British Columbia Hansard — TUESDAY, MAY 28, 1991 (34th Parliament, 5th Session) (34p 05s 910528p)
34p 05s 910528p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1991 Legislative Session: 5th Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, MAY 28, 1991
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
12253 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Oral Questions
Government borrowing. Mr. Clark –– 12253
Extradition of man charged with child molestation in Chilliwack.
Mr. Dueck –– 12254
Completion of rental housing units. Mr. Blencoe –– 12254
Government forms printed in U.S. Mr. G. Janssen –– 12254
Hospital laundry services contracts. Mr. Perry –– 12255
Tabling Documents –– 12255
Budget Debate
Mr. Perry –– 12255
Mr. Peterson –– 12260
Mr. Barnes –– 12261
Mr. Smith –– 12265
Mr. Miller –– 12268
Mr. De Jong –– 12272
Mr. G. Hanson –– 12273
Point of Privilege
Fantasy Garden World Inc. sales tax. Mr. Speaker's ruling ––
TUESDAY, MAY 28, 1991
The House met at 2:06 p.m.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: In the gallery this afternoon we have the parents of one of our illustrious Vancouver Province
reporters — but we won't hold that against them. I would ask the House
to please make welcome Bill and Maud Kieran, who are visiting from
Sooke. And it is Mrs. Kieran's birthday
MR. SPEAKER: Oak Bay–Gordon Head. Excuse me. Second member for Nanaimo.
MS. PULLINGER: That must have been a little déjà vu ,
because I'm going to make two introductions on behalf of the member for
Oak Bay–Gordon Head, who is not well today. First, Mrs. Christine
Mathers is with us in the gallery today. It's her first time in the
Legislature, and she's the grandmother of one of our interns here, so
I'd like everybody to make her welcome. Also with us today in the
Legislature we have a Mr. Richard Boisvert, who is a teacher at Campus
View Elementary School, and a group of his students. I'd like to
welcome them also to the Legislature.
HON. MR. SAVAGE: On behalf of the second member for Delta and
myself, it gives me a great deal of pleasure to rise in this assembly
and welcome 55 grade 11 students from Delta Secondary, their teacher
Mr. Frank Sawatsky and a number of parents. Would this assembly please
make them welcome.
MS. EDWARDS: It's a real pleasure today to introduce two very
active and involved citizens of Cranbrook, Gary and Diana Cavers, who
are enjoying a very lovely holiday in Victoria.
HON. J. JANSEN: I'd like to welcome to the precincts Mr. Fred
Feistmann, a constituent from Chilliwack and the manager of one of the
best highway maintenance contractors in the province, Gateway
Maintenance.
HON. MR. WEISGERBER: It's a rare occasion for me to have an
opportunity to introduce a constituent in the Legislature. Visiting
today from Dawson Creek is Joyce Torio, her daughter Loreen Way and her
granddaughter Keenan Way. Would you please make them welcome.
Oral Questions
GOVERNMENT BORROWING
MR. CLARK: A question to the Premier. In answer to a question
on Rogers Cable last week as to the excess of expenditures over
revenues that the province has to borrow this year to cover the budget,
the Premier answered that the province had to borrow in excess of $1
billion. Is she prepared to stand by that statement in the House today?
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Mr. Speaker, I would stand by any statement that I make.
MR. CLARK: A supplementary. Will the Premier then now
acknowledge that her Finance minister was incorrect when he stated that
only $395 million had to be borrowed to cover the deficit this fiscal
year?
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: I can assure the member opposite that no
one in the House is more correct than our Finance minister, but I will
refer the question.
MR. CLARK: How can the Premier reconcile her remarks last
week that the government had to borrow over $1 billion to cover its
operating deficit and the remarks by the Minister of Finance that the
government only had to borrow $395 million?
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: May I suggest the question would be better put to the Minister of Finance.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. There actually wasn't a question,
and therefore there wasn't an answer. Those of you familiar with the
popular television show "Jeopardy" might know that you must phrase your
answer in the form of a question. Are you all familiar with that? It
would be nice if we started doing the same thing. We'll go back to the
order of business, and the member for Vancouver East has the floor.
MR. CLARK: A question to the Premier. How can she reconcile
the Finance minister's remarks in this House that the government only
had to borrow $395 million with her remarks on television last week
that the government in f act had to borrow over $1 billion?
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Mr. Speaker, as usual, we have a bit of a fruit basket....
Interjections.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: I was talking about apples and oranges. Could I refer the question to the Minister of Finance?
HON. J. JANSEN: Mr. Speaker, I again want to tell the member
opposite that there are distinctions between the operating deficits and
the capital requirements of British Columbia. I should write it down on
a little piece of paper and give it to the Page so that he doesn't have
to repeat the question ad nauseam.
The situation is that there is an operating deficit in this province
of $395 million, which we have to borrow. On top of that, there are
borrowing requirements for capital purposes, which include Crown
corporations, reserve funds and other funds with capital needs. How
many times do we have to advise the members opposite that this is the
situation? I would be pleased to spend some time with the members
opposite and show them entirely how the matter of finances works —
source and application of funds.
[ Page 12254 ]
MR. CLARK: To the Premier. When you announced you were
seeking the leadership of your party, you stated that you spoke a
language that British Columbians understand. Most British Columbians
understand only too well that the government is spending $1.2 billion
more than it's taking in. Why will you not stand up in the House today
and tell your Finance minister to tell the truth — that the deficit is
$1.2 billion and not $395 million?
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. I must ask the member for
Vancouver East to stand and withdraw the allegation or imputation that
the minister is not telling the truth. The member knows the rules.
There were a number of other suggestions made at the same time; I'm
only asking you to comply on one of them.
MR. CLARK: Mr. Speaker, I withdraw the reference to telling the truth, and I'll rephrase the question?
Will the Premier instruct the Finance minister to end the charade
and come clean on the budget deficit, which she admitted on television
last week was over a billion dollars? Will you instruct your Finance
minister to tell the people of British Columbia the true deficit? It's
over $1 billion.
[2:15]
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Mr. Speaker, I would suggest that the
member listen to the clip and understand with complete accuracy the
statement that was made.
EXTRADITION OF MAN CHARGED WITH
CHILD MOLESTATION IN CHILLIWACK
MR. DUECK: My question is to the Attorney-General. Fraser
Valley residents are outraged that an administrative foul-up in the
federal Justice ministry has allowed Martin Bakker to be released from
custody in the Philippines, instead of being extradited to face eight
charges of molestation arising from incidents in the Chilliwack area.
In consultation with his federal colleague, will the minister ensure
that adequate procedural safeguards are in place, both federally and
provincially, to prevent similar instances of negligence in cases
involving such serious crimes?
HON. MR. FRASER: Mr. Speaker, there can't be any greater
outrage than the outrage we all feel on both sides of the House when it
comes to a person in a position of privilege attacking our most
vulnerable members of society, the children. So I share the member's
outrage, and I can assure him that my officials and I will be in touch
with officials in Ottawa to see what we can do to upgrade the security
with respect to extradition matters.
COMPLETION OF RENTAL HOUSING UNITS
MR. BLENCOE: I have a question for the Minister of Social Services and
Housing. Can the minister confirm to the House, as B.C. Housing has confirmed
to us, that by April — just a few weeks ago — the rental supply program in the
province, our own program, had delivered only 1,247 completed units since 1989?
Can the minister confirm those figures?
HON. MR. JACOBSEN: No, I do not confirm that. I can't give
you the exact number of units completed to date at this particular
moment, but I would be happy to bring back that information. The number
is substantially more than that. The commitment made by the province is
a firm commitment. We have made available the total amount of money,
which was $80 million in that program.
A lot of the units not completed at this point are being delayed
because of trying to get rezoning within municipalities in order to
locate those buildings, That's something that the government cannot be
responsible for. I would hope that the municipalities which have
responsibility for that will accept the responsibility to see that
housing is provided for those in the province who need accommodation.
We have done our share. We would ask for the cooperation of other
levels of government to bring the project to its completion.
