if you give government away to the private sector in health —
just to make sure I'm in order — in railroads, in dairy labs or soil
labs or water labs, that somehow life will be beautiful. Not that I was
that old, but Herbert Hoover said the same thing: prosperity is just
around the corner.
That's not Canada at all; that's an importation of a foreign
ideology. We may not think of the United States as being foreign,
because we all have cousins and relatives there. But according to our
British traditions, it is foreign. So when somebody gets into trouble
and they don't resign, and when somebody offers a public institution
like the Tories did with CBC and Air Canada and the CNR, that is the
Canadian compromise. That's what we want to maintain. We don't
[ Page 2785 ]
want everything flogged off to the private sector. We should remember why we've got them.
[3:00]
I've got a little list here of the things we've developed as part of
Canada's traditions. I'll tell you what they're for. They're to
insulate farmers from the cyclic brutality of the marketplace. You're
familiar with co-ops. You're familiar with credit unions, the Crow
freight rates, the Farm Credit Corporation, export incentives,
deficiency payment, wheat pools, two-price systems, Wheat Board.
subsidies, marketing boards, supply management and perhaps others. They
did not come about because private enterprise brought them about. They
came about because either private enterprise was not equipped to do the
task, or they wouldn't, or they weren't the ally; they were the
villain, That's the problem. It's not that all private enterprise is
villainous. I think we do have a tremendously wonderful system and
mixture in this country. We do in all countries in the western world,
for that matter. There ain't no such thing as a free enterprise country
anyway.
But I'm off the topic slightly there, and I don't want to stray too
far from the topic. I am concerned about where we're going with this
legislation. I am concerned about the ministers of state. Why do we
need nine ministers of state? I haven't counted up all the ministers.
but if you add the ministers of state to the Speakers and the Deputy
Speakers and the parliamentary secretaries and Whips and the deputy
Whips and all those people, I don't think there's a person on the other
side who hasn't got an extra job of some kind. I don't know how that
affects them, but maybe it's jobs for the boys, maybe it's busywork. I
know in this debate they don't speak. So what do they do over there?
They don't speak on any government legislation. I wonder, what do you
do with your time?
I know my time is just about up, but I am concerned about the health
of this country. I happen to represent Riverview, and I happen to know
that the land it's on for housing is worth $40 million. Are we going to
toss people out into the streets like they've done in New York and call
it deinstitutionalization without the proper community placements?
We're worried about things like that; that's why we bring them up.
We're worried that somebody's going to blacktop Colony Farm, and that
in this legislation you empower the regions to look after their own
farmland. The government record is not good, especially in the last few
years. It's just not good enough, and we don't support it.
I don't imagine I have more time, so I thank you for your forbearance and I conclude.
MR. SPEAKER: Before I recognize the second member for Central
Fraser Valley, I would remind members that Friday at 10 a.m. we have
private members' statements. The standing orders call for them to be
tabled no later than 6 o'clock the preceding Tuesday. As members know,
the House will be adjourning at 4 p.m. today, and in talking to the
table, none of the members have filed reports yet. If they could file
them before 4 o'clock, we would appreciate it.
MR. DE JONG: I would like to make a few brief comments about
the bill that is before the House. The member who spoke previously
referred to me as being the previous mayor of Matsqui and as to how I
would feel if I was still in that chair. The fact is that I'm not in
that chair: however, I can put myself in the position, having been
there for 11 years. We've gone through some difficult years through
that period of time, as we're doing today. We're going through times of
change. There were things that you could do at the municipal level and
things you could do at the regional level and other things at the
provincial level. There was a reason why regional districts were
established 25 years ago. Even though regionalism didn't work perfectly
in all circumstances and in all areas, it certainly did have its
benefits, and it had its good points as well as its weak points.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
We know that this is not another level of government. It should not
be seen as eight government regions; it is intended to be, and I'm sure
it will be, eight economic regions. When we look at what has happened
in the past, at the municipal level we were confronted sometimes by
various industrialists or developers, wanting to establish a factory or
whatever in our municipality or in the regional district. If it didn't
fit all the criteria, they would look elsewhere. Oftentimes in the
past, our local governments as well as our provincial governments,
perhaps even the opposition from the other side here, have criticized
British Columbia for not welcoming to the development industry. We have
been criticized that people wanting to establish businesses in British
Columbia were moving to Alberta or Washington.