MR. BLENCOE: I would expect the minister to know his own
statements and statistics. B.C. Housing has provided the evidence of
how many units are either completed or under construction. How does the
minister reconcile information provided to us by B.C. Housing that he
is 4,000 units short, in terms of units either built or under
construction, with the claim in the budget of 6,500 units? Mr.
Minister, you need to tell the people of British Columbia the actual
figures in terms of housing built in the province.
HON. MR. JACOBSEN: As I said before, I can't confirm to you today the precise figure on the numbers completed.
Interjection.
HON. MR. JACOBSEN: That's an interesting thing. In Social
Services, for instance, we have 144,000 files with different claims to
deal with. The opposition might on any one day ask me about any of
those files and expect that I would know the status of each one. We
have a lot of other material and issues that we deal with in the
ministry, but I will be happy to bring back the details of the program.
Interjection.
HON. MR. JACOBSEN: Yes, okay. But the briefing I had on that
particular program very recently talked about substantially more units
completed than that. As I said before, however, there are a number to
be completed, and they are being held up because of difficulty in
getting the zoning required in order to make them happen.
GOVERNMENT FORMS PRINTED IN U.S.
MR. G. JANSSEN: A question to the minister responsible for the Queen's Printer. We've heard a lot
[ Page
12255 ]
about the loss of business and jobs because of
crossborder shopping. Yet I have here five forms clearly printed in the
United States and supplied by the Queen's Printer. Can the minister
responsible inform the House of the dollar amount of business being
farmed to the United States while B.C. businessmen suffer?
HON. MRS. GRAN: I'm having some difficulty reading the form
from over here. I'm not sure what the member has in his hand — it could
be his own birth certificate.
I think it's always important for us in this House — especially the
opposition when they're asking questions — not to malign public
servants. The Queen's Printer is in my ministry. They are very proud of
everything they do, and I can tell you that they would not do anything
to hurt local business people unless the contract was absolutely
necessary. But in answer to your question I haven't been able to answer
many questions this time, so I am going to take some time to do it. I
would be happy to bring back to the House the information that the
member requests, and I thank him very much for the question.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. I must caution the member for
Alberni and all members that exhibits are not permitted in the House.
You may ask leave to table documents later, but we shouldn't show
exhibits. Ministers with failing eyesight can't be expected to read
that distance in any event.
MR. G. JANSSEN: Clearly the Ministry of Finance, through the
Queen's Printer, is getting documents printed in the United States when
that business should be remaining in British Columbia. The minister
responsible can waffle, can try to say that civil servants are dutiful
people in this province — including the Minister of Finance, and we've
just heard what kind of a deficit he's running. Why is this business
not staying in British Columbia? Why is the Ministry of Finance having
forms printed outside this province?
HOSPITAL LAUNDRY SERVICES CONTRACTS
MR. PERRY: I'll avoid the temptation to be an exhibitor here. Notice that I'm choosing my words very carefully today, Mr. Speaker.
This is a question to the Minister of Health. Yesterday the Minister
of Health tabled a report on the Saanich Peninsula Hospital and Mount
St. Mary Hospital laundries. Will the minister now confirm that in fact
the true cost to the taxpayer of the contracts agreed to — against
ministry regulations and hospital bylaws — was one-quarter of a million
dollars per year, or $1.25 million over a five-year period? Will he
explain why that information was not included in the ministry report?
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I'm having trouble following the member's logic. I'll take that question on notice, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: The bell terminates question period. There are a couple of reports which require tabling, I'm advised.
Hon. Mr. Chalmers tabled the 1989-90 annual report of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries.
Hon. S. Hagen tabled the annual report of the Ministry of Advanced
Education, Training and Technology for the year ended March 31, 1990.
MR. CLARK: I would like at this time to give notice of my
intention to pursue a privilege motion upon reading the Blues as they
come out later this afternoon with respect to the answer given today by
the Minister of Finance.
MR. SPEAKER: The Chair is so advised.
MR. BLENCOE: I would like to ask leave to table the minister's own document relating to housing statistics.
Leave not granted.
MR. G. JANSSEN: I would like to table the forms that clearly
show that the government is involved in cross-border shopping in the
United States.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, when I put the question I would
like there to be some silence so that if objectors wish to say no, even
quietly, the Chair can actually hear them. Shall leave be granted?
Leave not granted.
Orders of the Day
Budget Debate
(continued)
MR. PERRY: I couldn't help but observe during the immediately
preceding question period the request of the hon. member for Vancouver
East for the government to come clean. It brought back to me an old
saying that I learned in my youth: cleanliness is next to godliness. It
reminded me of one of the reasons that I entered politics originally,
which was the perception two years ago that this government is actually
one of the dirtiest governments in British Columbia history. It needs a
darned good scrubbing. We all know that there's only one place that
scrubbing will come from: it will be from the people of B.C., and we
all hope that scrubbing will come soon. Even the atmosphere, which
is....
Interjection.
MR. PERRY: "Maybe it will even be a purging," says the member
for Maillardville-Coquitlam. But even the atmosphere in this chamber
might be improved if the public is given the chance to select for
itself some new representatives that do have the confidence of the
[ Page 12256 ]
people and are not the lame-duck government that we have now.
I couldn't help but observe during the very interesting remarks of
the preceding speaker in this budget debate, the second member for
Richmond, that I wished that those thoughts had not come so lamentably
late in his parliamentary career, because I agreed with much of what he
said.
I agreed with his comments about the need to improve access to
housing for low and middle income people. I agreed with his principle
that ownership of housing is, in principle, an excellent idea. I agreed
with his comments entirely, and I must say he's the first member of his
side of the Legislature I have ever heard advocate modest-sized housing
which is energy efficient. He didn't specifically mention the words
energy efficiency, unless I missed them, but he clearly had that in
mind in his remarks. I couldn't help but think that if only a few years
ago he and his colleagues in Richmond had been advocating the same
ideas, perhaps we would not have had the fiasco of the Terra Nova land
development in which some of the finest agricultural land, not only in
the province but in the country called Canada, were paved over to build
monster houses.
I've flown over those houses. I've driven by them. I've even cycled
and walked by them, and I've seen that those houses violate exactly the
principles that the second member for Richmond was talking about.
They're energy inefficient. They are monster houses. They glorify the
grotesque overconsumption of space and overconsumption of energy which
has got our society into so much trouble. I find it late in the game,
frankly.
I have to remark also of the sudden commitment to a renewed
parliamentary democracy of which that member speaks: the sudden
commitment to the committee system. I find sometimes methinks he doth
protest too much, because that member, the second member for Richmond,
was in fact the chair of the Select Standing Committee on Health,
Education and Social Services last year, and that member is the very
one who declined to allow that committee to sit, despite requests,
despite even a motion on the order paper requesting that the committee
sit.
And somehow I find it the epitome of hypocrisy to now, in the dying
days of the Legislature, argue for frankness. I see the member for
Langley shaking her head. She too chaired that committee, and she too
refused to lift a finger to see that that committee could sit to
consider, in a non-partisan way, some of the eight issues that I
requested in my motion to be put to that committee.
[2:30]
And I remind members that, for example, the British Columbia tobacco smoking
strategy was one of the matters we could have considered in a non-partisan way.
For example, the potential for health education to improve health and control
health care costs, the reform of the Pharmacare program to ensure maximum value
to the public. Those were some of the non-partisan issues that I requested in
every possible way the committee consider.
And since we are discussing the budget, let us remind ourselves that
we legislators have all been paid on a bi-weekly basis to serve the
public year-round. We could have been doing that committee work. We
could have been serving the public more creatively than we do during
these debates. And it was a government, composed of the second member
for Richmond and his colleague the Minister of Women's Programs — two
former chairs of that committee — who declined to let it ever sit. So
let the public not be fooled by this last-minute graveside commitment
to openness and honesty in government. Somehow I find that less than
convincing.
Listening to the budget speech and looking at this document, I
couldn't help but think back to the old Social Credit budgets in the
old days of the former Premier, the late W.A.C. Bennett. I was just a
young stripling then, and my father was a faculty member at UBC.