MR. WILLIAMS: And this will make the difference?
MR. DE JONG: I'm sure it will make a difference, sir.
We know that in the municipal field, services such as water and
sanitation — two very basic services — could in many instances not have
been provided had it not been for the regional scope of government.
Again, I do not want to say that this is another level of government.
All I want to say is that each community cannot do things on its own.
This is another attempt, through the eight economic regions which are
to be established, to pull the regional districts as well as the
municipalities together to accomplish what we set out to do: to make
British Columbia a number one place for business establishment and
economic increase.
MR. BARNES: Mr. Speaker, I regret that I was unable to be in
attendance yesterday for the one-hour debate on the privatization of
government services. As you know, we had some pretty menacing weather,
and the ferries were victims of that natural phenomenon. Hence my
inability to be here at that most important event.
However, I can add my comments for the record with respect to Bill
59, a bill that has been described as having no principle. Most
recently my colleague from Coquitlam-Moody indicated that he saw no
principle. I would say that miscellaneous statutes amendment acts do
have a principle, and that is that they are designed primarily, as far
as the opposition is concerned, to provide confusion and subterfuge and
could very well be described as shell-game acts. As long as I've been a
member of this Legislature, I've heard comments from my colleagues to
be careful of those statutes that are supposed to be housekeeping
amendments. Usually there is something quite nocuous about them, and
there are several sections in this bill that fit that category.
Section 2, of course, is one of the very profound, simple
statements, removing the number 10 from a piece of legislation. That
means that the government has. In effect, carte blanche in appointing
members of its back bench to whatever
[ Page 2786 ]
positions it may see fit, with more pay and whatever else may be available to them through this extra duty.
We are addressing
section 19 also in an attempt to try to get what
we should have, by right, as parliamentary members in the Legislature:
a debate of this main initiative, the government's privatization
program, which is associated very closely with decentralization and the
creation of a series of new ministers of state who are expanding the
whole concept of government in the province of British Columbia beyond
the imagination of just about everyone — certainly of the voters of
October 1986.
I would say that, had the government really been concerned about the
perpetuation of the democratic system, it would have reviewed its
structure — that is, the existing ministries — rather than simply
adding on parliamentary secretaries and creating new ministries of
state. The government, were it serious, would have brought this before
the House, and I am sure all members of the House would have been
delighted and felt a sense of relevance in having an opportunity to
discuss what the new role in the 1980s and 1990s should be as we
approach a new century, in terms of how the government can best cut
down its overhead, streamline its activities, improve services and
increase opportunities for the citizens of British Columbia to learn
what participatory democracy is really all about. All these ideals and
principles, expressed quite often on both sides of the House, could
have been effected had the government truly been committed to
perpetuating a parliamentary right, a democratic right, and had
introduced legislation the way it has traditionally been introduced in
this Legislature. Whenever a ministry has been introduced in the past,
members have had the privilege of being able to debate the merits or
demerits, whatever the case may be, of bringing in that legislation.
Today I must say with great dissatisfaction and disappointment that
this is reminiscent of the days of 1983 when then Premier Bill Bennett
Jr. was bringing in his awesome, so-called "dirty dozen" legislation
and very heavy-handedly beginning to dismantle the public service and
many of the services that people had come to rely upon, without
opportunity for adequate debate, without forewarning during the general
election. We are experiencing something more than just a transitional,
metamorphic growth in this province; we are seeing something happen
that I believe is a radical departure from what is expected in a
democratic House.
The leader of the official opposition yesterday made reference to
what he believed was the Premier's orientation towards fanaticism or a
kind of ideological commitment to this privatization to the extent that
he was being unreasonable. I'm not here to suggest that the members on
this side of the House are without fault or that we are in some way
endowed with more of the good qualities of humanity than members on the
other side of the House, but clearly we are not addressing our public
duty and responsibility when we can sit back and watch one person, the
Premier of this province, carry out activities that are clearly a
subversion of the rights of the members of this Legislature.
[3:15]
I say that with regret, but I believe that the evidence is quite
clear and speaks for itself. We are attempting desperately to find ways
of debating issues that clearly should have been brought before this
Legislature.