University faculty members used to receive those budgets unasked for in
the mail. But they were fun documents. My dad used to bring them home
for me to look at the beautiful colour photographs. Perhaps some
members will remember those days. They were interesting documents, and
they were really all the advertising the government did. It did not
waste $30 million per year, as this government has done, showing us
lovely pictures of the former Minister of the Environment in that nice
sweater that I complimented him on last year. It didn't waste money
telling us about its taxpayer protection plan, which was about to be
abdicated within months by the government. It confined itself to a
simple, relatively dignified budget message that was widely distributed.
There was a difference in those budgets, whether one agreed with
them or not. I didn't always agree with Mr. Bennett, the former
Premier. But one thing he did have was some vision of where he was
going. Again, I didn't always agree with that vision. I thought his
vision for the unlimited, unrestrained development of hydroelectric
resources — the flooding of river valleys for the Bennett Dam and
Williston reservoir without ever even clearing the trees and without
letting the local native people know that the water was rising.... I
didn't agree with that. But at least that Premier had some vision of
where he was going.
As I look at this document, I see no vision. I see a hodgepodge of
ideas and what amounts to fed-bashing, fictitious and phony humanism,
and fiscal finagling. I will explain some of those points as I go
through. Let's consider the fed-bashing. The speech began with a
completely cowardly and unwarranted attack on the federal government.
Cowardly I say because of its hypocrisy. This government has taken
every possible opportunity to bash a federal government that most
Canadians, whether we like it or not, still respect as the government
of our country. The speech argues that transfer payments should now be
cut back. This is the same government whose former Premier, the now
disgraced former Premier, argued strongly to Ottawa that the transfer
payments should be cut because of the burgeoning federal deficit. I
happen to share the concern over that burgeoning federal deficit; it
alarms me as a taxpayer, as a citizen
[ Page
12257 ]
and as a public representative. That's not the way
I run my finances; that's not the way I ran my medical practice. I
don't intend to engage in that kind of personal financing in the future
myself, nor do I intend that for the people of British Columbia or
Canada.
However, you can't have it both ways. You can't argue that transfer
payments be cut and then argue for them to be restored. You can't argue
that the supreme concern now is the burgeoning federal deficit and also
argue for more transfer payments, because like it or not — and I hope
most of us like it still — we are a rich province. We are one of those
provinces that pays more to Ottawa than we get back in taxation. Most
of us would like Canada to remain based on that principle of federalism
— that we see something beyond the limits of our province and the Rocky
Mountains. As much as we love our province, we love our country more.
Therefore to argue in a rich province that transfer payments be
maintained amounts to arguing for more taxes to Ottawa so we can get
some of it back. In effect that is what this budget speech does.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
I happen to believe that it's appropriate that we as a rich province
contribute to the maintenance of national standards in health care,
social services and education. Therefore I supported the concept of
transfer payments, and I still do. But it is completely logically
inconsistent to argue somehow that that will promote fiscal
responsibility and federal deficit reduction. It's having your cake and
eating it too, and it's not a very sanitary or tasty cake.
Mr. Speaker, let me turn to the fiscal finagling in this budget. I
see on page 7, for example, the headline: "Efficient Government." I
wonder what that could possibly mean. One might well wonder about that.
Members on this side of the House have become used to needing to look
hard for examples of efficient government.
I see the Minister of Government Services sitting there. I thank her
for giving me the courtesy of listening to me. I wonder if she had in
mind, when she contributed her suggestions to this budget development,
the $1.2 million that was wasted on government flights for cabinet
ministers flying around the province in the fiscal year that ended a
year ago. Was that an example of efficiency?
I see the current Minister of Health, who has now left the
chamber.... I recall meeting him on the tarmac in Quesnel once during
the Cariboo by-election, when I'd gone up there out of funds provided
by my party. He flew in on the government jet one day all by himself. I
was locked in by the fog and couldn't fly out on the commercial jet. I
heard something coming in, so I stuck around to see who got off it.
There were two rather embarrassed-looking pilots and one passenger, the
then Minister of Environment, the member for Prince George South. He
had flown in to address the chamber of commerce during an election
campaign.
I remember asking him — I won't use his first name here, but I was very
friendly with him in those days, as I am now, and I used his first name — "Are
you the only passenger on that plane?" I couldn't believe it. I was
new to government then. I was coming from a university where, contrary to some
people's expectations, we worry about spending $500 for a piece of scientific
equipment. We have to write hundreds of pages to justify that sometimes. I saw
him flying in on that plane and he said.... He used my first name; I suppose,
Mr. Speaker, even you wouldn't grant me the indulgence of mentioning it
here. But he used my first name in a friendly way and said: "That's
the way it is when you're in government." That was efficient government,
Mr. Speaker. That's what it meant to these people who sit on the government
benches. Let's not kid ourselves that they have something else in mind.
What about Pharmacare funding? One of the reasons I urge the health
committee to consider, in a bipartisan, non-political way, the issue of
Pharmacare is that it is in a sense a sacred cow. It's very difficult
to discuss reform of Pharmacare without frightening people,
particularly the elderly. It needs to be done in a nonpartisan way. It
needs to pool not only the intellectual talents but the political
skills of us all to achieve a rational reform.
We've had a burgeoning Pharmacare budget in this province. Are our
people really that much healthier thanks to all those drugs? Some of
them are. But we've got one drug to lower cholesterol that I mentioned
in the estimates debate last year; we've gone from zero to $3.3 million
in two years for people over 65, without any evidence that that drug is
beneficial.
AN HON. MEMBER: Why do you prescribe it, then?
MR. PERRY: I don't prescribe it. The member from Terrace asks
why I prescribe it. I don't prescribe it, and I teach doctors not to
prescribe it in that situation.
Interjection.
MR. PERRY: The member for South Peace River asks who does
prescribe it. Physicians prescribe it, Mr. Speaker. And of course,
there's a challenge there. That gives rise to the issue of how we best
address control over irrational prescribing and the public's
anticipation that such benefits should be forthcoming to them. Of
course, physicians receive a lot of pressure from patients. They even
receive pressure from the media and, of course, from drug companies
urging that these drugs be prescribed.
This government has been unable to ensure an efficient Pharmacare
service. Appropriately enough, it appointed a Pharmacare review
committee in 1990, or perhaps in 1989. That committee still has not
reported. The report should have been ready months ago, perhaps a year
ago, because a report never tabled, never submitted or never published
is useless to the people of B.C. Yet members of that committee are
drawing $250 for showing up at a meeting. Where is the report? If you
call that efficient government.... Well, sorry, we can do better than
that. There's somehow a myth in this chamber that we can't, but we darn
well can do a better job than that.
[ Page 12258 ]
What about the Saanich laundry to which I referred in question
period? Here's an example of a hospital administrator exceeding his
authority and ignoring the circular sent to the hospitals by the
Ministry of Health. A board, violating its own bylaws as prescribed by
the Ministry of Health, has sought to save itself $25,000 or $50,000 —
a noble goal on its own — but at a cost of $300,000 to the total
hospital system. That leads to a net cost to the taxpayers of $250,000
per year and $1.25 million over a five-year contract. At the same time,
15 unionized jobs are lost.
That is not my idea of efficiency in government; that is my idea of
complete fiscal irresponsibility. It is absolutely crazy, and this
government does not have the capability to control it. When it's
exposed, it doesn't even have the decency to admit it. It censors a
report of the kind that I have in my hands here. There is no mention of
the cost of an apparently illegal contract like that. That's not my
idea of efficient government. Perhaps it's the new acting, interim
Premier's idea, and perhaps it's the idea of a few members of the
government benches who still adhere to their own twisted and warped
philosophy. But that is not the public's idea of efficiency in
government.
What about the third parameter of that budget: the fictitious and
phony humanism I referred to? I see some of my colleagues smiling in
amusement. Sometimes in dealing with this government, there is no
refuge except in humour. Sometimes it's impossible to take them
seriously.