I know that politics is the name of the game. I know the government
feels that the opposition will merely find ways to obstruct their
so-called progress, so that they can get on with the job. The Premier
yesterday, or just after the Speaker ruled that an emergency debate was
in fact appropriate for the members of this House to discuss something
as major as privatization, wholesale privatization of government,
literally.... I think we should say government, rather than government
services, government institutions or government departments, because we
are talking about the thin edge of the wedge, in my view, with respect
to what is happening in British Columbia and the right of citizens to
see their government behave in a way that allows access, dissent and
input on the part of the members who find themselves in the opposition
and, just as importantly, the other elected officials throughout the
province, the municipalities and in the regional boards and districts.
It is a pretty incredible period of time we're living in, and I wish
I could find the words to express the severity of the situation. I've
resisted allowing myself to become outraged, because I believe this is
a place for sanity, for reason and dialogue and for constructive
confrontation around issues that can be addressed and defined and
discussed in an open, democratic atmosphere. But when you think of what
is happening in this province as a result of this one person.... I
think members on both sides of the House would agree — perhaps quietly
on the government side, because of their belief that solidarity is the
best way to survive. But I'm sure that on an individual basis many of
them have cause to be concerned that they are dealing with someone who
has set himself above this place that we call the Legislature and is in
fact abusing the concept of the order-in-council.
My first thought when I read about the creation of these new
ministries of state was that, well, the government was elected to
govern. I'm sure they have checked with legal counsel, and they know
they are within their rights to do just about everything, despite the
fact that it may be uncustomary and against our traditions. But then I
thought: well, if an order-in-council can be used in this way, if an
order-in-Council can in fact transform the whole structure to which we
are elected, then what's the point of this place?
It's not a case of if you had come to the opposition, we would have
had open arms and been willing to embrace your programs and given you
100 percent support. That isn't the point. In fact, we may have been
able to make very little change to your overall plans and strategy. But
it's the perception that's important. This is where I believe the
Premier fails. Not only does he not recognize that democracy is a
fragile concept that requires serious husbandry of those principles
behind the scenes; in fact, we are experiencing someone who has
blatantly disregarded even the perceptions. He makes no pretence
whatsoever of being democratic. I'm sure the minister responsible for
intergovernmental affairs will attest to that, because just recently on
public television even that minister was attempting to defend the
order-in-council as a fundamental right of the executive council to
dictate what is going on in this province.
The issues we are dealing with in this bill are so numerous that it
would be literally impossible for us to address them — certainly on any
one principle, such as the one I just told you about. I just suggested
that miscellaneous statutes were pretty much the same as
orders-in-council, were in fact a way in which the government could
carry out
its activities with the least amount of participation by anyone else,
namely the opposition — should there be an opposition in the House at
the time.
[ Page 2787 ]
So I think that that is an abuse. That is something that should not
be used in the way it's being used. It is there for what it said, for
housekeeping, for routines. A miscellaneous statutes amendment act
should be used for matters that generally are not nocuous and that are
not going to be used to disguise ulterior motives, such as
section 19.
Looking at
section 19, one would wonder why the minister suddenly
needs all of these new powers to bring in regulations, to demand
through the regulations the right to call for what should be routine,
the reporting, the plans, the strategies of the railway, etc. One must
suspect that the real reason for these amendments is that at some point
in time BCR and Hydro railway and ski facilities and other related
government entities are going to be up for sale. So what can we expect?
According to the Premier, privatization means that everything is for
sale, including the government itself. Now we've been joking about it.
Sure, no one seriously believes that the government is going to sell
the Legislature, but the government has not come down with guidelines
saying: "These are the things that we have studied. These are the
things that we have analyzed, These are the details that we need in
order to make a responsible decision, and we can assure you that on a
cost-benefit basis, we can defend and justify every one of these
initiatives. If we are going to be privatizing health care or aspects
of the public school system or part or all of the road system in this
province, we can defend it and we can satisfy you that in no way will
there be an erosion in services and in cost-efficiency. We have all of
the safeguards in place. If you have any questions whatsoever with
respect to any of these procedures, address them in the Legislature.
That is your right and we want to ensure that you have that." Instead
we have a Premier who says: "If these members on the opposite side had
anything to say, they would have said it by now. I don't expect
anything new from them; and furthermore, if they have anything to say,
an hour is sufficient." I think this is an abominable affront to the
members of this House, and it's all being done by one person.
I can tell you that I don't feel very good about having to give what
clearly is a lecture. I know that I'm lecturing. but I'm telling you
that, regardless of your political stripe, surely you must love British
Columbia, you must love parliamentary democracy and the system which
has protected all of us, enough to at least give the appearance that
you care.
What we are experiencing in this province through this Premier is a
total subversion of the democratic process, making no pretence
whatsoever. It doesn't take an expert to begin to wonder why the
fanaticism, why the blindness. why the hellbent-for-election attitude
with respect to privatizing. Why wasn't it raised in the general
election? Why doesn't the government call an election on it if it's
that important? One has to be suspicious that there's an ulterior
motive or that the Premier is driven by something even more sinister,
maybe a personal reason, whatever that may be. It surely isn't
something that he's sharing with the House, and surely we have cause to
be outraged.
It is not just a case of trying to protect jobs and the security of
public servants, who should be protected, by all means. It's more than
that; it's what's going to happen. It's justified for the opposition to
be expressing concern that there is going to be doom and gloom ahead.
We are accused or using scare tactics. We should use scare tactics and
any other tactics that we can in order to bring public attention to
what's happening, because in a democracy we are all as safe as the
process we use.
If it is going to become the order of business in the future for the
government to operate by order-in-council, if we're going to have to
scramble through miscellaneous statutes amendment acts in order to find
out what the government is dealing with, I suggest to you, Mr. Speaker,
that we may as well forget it, because we have very few rights — they
are eroding — in the opposition, to the point where the Premier is
really just thumbing his nose at this whole process. I find that an
offence not just to those of us on this side of the House, but to the
government itself.
We're going to be dealing with this situation, I am sure, for some
time to come, because we're barely past one year. We've got at least
three more years, maybe four, of the Premier and his tactics.
MR. CRANDALL: Good years.
MR. BARNES: One of the members suggests that they're going to
be good years. I'm sure that there will be some good despite the
Premier — to come from some of the things that are happening in this
government. Some good will come. Nothing is absolute; everything can
have its positive side. But I believe that the best way for us to
ensure that we have the options and the choices and the chance to
assess and evaluate good, bad and indifferent is that this be the
number one forum in which it happens, when it comes to the government
of the province.
It should not be happening the way it is in this province. We are
not informed. We do not know how to responsibly describe what the
government is doing, and the government itself can't do it. The
government merely states that it was elected to govern, that it has the
right to govern by executive council or by any other means it thinks
fit, and that for those of us who are not part of that government, it's
just too bad. That's what we're dealing with. I don't think those words
are intemperate or unreasonable or uninformed. I think there is ample
evidence to support them. I can tell you that for me personally, they
are an accumulation of experiences and observations over a long period
of time.
[3:30]
Perhaps I can use a parallel, Mr. Speaker, hoping to be in order,
with respect to how this government has operated its decentralization
program. I think about the initiatives by the former Minister of Human
Resources, who talked about the strategies that were being worked out
to decentralize the mental health institutions — Tranquille and
Woodlands primarily: Essondale and some of the other facilities
throughout the province — in order to give those patients a better
opportunity to be more integrated into the community, closer to their
families, closer to resources; to normalize their lives; to
deinstitutionalize them and get them into an atmosphere of being able
to feel some fulfilment, to experience what we describe nowadays as a
holistic life, not one constrained by the conditions that one finds
himself in in an institution. So the opposition, activist groups in the
community and concerned individuals were all in support of
decentralization of mental institutions. There wasn't a single person
who said no, but there were quite a few voices that said: "But before
you do, let's ensure that we have completed the strategy by which it
will take place. The process must be a complete package. Let's ensure
that we will not leave these mental health patients stranded."
That was reasonable, and that's all that we're saying about what you're doing with programs today. That's all we're
[ Page 2788 ]
saying you should do with your privatization schemes today: ensure
that we know what we're doing. Do you want another B.C. Resources
Investment Corporation fiasco? We don't want to rub it in your faces,
but surely you know yourselves that BCRIC was a disaster. It was a
horrible experience both for your supporters and for ours. We all know
that. Surely we are not going ram more of that BCRIC stuff down our
throats. Let's get smart.
MR. REE: Let's get off it.
MR. BARNES: Someone said: "Let's get off it." I can tell you,
Mr. Speaker, that the taxpayers can no longer afford these incompetent,
uncaring, irresponsible acts by this government. That's all they are.