MR. MILLER: If you can't laugh, you'd have to cry.
MR. PERRY: If you can't laugh, you'd have to cry, and we'd be drowning in our tears by now.
HON. MR. CHALMERS: The thing is, I can't take you seriously.
MR. PERRY: I hear one of the members saying, "You can't take
it seriously." I think that was the second member for Okanagan South.
You can't take this budget seriously. I couldn't agree more.
On page 22: "Caring for Seniors." Imagine that, Mr. Speaker. You're a senior yourself, I think.
Interjections.
MR. PERRY: I hear members calling for order. They don't
realize that it's a compliment to be called a senior in this province,
and it always will be.
Mr. Speaker, can you imagine that? "Caring for Seniors." I think of
two specific examples. I wonder if the budget was referring to the
people of Kaslo? Mr Speaker, I think that you may know where Kaslo is;
I'm not sure if all government members do. Kaslo is a small town on the
banks of Kootenay Lake, a bit north of Nelson, where a large fraction
of the population is seniors, virtually all of whom pioneered that part
of the country. They built Kaslo, and they built the prosperity that we
have in British Columbia now Many of them are veterans.
[2:45]
If they fall ill or infirm and require something more than home care
— a service which has been slashed under the present government....
Home care hours have actually been cut, believe it or not, by about 27
percent in that community. If they fall ill or infirm, they must be
deported to Nakusp for intermediate care.
I see the member for South Peace River laughing at that expression,
but perhaps he doesn't know what the road is like between Kaslo and
Nakusp. I've driven that in summer. I've never had the misfortune of
driving it in winter, but even in a summer snowstorm, it's pretty
rough. I see the member for Boundary Similkameen commenting that he has
driven that road. It's not a great exaggeration to say that for an
elderly spouse to be sent to Nakusp amounts to deportation. The same
situation applies in Keremeos.
The people from Kaslo have been working as hard as they know how —
heart and soul — to obtain some kind of modest intermediate care
facility. When I visited the hospital there, nobody was in it. It was a
virtually empty hospital with an average occupancy of 2.5 beds out of
ten. If efficiency is having an empty hospital, when you've got people
crying for intermediate care that could be converted out of that
hospital — even a few of the beds converted so that people could stay
in their own town.... That's not my idea of efficiency or humanism.
People in Keremeos face the same problem. There are many towns like
that. In Keremeos the ministry tells them: "Fine, go over the hill to
Summerland; Summerland's got lots of beds." What's it like to drive
over that road in the winter if you're 80 years old and your spouse is
in Summerland? Salmo's got the same problem, says the member for
Rossland-Trail.
I don't see that as evidence of caring for seniors; I see
bureaucrats in Victoria who know nothing of the problems. They see
Kaslo and Nakusp on a map, and they think they're a quarter of an inch
apart. Maybe these days they think in millimetres; that would be two or
three millimetres maybe. Keremeos and Summerland look like about five
millimetres apart on the map. It doesn't seem very far, but for some
people it's a lot. And this is a government that has not done very much
for those people.
There are so many things that I'd like to talk about. I hope we will
get to the estimates debate, because I've got a lot to say on behalf of
my constituents and of people not getting adequate health care in this
province. But before I turn to that field, Id like to say something
about the auditor-general's report.
One of the alarming things in this report.... I think other members
have spoken about the complete inability of the Forest Service to
supervise the conduct of forestry and the return to the public from the
resource that we all own. Many other speakers have spoken about that
and about difficulties and inadequacy in supervising the Highways
accounts. Of course, we all know about the Coquihalla story.
But this auditor-general's report refers to the unfunded pension
liability — $3 billion of unfunded liability or additional debt — for
teachers and public service workers in the public service plan whose
[ Page
12259 ]
pensions are not guaranteed by law but who,
according to the auditor-general, have the reasonable expectation that
their pension commitments will be honoured. Yet according to the
auditor-general's report, there is a $3 billion shortfall estimated
right now, and government has taken no step to correct the actuary's
advice that contributions be increased.
I don't plan my pension that way. My private pension is going to be
very modest at my income, but I get everything I can into it because it
is going to be so modest. I do not regard this as fiscal responsibility.
Let me turn to the fictitious and phony humanism I referred to. I
found it rather galling and frankly, it was hard to know whether to
laugh or to cry as I listened to the Finance minister last week ringing
in the pealing bells of a new era of Social Credit thought. Well,
anyone who believes that would not only buy the Brooklyn Bridge; they
would probably buy the Coquihalla Highway for even more than the
taxpayers paid for it. Or they would buy the Expo lands for a billion
dollars when they could have had it for a $50 million down payment.
There's so much misery not attended to in this province; I think
some of it needs to be spoken of in our chamber. I have here a letter
sent to the second member for Cariboo from a young man who is dying of
AIDS in Quesnel. I met him once in Quesnel, and the town had responded
to him with exceptional humanism. I must say that it impressed me how
people can see through the myths when they're given a chance. It has
always struck me how much contrast there is between the government's
response to the AIDS epidemic and the people of British Columbia when
they see what's really happening.
This young man picked up his infection because of a mistake by
government in the transfusion of contaminated blood products for
hemophilia. The government did not want to spend a little bit more
money to buy a product which was probably of higher quality. The
government did not deliberately infect these people, but because it
tried to scrimp and save a little bit of money, it ended up costing
many hemophiliacs their lives. Many of them are still coping with the
disease.
The federal government has come to terms with this issue and offered
a modest compensation. The provincial governments have promised through
the provincial Health ministers to address this issue, but they are
dragging their feet and stonewalling, perhaps because they know that
these young people don't have very long to live. If they stonewall long
enough, there will be no compensation to be paid, because they will all
be dead. I don't think that's fair. I think the requests of the
hemophiliacs are reasonable — to allow some measure of protection to
their families and, to this young man in Quesnel, some measure of
assurance that his children will be looked after when he faces the
inevitable consequence of that infection, and some peace during the
final phase of his life. I don't think that's too much to ask when we
know that cabinet ministers have been jetting around the province as
the sole occupants of jets, running up multi-thousand-dollar bills just
for their personal convenience.
1 have with me a letter from a young woman in Castlegar, Cathy
Lafortune, who wrote to the Premier's Advisory Council for Persons with
Disabilities to describe the situation of her young son Jeff. Her son
is seriously and multiply disabled; he's quadriplegic and also has a
severe mental disability. I visited her in Castlegar recently and saw
what she describes in her letter. I quote from the letter:
"Jeff must sleep in a very small room in our basement"
— remember, he's quadriplegic; he lives in a wheelchair — "down 15
stairs which turn a corner. He must be carried downstairs like a babe
in arms. This is becoming less practical and more dangerous as he grows
larger and heavier. Bathing him in one narrow bathroom is also quite
difficult, and nearly impossible for me to do alone as I cannot lift
him, and the space is really too small to make a lifting device
practical.
"Our dream is to build Jeff a main-floor room,
including a fully accessible bathroom with raised tub and adapted
commode, so that he could begin to have bowel movements into a toilet
instead of a diaper."
It goes on in this vein. It's hard to imagine when reading it that
this is a young man who weighs about 80 or 100 pounds, and I think he
is 18 years old. His mother took him back home after he'd been in a
group home because she wanted to look after him at home with her
husband. Yet once he is 18, he comes off the at-home program and is
basically on his own, with an excessively modest pension which does not
allow even for routine comforts and conveniences that he would be
provided in an institution.
That woman has had no satisfaction from government. It doesn't take
much visiting her house to see that she's courageous, that she's
dealing with a situation few of us could handle and that her requests
are modest. She wanted perhaps a low-interest or an interest-free loan
so that she could remodel her house to make it more commodious for her
son. That's not unreasonable, but where in this budget do we see any
commitment to helping people like that? If we do, I have yet to believe
it.
Mr. Speaker, I look at problems like the excellent report of the
review committee on the Vernon Jubilee Hospital. Perhaps it's one of
the strongest external reviews of a hospital that has ever been done in
this province. They found virtually nothing wrong with it, except that
they'd done their job too well. The ministry had accorded them a little
extra money in order to catch up with their enormous surgical
waiting-list. They did such a good and efficient job of it that they
have caught up a lot with the surgical waiting-list, but they've
overspent their budget. The review team, a very hard-nosed group of
people, could not find areas to save money, so they suggested that they
cut back on that program and let the waiting-list grow again. They did
such a good job that they shouldn't have done it. Let those people out
there wait for their medical treatment, instead of the review team
facing the reality that the hospital was doing a fiscally responsible
job and allowing them what they needed. Mr. Speaker, it's completely
illogical, and if I were a member of that board or that staff —
medical, nursing or other staff — I would be darned mad at this
government. I hope they are next time.
[ Page 12260 ]
What about alcohol and drug programs? We still haven't had the
Thornton report released that the opposition member for Prince George
requested last year. The government is still sitting on it. Four
hundred or five hundred copies are locked away in a safe — a report,
the first of its kind, suggesting the true cost of alcoholism in our
hospital system and observing that perhaps 25 percent of the
hospitalized patients are there because of alcohol. What have we got
but the cutback of that...?
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Sorry, hon. member, time has expired.
MR. PETERSON: Mr. Speaker, it certainly gives me a great deal
of pleasure to stand in my place and strongly support and endorse the
budget as presented by our Minister of Finance. It's a budget that
deals with the realities of today and at the same time focuses on the
future, so that all British Columbians can continue to enjoy the
quality of life that we have been enjoying under the Social Credit
governments of this province. It deals with health care, social
services and education words. While we're able to deliver these
outstanding programs, we remain the financial envy of all the other
provinces in Canada.
Let me deal with some facts, Mr. Speaker — not rhetoric but actual
facts. When I talk about our province being the financial envy of all
provinces in Canada, I'd like to give you some numbers which totally
support that statement. Let's look at our net direct debt as a
percentage of gross domestic product. Our number in British Columbia is
7 percent. That is 100 percent less than the next-lowest province in
Canada, Alberta, which sits at 14.7 percent. Quebec is at 22.3 percent;
Saskatchewan, 25.2 percent; New Brunswick, 27.2 percent; and our
federal government, 67.8 percent.
Let's look at the cost of debt servicing, the cost on the basis of
per dollar of revenue. In British Columbia 3.8 cents out of every
dollar of revenue we receive goes towards servicing the cost of our
debt. These are actual facts that cannot be disputed by rhetoric, Mr.
Speaker. In Alberta, the closest province to us, it is 8.3 cents on
every dollar. We go to New Brunswick, and it's 12.4 cents on every
dollar; Manitoba, 11.3 cents; and our federal government, 20.7 cents on
every dollar. Clearly that shows that successive Social Credit
administrations in this province have been fiscally responsible We will
continue to be fiscally responsible after we win the next election in
this province.
I've listened with, I'd guess you'd almost have to call it, forced
interest to the debate of the opposition relative to this budget. At
best, I can say their debate is inconsistent. They made conflicting
statements. And talk about hypocrisy! One example is we have your
second member from Vancouver-Point Grey talking about additional
funding for health care. We have the member for New Westminster talking
about additional funding for education. We have the member for Prince
George North talking about additional funding for welfare services in
this province.
[3:00]
This budget has addressed all that but still maintains the realities
of today as understood and reflects our fiscal responsibilities. But at
the same time as your members, Mr. Member from Prince Rupert, are
asking for additional funds, we have their Finance critic standing up
and saying: "The budget isn't balanced, but we would balance it."
How can they have both worlds? How can they do that? Even they must
realize that isn't possible. At least this government will face the
realities of today and plan and focus on the future so we can balance
the budget over a five-year cycle.
Yesterday I listened with a lot of interest to the member from North
Island. He stood up and took some shots at us for dealing with Ontario.
He said: "Look, I'm going to stand and talk about British Columbia."
The members opposite have to understand that Ontario's economy is 42
percent of the total Canadian economy. They are the biggest province in
Canada with 9.8 million people. Whatever happens there certainly has an
effect on what happens in British Columbia in terms of national
inflation rates, etc. The point is that this Social Credit government
has the broad view. These people opposite have a very narrow view of
things. We should be looking at Ontario, because it has an effect on
our abilities in this province.
It was interesting to note that yesterday the same member took a
very different point of view — in fact, statements conflicting with
their opposition leader. We were talking about the so-called transition
team that went to Ontario to assist them in planning their government
after the NDP won there last August. It seems that the opposition Whip,
the member for North Island, does not take the opportunity to discuss
these things much with his opposition leader, because his point of view
on that transition team was not exactly the same point of view that the
opposition leader had.
Let me show you why. On April 27 the opposition leader is quoted in the Vancouver Sun
as saying — he's talking about this transition team, and I think we
have to make note of this — that the team reported directly to the
opposition leader and was made up of "three or four members of caucus
and resource people." The opposition leader went on to say that he
wouldn't disclose who they are because they agreed it would be a
discreet committee. Fair enough. If they did that and they provided
that assistance, fine. We know the results of the assistance. But at
that time at least he admitted that he did it.
Yesterday in this House the opposition Whip, the member for North
Island, stood up and said: "No, no, no. There were no opposition
members on the transition team. None of our resource people were there.
We maybe had a transition game plan in place and we mailed it to them
and maybe one particular member of our party might have gone down and
talked to them a bit about it." But he said: "No elected opposition
members down there. No resource people down there." His leader, as I
said, said that three or four members of their caucus were down there,
plus resource people.
Now what I'd like to know is: who indeed did go down there? What is the truth? There seems to be a
[ Page
12261 ]
conflict of opinion within their own caucus. Maybe they could just
clarify it, because if they can't even agree among themselves on what
happened in the past, how on earth could they ever agree among
themselves with what would happen in the future — particularly when we
have something as important as the future of the province of British
Columbia?
Mr. Speaker, I want to make just two other points. Again these are
facts. I want to talk about our revenue dollar, where we get it from.
In British Columbia, 58 cents comes from taxation. In Ontario, in the
'91-92 fiscal year, 78 cents comes from taxation. That may sort of show
the balance for you.
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
Mr. Speaker, I just thought it was important that we bring these
conflicting statements up when I heard the second member for
Vancouver-Point Grey talking about conflicting statements,
inconsistency and hypocrisy. I really wish he'd look into his own tent
before making those accusations over here. Because I think it is very
misleading on their part to be proceeding in that manner. You can't
have it both ways. So please, some consistency in your debate.
Since taking office five years ago this government has done a lot
for British Columbians, a lot for our riding in Langley, Fort Langley,
Aldergrove, Walnut Grove, Murrayville, Brookswood — tremendous
communities. The whole range of provincial government programs has been
generously funded. The result is more and better services benefiting
more British Columbians in every region of the province as well as
Langley.
In particular, there have been tremendous gains in health care,
education and advanced education. I'd like to take a moment and talk
about a few of those as they relate to our own riding in Langley. Just
this year we had the announcement of a new site and the planning money
for Kwantlen College in Langley. That will result in a new $30-35
million facility to provide advanced education to address the needs of
our community.
The talk and action is towards a new university in the Fraser
Valley. It is a much-needed facility that should be carefully planned
and then placed in an area that meets not only the needs of today but
the growth potential of tomorrow. I'm very confident that we shall move
on this in the correct way. It'll be a facility that everybody in the
Fraser Valley will be very proud of.
Mr. Speaker, we have made a lot of gains without going into the red
to pay for them. Fiscal achievements include two balanced budgets and a
reduction of the provincial debt. This year's budget builds on those
achievements. Programs for people are stronger and better funded than
ever before. We are building for the future, making capital investments
and building schools, hospitals and highways in every region of the
province.
We're paying as we go. We have introduced new fiscal controls and taxpayer
protection to ensure that government spending stays in line with the taxpayer's
ability to pay. That's the bottom line — the taxpayer's ability to pay.