When a member of the opposition stands very sanely and very rationally
and says to the Premier and to the government, "Give us the details;
show us...." We've all been through the public schools and the
post-secondary school systems, and we've been trained and educated to
sit down and debate rationally and discuss matters. Why do we have to
operate this way, behind closed doors and with secrecy? Why can't we
find out what's going on in this place?
Privatization. That means the right to control. That means certain
protections, certain secrecies. Are we saying that public services that
we've been able to deal with in an open atmosphere are now going to go
into the hands of people who would have the right to own them, and that
in effect we will be grovelling at the door while they get their just
profits from what was once public services? We should know. We don't
know. We're in the dark, and we cannot respond intelligently to our
constituents. There are no documents and no studies, and knowing what
the Premier feels on this subject, there will be no studies and no
documents. There will be no recourse for us in the opposition except to
oppose and use tactics which we prefer not to use, in order to bring
attention to what this government is doing. When the Leader of the
Opposition suggests that in the future it does not look good, that he's
using scare tactics.... I certainly support that approach. I commend
him because I think we have a duty to bring attention to issues of
serious concern.
In a decade from now, this place could be just another heritage
site, just another place where we come and go through the charades.
We're doing that now. We're seeing a proliferation of government
without debate. We're seeing the cost of government go up within the
executive chamber, but we're seeing the services go down. We're seeing
society at risk because we're not in a position to assess what is
happening.
It's been so out of control for so long that most of us no longer
bother to talk about the deficit that this province is suffering under
Social Credit. We've long since stopped seeing that, because the public
doesn't seem to care any more. After all, you have God's given right to
govern. You are the chosen people, the ones who get the free time on
CKNW. The rest of has have to grovel to get attention to what's going
on.
You've got the odd person over there dissenting, trying to speak
out, taking great chances but showing that they do have some
conscience. I think that the public must know that this Premier.... I
say it rests on his shoulders. There is no semblance of democracy;
there is nothing to suggest that he consults with his colleagues; and
there's nothing to suggest that his colleagues have any security
whatsoever when it comes to any initiatives in government policy. We
are suspicious that there is a grab for power by one person to the
detriment of this province.
So we predict that there may come a time when this is just a
charade, when government in British Columbia will belong to the private
sector, and it will be the right of those who have the monetary means
to control and manipulate the economy. It's not so far away; it's a
very real possibility.
Government must have a heart, and government should have compassion.
It shouldn't be just a semblance; it should be a real thing. Government
has a duty to come in here and face the opposition. It has a duty and a
responsibility to come in here and take its chances. It was given a
mandate; it was given the numbers. At least it should be willing to
come in and allow us to use the one means, the one resource we have,
and that's our ability to verbalize the issues, to speak about them, to
disseminate information to the public and to be called upon to express
our concern at any time. That is not happening.
This is why we say the concept of using statutes amendment acts is
being abused. This is why we say the order-in-council concept is being
abused. And this is why the opposition has used this opportunity to
debate Bill 59 the way it has, in order to bring through the back door
information and concern to the public that cannot be brought in through
the front door because this government is using closure on the rights
of members of this Legislature to debate issues of public concern.
We will certainly be voting against this bill.
MR. MESSMER: I have listened very intently to the debate on
this bill, and certainly to the member for Alberni (Mr. Skelly), who
suggested that we go home this weekend and think about the bill and the
effect it had on the people of British Columbia. I'd like to say that I
did that. I went home and thought about the bill this weekend, but it's
the same that I have thought about for the past 11 years as an elected
municipal person and a businessman in British Columbia for the past 20
years. I believe that frustration is the difference between having an
active economy and having no economic base at all.
We talk about decentralization. I suppose this government could have
implemented decentralization by moving into each of the constituencies
one representative of each line ministry that we have here in Victoria.
That would have moved probably somewhere between 700 and 800 people
from the cities of Victoria and Vancouver out into the rest of our
constituencies. Our Premier has accomplished the same effect by moving
nine people and using the taxpayers of British Columbia as the
expertise behind them. I believe that this is not another level of
bureaucracy but simply a good business move.
We do have some regional differences in British Columbia. For
example, in the new region of the Thompson-Okanagan we have a knapweed
problem. It's taking over the rangeland so badly needed by our cattle.
How do we control that problem? It's a regional problem, but is it
really of high concern to the people in downtown Burnaby? I don't
really think it is.
Another one is our interior lakes, which take in more than one
constituency. We have a milfoil problem, a problem of immediate concern
to the people in the Okanagan because of our lifeblood, which is the
tourist industry. But is that really a problem in downtown Vancouver?