We have made it a legal requirement for the government to balance the budget
over a five-year period. The '91-92 budget is year one in that cycle.
Interjection.
MR. PETERSON: We did it for two consecutive years. Never has
an NDP administration been able to accomplish anything like that. This
is a good budget for an uncertain economy. It is compassionate to those
in need and makes investments to build for the future. It is affordable
and responsible.
MR. BARNES: The member for West Vancouver Howe Sound wants me
to talk a little about football. You'd have to be a football player to
be able to withstand the punishment that this budget imposes. We have
exposed the budget quite consistently as having been grossly deceptive
and a misrepresentation of the facts. I'm not as conversant as some of
my colleagues with breaking down the various entries and dealing with
the various ways in which you can create fronts and covers such as the
BS fund — whether you have any money in them or not, to be able to show
them as part of your fiscal resources.
I'm going to try and appeal to the government once again, as I did
during the throne speech debate in my remarks with respect to facing
the serious responsibilities of government when it comes to people
services. We are politicians, and we can have dialogue with each other
and play games as far as one-upmanship and so on is concerned. But the
reality is that someone has to pay for the shortfalls in terms of our
wisdom and judgment in making good sense of what we're doing. The
results are irrefutable, and you can see the results. It doesn't matter
what we say to each other or how we try to pretend that something is
what it isn't, the facts and the results are there for everyone to see.
If we are negligent in terms of properly assessing the needs of social
programs in the community — and they are unlimited — then those results
are going to be seen by the consequences on the lives of people.
I have been spending quite a bit of time lately talking to people
who work with young people. In fact, I've held meetings with youth
workers right across the lower mainland for the last month or so. The
reason I've done this is that although I have a background as a former
social worker who has worked with drug addicts, who has worked in jails
and correctional institutions, who has been a parent for many years —
having raised four children myself — and whose heart is in the right
place, I realize this doesn't mean that I am as informed as I need to
be about the current situation on the streets today.
I could be rather condemning of the government because, let's face
it, it has effectively ignored the point that I'm going to try to make
with respect to services for young people. But they know that. There is
a different view of what the government's role is, and we know that as
well.
[3:15]
The government has been scrambling. As we know, the government is going to be bringing in $12 million
[ Page 12262 ]
or so to deal with child care programs and $4 million for violence
against women, family violence. We don't quite know how they're going
to use that money or whether that money has any relationship whatsoever
to the needs. It's good, though. It does get their name in print to
show that they are doing something. They can now associate themselves
with the rhetoric. But what real effort has this government made to
find out the facts and what is required?
Mr. Speaker, I suspect that what is happening and what has been
happening in this chamber and what this budget is really all about is
politics. Because that's how you play the game — all over the world.
It's nothing unusual. What I'm saying is that it's about time we
stopped and thought about the results of the politics we're playing.
Just to give you an example, last week the first member for
Vancouver–Little Mountain stood in this House and asked the
Solicitor-General if he would approve conducting public forums that
would include parent s, professional people, community workers and the
youths themselves to go around and try and find out what we can do
about the violence that is happening and is being measured out by
youths against themselves. She was motivated by a rather atrocious,
offensive action by a youth against a young girl. This has been going
on and on. There was nothing unusual about her revelation in her
request.
The point is, politicians are very good at making dramatic
statements that give attention to themselves, whereby they can get
recognized in the community as being identified with an issue. But
there has to come a time when we want to find out what we can do about
it. Now those public forums that the former minister, the first member
for Little Mountain, was suggesting we conduct and that the
Solicitor-General suggested the opposition members and any other MLA
have input into.... The point is, that's all been done. It's been done
many times. It's nothing new. And to what end would you conduct these
forums? This is a sad enough situation.
Interjection.
MR. BARNES: There are answers, hon. member. There are
definitely answers, and I'm going to try to get to some of those
answers. First of all, you've got to be sincere.
I can recall when the former Attorney-General, Mr Brian Smith, went down to
a forum at Britannia Community Centre three years ago — 1988 — and he stole
the show. The press were there and all these sincere community workers were
there trying to find solutions to a very serious problem. That was a public
forum in which a politician went in and grabbed the headlines and condemned
all these hoodlums, and said that we're going to get more police, we're
going to start cracking down and we're going to every.... It was all negative.
There was no understanding about what's happening within the lives of these
young people. We don't think people are doing things for no reason. The
tragedy is that we're not unique in British Columbia, and I want to make
that clear.
Although I'm attacking the Social Credit government because I don't
think they're doing their part, I don't think the work is being done
anywhere when it comes to young people. Every day when I wake up in the
morning I know I can pick up the paper and start reading about
something's that's wrong with the young people: they're falling through
the cracks, they're dropping out of school. We've got so many
youngsters dropping out of school today that most of our programs
should be special-needs programs on the streets, because young people
today don't seem to be fitting into the public school system the way
they should. They're not able to relate.
There's too much bombardment on the part of commercialism —
enticement to get rich quick, buying lottery tickets, finding some
quick way to make a buck. There is no quick way to make any money. But
we're not doing the job, and we're not communicating with them. In
fact, we're setting a bad example ourselves.
We've gone from a measly half a million dollars that we used to
generate in lottery money to something like — what is it? — half a
billion today. In total, we generate $500 million in lottery money.
People buying lottery tickets are ten times less likely to win than be
struck by lightning, which chance is probably one in half a million.
But it gets up into the billions when it comes to trying to win some
money in the lottery system that we're running in this province. And
people are out there trying to make a buck.
We're not a very good role model. We're not a very good example of
what should be happening in this place. I have done my homework, I've
got the notes here, but when I look at the work that's been done.... We
were talking about forums. There was one in North Vancouver. It was in
the Speaker's riding; he recalls that. It was at the Capilano Community
Services Centre about a year ago. What was the result of that forum
talking about what the public's perceived needs were? Nobody there was
saying we've got the money in place. No one was saying we've got the
workers in place. No one was saying we've got the sensitive
understanding in place.
One of the tragedies is that when it comes to youth and violence, it
makes a good press. It is awfully easy for the press to report the
violence of some young person. But when you go back and do the profile
on that person's life — where they've come from.... Then you connect it
with the things you're talking about, what you're going to do when the
$4 million is reduced — violence in homes, alienation, neglect.
Not only that, we have a lot of people coming to this country who
have not been properly settled — for instance, the Vietnamese
community. They come from a country where some of them are rural, some
urban; some of them are from the north, some from the south. Actually,
they may not look upon themselves as being either Chinese or
Vietnamese. They don't have an integrated community, and they may
become alienated from society. There are about 18,000 in the greater
Vancouver area.
But who's aware of what is needed to settle these new Canadians?
It's as though we are an ad hockery operation. There is no central
administration or central
[ Page
12263 ]
intelligence. There is no body...although cabinet ministers do get
together to discuss social services and programs. But they have no
specific mandate to do anything.
There isn't anything in this budget about youth other than the fact
that you're going to get more prosecutors, enforcers and investigators
to try and stop the crime, because the crime is where the emphasis is.
But these youngsters don't have any options. I'm not saying that we
should be bleeding hearts and just give them everything; I'm saying
let's have some dialogue. If the first member for Vancouver–Little
Mountain had said, "We are going to encourage meetings where we sit
down with the youth themselves for a change instead of sitting down
with their parents, schoolteachers and the police — all of us
professionals, " I would have been more impressed, because that's what
has to happen. We have got to start talking to the young people
themselves.
I don't think we understand what is happening when young people
rebel the way they do. We do not take time. There was no mention of
anything to do with these kinds of things in this budget, and I'm sure
that when we get down to detailed debate, we'll find that we have
simply neglected that area.
Sure, there will be programs in Social Services and Housing to deal
with certain kinds of community programs, especially with women and
child care. The government is beginning to pick up on some of those
programs. But I would like to see where in your budget you're going to
be dealing with funds for youth leaders, the young men and women who
are right on the streets — the John Turveys of the world. John Turvey
happens to be paid by the city of Vancouver and Downtown Eastside
social planning. He's not paid a dime by the province. As a matter of
fact, I don't know of any youth workers who are paid any money by the
province. The Youth Advisory Council was involved in paying for one
person in Britannia Community Centre — something like $50,000 a year or
so ago — but they haven't put any more money into it since then. We do
not have a strategy to deal with youth, and the minister asks me: "What
should be done?"
If we're seriously committed to young people.... We talk about young
people as our most precious resource, and when I hear that I often
wonder what we are talking about. Our resource? They're not trees;
they're not renewable in the sense that when their lives are destroyed
and their hearts are broken, they can be fixed up that easily. People
have long memories and their pain grows deep. So when they're battered
around and beaten and they become violent and start to act out, who's
listening? Who cares? The first thing we want to do is condemn them and
make them heel.
We don't understand. I'm not suggesting I understand, but I know the
first way to understand is to begin to have dialogue to communicate with these
people. If we start to do that and give them the sense that they matter and
that we can listen, we would begin to get on the right track. Simply by default,
we're just not dealing with it, Mr. Speaker. Like I say, it's a universal
problem; it's worldwide. In some countries that we do business with, it's
even worse.
Here's a headline: "Young and Violent." That headline in itself
speaks; you don't need to read the text. Who ever asked the question:
"Why would these young people be violent?" Are they learning it from
their parents? Are they learning it from society? Can we do anything
about this, or should we just turn our backs? I find it very
disturbing. Here are society's angry young victims in the piece in the
Vancouver Sun .
The law is deaf to the pleas of a hooker's mother. She's probably
trying to save her daughter. There was a lady in North Vancouver who
went out on the streets a year or two ago and desperately tried to save
her daughter. All we can do is feel sorry for her. We can do a lot more
than that. It's not so much the money that we're talking about. We're
talking about respect for people's humanity and having the time of day
for them.
There are many requests being made. I know there's one made by the
First Baptist Church in my riding. They will be making an application
soon to put up a transition house for young people coming onto the
streets. One of their big concerns is that they have to wait so long
before they can get any help. These youngsters come on the street. They
say: "There's one who just got here — brand-new. If we can get him
right away, and we had some way to intercede...." But they don't. There
is nowhere they can go.
If a youngster suffers from a psychotic episode of some sort, forget
it. We don't have the facilities or the strategy in place. We don't
have the department, the ministerial responsibility or the statutory
commitment to do anything. It's like: well, we'll do what we can.
British Columbia spends peanuts compared to every other province.
MR. SERWA: We don't even grow peanuts.
MR. BARNES: Let me say to you that what you provide wouldn't
buy a bag of peanuts in terms of the real needs in the ethnocultural
community.
I say that because it's the ethnic communities that make the news.
We've had gangs ever since there has been a country — people hanging
out. They're not necessarily bad or violent; they're just gangs. As
soon as these visible minorities are seen in a gang or anything
happens, it makes a great threat because people are already fearful and
feeling somewhat threatened by these new arrivals or these different
looking people. We're neglecting these people, our responsibilities and
our duty to the public and to these new Canadians. They're not given a
very good impression about our understanding of what it is like for
them to come to this country and to adjust.
[3:30]
Of all the multicultural agencies in this province, only one — I
think it's Mosaic — gets about $100,000 or so from this government. The
others get nothing; I mean zero. The federal government is the one that
sponsors and pays. Even the federal government doesn't pay enough. I'm
not talking about a big-ticket item that would go in the budget. You
probably could
[ Page 12264 ]
pay for every one of the multicultural societies and service
agencies in this province for maybe $5 million a year. You could take
care of them in a sustaining way, not just an ad hockery, grantsmanship
type of thing where people get the money after they have had to cut the
program off — the money doesn't tie in with their budget. This is a
real problem. It is at the Immigrant Services Society, which is a
typical example. They deal with immigrant women and try to get them
prepared to go into the workforce. They don't have the dollars. Or they
get an approval from the government, but they don't get any money After
they've waited and borrowed from the bank on their line of credit, they
finally run out of credit, and they have to close down the program.
Then six months later the government sends them the money. The
government doesn't understand how important it is for these
organizations to get their money on time.
I'll tell you, had you done this, you could have gotten my vote, at
least on that one item. Had you said, "We're going to put some
commitment to the rhetoric about youth being our most valuable
resource, because we don't like these headlines we're seeing every day,
we don't want to see any more youngsters being battered by each other...."
We don't want to see situations where the learning centre in my riding
is having to close down because the government is reclassifying it.
It's going to put the responsibility on the Vancouver School Board,
which obviously does not have enough money in its block fund to carry
on with the programs they already have. The Attorney-General was
saying: "Well, we can't handle it any more." This is what I mean: it's
too difficult to get a handle on, but the fiscal thinking and fiscal
planning are in relation to social need. They don't compute. And that
has to change.
So I'm saying, Mr. Speaker: let's make a commitment to go to the
source, to get the young people working for themselves and with
themselves and having serious dialogue with government. If you're going
to have a Youth Advisory Council, as we have, then give them some real
work to do. Let them get involved in assessing the realities of what
it's like to be on the streets. Deal with these young people. Let the
young people themselves talk about what should happen.
You'll recall that a few years ago we had a young man, an MLA called Bob
Skelly. We all tried to make jokes about him because of his nervous condition,
which was something that could happen to anybody, but we thought it was cute.
He had some bad luck in the election. Bob Skelly had a private member's
bill, a youth guarantee act. I don't know how much it flew out there but
when you go back and read it, he was saying: "Look, any government that
is not in a position to make a commitment to its youth is self-destructive,
because every young person.... " We're beginning to recognize it as
far as child care programs are concerned, from the cradle right through to the
grave, because we have to deal with senior citizens as well. Living in dignity
begins from the time you are born, and we have to have a strategy that recognizes
that at every phase of development.
Our public school system seems to be only for the survival of the
fittest, not because the educators want it that way but because they
don't have the resources or the commitment. You talk about commitment
in politics — and gamesmanship.... But what's going to happen to your
Year 2000? The government has this glowing report from the Sullivan
commission on how we can improve the effectiveness of our public school
system for young people. What's going to happen to that? It seems like
the government's budget does not include the infrastructure you will
need to work out those plans and programs, to cope with that
transition, because we're talking about a transformation of the public
school system. Your budget shows that you're cutting back instead of
being prepared for that. What happened to that dream?
[Mr. De Jong in the chair.]
Some people have been saying some interesting things, I think. A
couple of MLAs have been saying that the British parliamentary system —
parliament as we know it — is going to have to grow up, because no
matter how much politics we play, we do have to live with our
consciences. We cannot afford to allow our irresponsible acts to impact
on the lives of those people out there relying on us. I think there is
a correlation between our behaviour in here and the results out on the
streets, and it's getting to the point where I find it intolerable,
quite frankly. I don't stomach it very well, because I know we could do
a whole lot better. We are squandering money away, shovelling it out
the back of a truck. This is a $16.5 billion budget, but what is its
effect in terms of real services to people?
It's not just the money. It's a government being proactive and
prepared to be a hands-on government — not standing up in here and
making speeches, but being able to go out and know what you're talking
about because you've been out relating with the people and know what
the issues are. They're inspired because they know the government
cares. When they do demonstrate a need, as has been demonstrated
throughout these various forums that have taken place year after year
right across the province, they know they don't have to go from
ministry to ministry to try to find somebody with some responsibility
in order for them to get some money. That shouldn't happen. That's a
disgrace. It's unconscionable and irresponsible for us to have to do
that.
The answer is cooperation and coexisting with respect, each and
every one. We're concerned about what it would take to become a
Canadian. No matter what it may take, if it doesn't start off with
fundamental humanity and principles that deal with decency, then none
of that other stuff is going to work, because that's the problem.
You don't have to go to a culture like ours with races and religions
from all over the world, people with different viewpoints. You go to a
country where it's pure white or pure black, if you can find such a
place, and you'll find the same forces at play: greed, neglect and
selfishness, where there is this sense of irresponsibility and
disrespect for humanity.