I doubt it.
[ Page 2789 ]
We talk about the treatment of effluent in the Okanagan chain, which
is certainly one matter that we're highly concerned with. Our belief is
that the treated water should be of higher quality than the receiving
water. I asked the member for Victoria if he thought the city of
Victoria had the same concerns about the effluent that we have in the
interior.
The list could go on and on, but I think even big government, Mr.
Speaker, has to learn from small government. If we go back to municipal
and regional councils — and I believe even the former mayor of
Vancouver would back me up on this — in order to attract business we
had to hire people outside the bureaucracy to assist us in talking with
the businessman who wished to invest in our community. The reason that
we had to do that was because the process was slow, and to businessmen
time is money. They can't afford that length of time. On many occasions
the former mayor of the city of Vancouver made the statement that you
have to have businessmen go talk with other businessmen to invest in
your community. The politician should only be there to open the door
and to introduce them. What we have done in regionalization is to hire
one person to talk to the people in a region to find out what problems
they have, to streamline the system, so that we do not lose them in the
interior of British Columbia — and that's who I'm speaking for at this
time, for Boundary-Similkameen.
It's much easier for those people in the Vancouver and Victoria
areas to talk about the fact that they can go directly to government.
It's much more difficult for a businessman in our area who is willing
to invest to have to wait to travel to Victoria and back, and wait some
length of time while that proposal sits on a desk in front of someone
down here. What we're talking about is streamlining a system that has
become very, very slow. I think we would all agree that the government
bureaucracy is not the fastest decision-making mechanism in the world.
Mr. Speaker, I honestly believe that decentralization will make our
areas that much stronger, that our economy will grow, and that because
of this we will be able to have more people working in our areas. I
support the bill.
MR. D'ARCY: I realize there are millions out there hanging on
our every word in here this afternoon. However, Mr. Speaker, I happen
to think that this is a very important debate, and I hope to be able to
make a positive contribution to it, particularly on behalf of my
constituents and the people in the Kootenay region.
Part of this bill before us will establish eight new parliamentary
secretaries. Last year or the year before, we had ten new parliamentary
secretaries established. Somehow, the province got along for the first
115 or so years without any parliamentary secretaries. We had a
government coming in, in the last few elections, proposing to reduce
the size of government. Yet we have this additional legislative burden
placed on people — to what end, we really don't know.
Within my own region, we have concerns — I would point out that
they're public concerns, not partisan political concerns — over exactly
what this is going to mean to us. Naturally, we look for positive
things. We were hoping good things would happen out of it. The problem
we see with the entire so-called regional decentralization is that,
within the region, we already have — either at the federal, the
municipal, or in some cases the provincial level — many of the services
which are supposed to be delivered through the parliamentary
secretaries and the regional ministers of state.
[3:45]
Perhaps members of the provincial government believe they can
provide these services more efficiently. Perhaps they think they could
do it cheaper. Perhaps they think they know better than any of these
agencies which have been in place — and, I might say, have been quite
responsive to local needs — over the last few years.
I would like to mention, in particular, that in one of the
communities in my riding, in Castlegar. we have a business development
centre. This is funded not through Economic Development, not through
the federal government, but through the Ministry of Advanced Education
and Job Training. Basically, it's a Selkirk College operation and it's
an education facility to assist people who wish to get into business
but really don't have the background for it.
In the city of Trail, working throughout the Regional District of
Kootenay-Boundary. we have a very successful Community Futures program
that is quite well endowed with federal money. What is different about
what the province intends to do? Firstly, the Community Futures
program, while it's had some labour pains, is working very well, and
it's extremely responsive and tailored to what the region wants. Most
importantly, though, from the public's point of view, there are
clear-cut guidelines as to what their objectives are and what their
limitations are.
In terms of regional development provincially, it would be an
understatement to say that guidelines are somewhat vague. In fact, all
we know is that there is a million dollars to start with, apparently
for promotion brochures and get-togethers for people with community
interests throughout the region, and there will be more money coming
down the tube later on, presumably in this spring budget, for actual
development. Nobody knows what the guidelines are. Nobody knows what
the objectives are. Most importantly, from the point of view of the
public, there is no public scrutiny. One of the issues....
Interjection.
MR. D'ARCY: I hear one of the intermittent caterwaulers on my
extreme left saying that they're not going to shovel money out of the
back of a truck. What we and the citizens of British Columbia want is
some sort of defensible comprehensive guidelines and some sort of rules
regarding the expenditures of public money. We have already heard over
the past 12 months that the present Social Credit government has been
in office, and for years under other Social Credit governments, how we
have to lower the deficit that they ran up.
We all know that one of the ways they're proposing to do that in the
short immediate run is to contract out some essential government
services. My constituents — and I think I can say this for the whole
Kootenay region — are not too happy about seeing essential government
services contracted out and the money used, essentially. In ways that
simply add another layer of bureaucracy and decision-making over what
is already there and working quite well, thank you very much.
Naturally we want new things. We want new assistance. But let's
remember that we want to be able to help ourselves. We don't want
government doing things for us and making the rules. We want programs
which are tailored to our own
[ Page 2790 ]
needs. Because there are no guidelines, objectives or provisions for
public scrutiny for this money, I and a great many of my constituents
have concerns about this program.
Mr. Speaker, I would have no objection to a provincial program that
was doing new and different things, that had clear set of objectives,
that was not going to duplicate what the provincial government is doing
through the Advanced Education and Job Training, what the federal
government is doing through the Community Futures program and the
Federal Business Development Bank, what local government has been doing
for years under the industrial development officers who have been in
the employ of various municipal bodies throughout the region — I might
say, in the main, funded with grants that originate through both the
federal and provincial governments.
Mr. Speaker, in addition to the business development centres I have
mentioned and the Community Futures program, I would point out that the
province — or some of the spokesmen on behalf of the province —
indicates that there is going to be development money acting as a
banker of last resort. This is a concern we have, because we already
have two bankers of last resort within the region, just as I'm sure
most of the rest of you have in your ridings. We have the Federal
Business Development Bank, and we have the federal arm of Community
Futures, which is the business development centre — essentially a
lending agency — under very clear-cut guidelines and under very close
scrutiny as to what they do with their public funds. We all know that,
where public funds are involved, there need to be not just reasonable
checks and balances but also ways to safeguard the public interest as
to what happens with these fairly large amounts of federal funds.
Since these agencies are doing a very good job at the local level
now, and have been doing so, everyone's asking: "Why do we need another
decision-making process, and what will its function be?" After all,
right now there is shared risk. Let's be honest about this. It is
generally conceded that if you have one success out of ten when the
banker of last resort comes in to help a business.... Remember, it
usually isn't because they have been turned down in their entirety with
the business proposal by the private sector financiers. When I say the
private sector, I'm talking about the regular banks and credit unions.
It's usually because the banks and credit unions will not provide
enough financing or startup money to get the business off the ground.
That's where the Federal Business Development Bank comes in, and that's
where the business development centre money comes in.
Mr. Speaker, while we concede that there is shared risk here, not
total risk, of the public funds, we also know that we're really only
looking at one real success, maybe, out of ten — hopefully two or three
real successes. But do we really want to shore up with public money
anywhere in the province the kinds of businesses that are going to
constantly rely on government assistance? Do we really want those kinds
of businesses? We don't in the Kootenays. We want businesses that are
viable from the word go, where the people involved have managerial
skills, where they have not only identified a market but are able to
market their product and distribute it. We want people to understand
cost control, whether they are producing goods or services. Basically,
as I'm sure everyone does, we want businesses and small industries that
are going to fly on their own.
Mr. Speaker, we don't see any of that in the guidelines that we're
getting from the provincial government. We already have agencies right
in town that through the Community Futures level provide technical
advice. They provide essentially what in the trade is termed
hand-holding advice and assistance and encouragement. In some cases
they have to advise people that they really don't think they have such
a viable operation, and they have people who can and do approve, demand
and get business plans.
Mr. Speaker, I don't see any of that in the regional development
proposals that the province is putting forth. We all know that they are
already funded with a million bucks apiece, $8 million in total, by
special warrant — without public scrutiny, without guidelines, without
a clear-cut set of objectives other than a very general set of
objectives, which, as I pointed out, certainly within my region and I
believe throughout the rest of the province are being ably provided for
by this plethora of agencies in the main funded by the federal
government, but to a lesser degree funded by local government and the
province through different ministries, which leads to another question
that can be begged out of this, Mr. Speaker. The provincial assistance
programs already in existence through Economic Development, Tourism
and, as I mentioned, Advanced Education and Job Training: are they to
be cancelled or rolled into this? Or are they to stay in place?
Mr. Speaker, one thing we say in the southeastern part of the province is:
if it ain't broke, don't fix it. We have at times gotten impatient with
the federal Community Futures program over the last few years, waiting for it
to get functioning and to be effective. We find now that the wait was worthwhile,
because in both the West and East Kootenay the Community Futures program is
working extremely well. We would like to see the province work with those people.
We would like to see the province come on side with what we already have in
place on the ground, rather than simply going in and setting up — which the
province wants to do, apparently — a new bureaucracy on the ground to do some
of the same things.
Mr. Speaker, we also have major concerns in the Kootenays about some
of the services provided by government and about what the government's
intentions are. Does the government intend, under the guise of the
regionalization thing, to reduce or dismantle some of the services that
we have now throughout the region?
On October 23 the government of B.C. published a multipage document
which outlined the short- and long-term plans for changes in the
administration of various government facilities. I think they called
them "action plans." Yesterday the Finance minister (Hon. Mr.
Couvelier) said that there was no intention of cutting back any
services anywhere, and that it had not appeared in any document. I
liked what he had to say, Mr. Speaker; I really liked what he had to
say. The problem is that I didn't find him very convincing.
In the government's own October 23 statement, they talked about
controlling education costs. Mr. Speaker, in our region we know that
our education costs are going up simply because of inflation. If you
cap education costs, it means that within the region that's going to be
served by the minister of state and parliamentary secretary we are
going to have reduced education services, if the intent is carried
through. The only government intent we have here is to cap education
costs.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
[ Page 2791 ]
Another part of the statement talks about capping health care costs. Throughout
the region we, once again as with the rest of the province, have a population
whose average age is increasing. We like to think that our health care costs
are not going up as fast as our gross product from that part of the province,
as I think is true throughout the province: health care costs are not going
up as fast, in spite of the ageing population, as the gross provincial product.
But when we see statements about capping health care costs, we are concerned
that our budgets for health care are going to be frozen at 1987 levels. How
else can we construe it? That's exactly what it says.
The government document also talks about capping GAIN costs. Well,
we don't want to see GAIN costs. We would like to see fewer and fewer
people on GAIN everywhere in the province, especially in the Kootenays,
so that GAIN costs can be reduced. The fact is that the government is
not doing anything for the economy, and the fact is that in the short
run, again because of inflation, it's impossible to cap those costs.
We have concerns about our transportation system within the region.
I know there has been a lot of discussion in here about safety on the
highways. In the Kootenays we have the heaviest snowfalls and the
highest passes anywhere in British Columbia. Our winter highway
maintenance, and to some degree our summer maintenance, are incredibly
important not only to the transportation needs of the community and
occupational needs in terms of people's ability to get to and from
work, but also to their ability to move around safely and even to get
out of the region. The nature of the valleys and the weather indicate
that we have many days in the dark months of the year when the air
services are simply not operating, and the only way in and out of the
region is by highway. In fact, I don't remember any days in the last 27
years when highway access has been closed. Even when the Salmo-Creston
was closed briefly, you always had a ferry alternative.
Inland ferries is another area that that document of October 23
talked about which has concerned us — on the regional basis covered by
these parliamentary secretaries and ministers. That document talked
about reduction of services, about user fees, and about the elimination
of some services. Within my region, within West Kootenay alone — we are
not even talking about East Kootenay — we have seven freshwater
ferries: four on the Columbia, three on the Kootenay; five of these are
cable and two are basically free-water ferries. These are essential
transportation links within the region. When we see government
documents talk about a fee structure, about privatization, about
cutbacks in services, we say these are essential public services.
Contracting out or selling off or fees is an abrogation of government
trust that we've had in the region for many years, going back to the
first Social Credit government, which established many of these
services. They established them without a fee structure because they
recognized they were an important part of the highway system in the
southern interior part of the province.
Now that I've worked my way through my introductory comments, I
realize I have a few more moments left to me. However, I recognize that
there has been an agreement between the House Leaders that this chamber
— I have to consult my notes, Mr. House Leader — should adjourn debate
until the next sitting of the House.
Mr. D'Arcy moved adjournment of the debate.
Motion approved.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: My best wishes to our dear friends opposite. With that I move adjournment.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 4:01 p.m.
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