[ Page
12265 ]
There is something fundamental that we're talking about, something
more common even than the multicultural diversity that we have in this
society. There is something very basic that people feel. They talk all
the time about feeling alienated. Recently I've gone to native youth
conferences, one in Salmon Arm, and this is what they talk about: their
humanity. I was at one just recently out here at Totem Park at UBC, and
they talk about the same thing. It doesn't matter where, you go; the
first thing that comes out of people's mouths is: "I feel alienated. I
don't feel like I'm respected. I'm not treated like I belong." So
basic. That's what governments are going to have to do. In the future,
that's what we have to understand. We cannot just carry on dealing with
dollars and writing numbers and having academic discussions between
ourselves. We're going to have to realize that there has to be a
result, a product at the end of our activities.
I've just concentrated on this one point. I know there are other
points with respect to this budget. A lot of them are politics as
usual. I'm sure that other members have talked about the fact that it
looks as though senior citizens are going to have to be pretty well off
in this province, because there have been no escalator clauses in their
funds such as SAFER, seniors' allowances and programs to sustain them
to carry on. Those are maintained in the budget with no great increase.
The point is that unless you've got some money, it's going to be
tightening up. Rents are going up. Costs are going up. You've increased
the deductible on their prescriptions. Things like that are all going
to squeeze people a little more. We could go on and on. My colleagues
have touched on most of these points.
One fundamental thing I can say in closing, which puts the cap on
everything, is that the Provincial Secretary-cum-Minister of Finance
and Economic Development minister, and now Provincial Secretary again,
amended the Election Act a few years ago. I recall myself and the
member for Surrey–Guildford Whalley fighting and trying to get him not
to take away the basic right to register to vote right up to the moment
the polls closed. The reason for that is fundamental. You don't play
around with things like that. We did, of course, and they can no longer
do that. We're probably the only province in Canada that has that. In
the municipalities it's the same thing. But the point is that those are
the kind of games we're playing.
We're the last province to recognize the right of 18-year-olds to
vote. We haven't dealt with that yet. But we know full well that these
young people — the ones I just finished talking about — might take
exception to the government's thinking on what programs should be. You
don't want to give them the right to vote, and you have the power not
to do it. But is it the right thing to do? That's an example of what I
mean.
This budget has been analyzed from just about every point, and I'm obviously
not going to be supporting it. But in saying that, it's with great regret
that I wouldn't have an opportunity to do something quite dramatic by standing
up here and saying: "I cannot deny the fact that the government is finally
recognizing a specific area of responsibility, and it has created something
very...."
Mr. Speaker, this budget speaks for itself. There's no point in me
carrying on. I've been talking about the youth of this province and
their needs and about the way they are behaving as a result of neglect
or indifference on the part of the government. I know there will be
those who will argue with me and say that I don't know what I am
talking about. But I will say: "Don't talk to me; I'm just the
messenger." I've been out listening to young people, the people in the
communities and the schools.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: I'm sorry, hon. member, your time has expired.
MR. SMITH: Mr. Speaker, I want to make reference to an
article in a paper delivered to the business law subsection of the
Canadian bar this past March. I wonder if, for that purpose, I might
have leave to table the document I'm going to be referring to.
Leave granted.
MR. SMITH: It was with a great deal of interest that I
listened to my good friend the member for Vancouver Centre. I was
surprised and somewhat disappointed at the end of his speech when he
indicated that he would not be voting in favour of this budget. What he
had to say certainly was worth listening to because he — I think
perhaps as much as anyone in this chamber — has a very fundamental
understanding of some of the issues we have to deal with, particularly
in relationship to young people, born of the fact that he has spent a
good deal of time on the streets as a social worker assisting young
people.
So I must say that, given that experience and the fact that this
budget fully discloses a $1.2 billion increase in the amount of money
dedicated to health, education and social services in this province —
the overwhelming majority of which will be expended in and around the
city of Vancouver, and much of which in turn will be expended on some
of the programs that the member has advocated for a very long time....
I say again that I was surprised and somewhat disappointed. that he was
not able to support that which he has advocated so often in this
chamber.
Mr. Speaker, in addressing the motion before us, I want to discuss
several matters that I raised or referred to in the throne speech.
Among other things, I want to discuss some government initiatives,
especially performance reviews and evaluation audits within the
Ministry of Finance.
[3:45]
I want to further examine the work of some administrative tribunals,
and I want to talk a bit about competition and concentration in our
society, as well as the business of creating jobs and wealth in the
future — especially as it relates to rural British Columbia.
During the decade of the 1990s the need for capital, the need for
capital formation and the need for access to capital will become the
field of greatest competition between nations around this world. That
competition
[ Page 12266 ]
to attract capital results from changes that are now occurring in
eastern Europe, the great expanding trade blocs emerging in Asia, the
liberalization of trade from and within Latin America and the sea
change now occurring within all sectors of industrialized economies.
That competition for capital will be the root driver of our trade
policies, our taxation policies, our regulatory levels and the amount
of debt government will be able to impose upon its citizens.
British Columbia is historically, geographically and socially in a
favoured position to be a major player in new capital formation as well
as a major beneficiary of the capital formed. We are in that position
because we have a history of ensuring that jobs in the resource sector
of our province, typically found in rural British Columbia, are
supported by capital formation vehicles typically found in urban B.C. I
celebrate that historic relationship and implore this House to ensure
that it continues, because our resource sector is changing rapidly, and
with that rapid change are coming new, expanded capital needs for both
retooling and diversification.
Our geography has positioned us well in relation to Europe, the
western United States and the Pacific Rim, but most importantly we are
favoured geographically by being part of a nation which is a player in
world governing organizations and which is attractive to investors
everywhere.
Socially we have organized ourselves so that free enterprise is the
dominant public economic value. Our education system supports expanding
future-oriented knowledge-based industries, and our regulatory system,
in the main, has not been an impediment to growth, improvement and
innovation.
It is important that we maintain these fundamental advantages. It is
also important that we ensure our own administrative agencies do not
compromise our natural advantages through immaturity, inconsistency or
inadequacy.
During debate earlier in the session I referred to the status of the
presumption of innocence in this province generally, and at that time I
raised particular concern about the role of administrative tribunals.
Today I want to further that discussion by apprising this House of some
of the concerns now commonly being raised about the quality of activity
undertaken by one of those tribunals, namely the Securities Commission,
and its adjunct agency, the office of the superintendent of brokers.
The former chairman of the Financial Services Commission, Leon Getz,
QC, a pre-eminent barrister and UBC law professor, on March 20, 1991,
presented a paper to the business community and to the business law
subsection of the CBA, which I suggest should be studied by all in this
chamber who are interested in this issue. Getzs paper raises issues
that must be addressed and will be addressed, and to which I'll refer
later.
The accumulating evidence points squarely to a need for fundamental change
in both jurisdiction and leadership personnel associated with the commission
and the superintendent's office. Speaking to a Simon Fraser University class
on the topic "Managing Public Companies in 1989," the present superintendent
set out his fundamental administrative philosophy, should he assume a position
of authority. It's a philosophy which I think spoke more to personality
than to process. That was before he was appointed. Subsequent revelations indicated
much about his methodology, and the speed with which he would move away from
the highly respected work that had been done by his predecessors. Later in 1989
the superintendent's lawyer shed further light on this methodology — this
new enforcement philosophy — when in the presence of three other lawyers, the
chief investigator and a businessman, he said: "Someone has to take the
blame in this Laing-Cruickshank affair, because this businessman has a high
profile. My client is the securities commissioner, and the press is all over
this issue." During a more recent hearing before the commission, a supposedly
independent mineral-expert report was submitted by the superintendent's
office. In fact, subsequent review discovered that the superintendent's
investigator had made handwritten notes on the draft report, which somehow found
their way into the final version of this so-called independent expert report.
These incidents are not stand-alone events. Instead, they are crisp,
Morse-code signals to all who can listen. At the very time when British
Columbia needs consistent, enlightened, evenhanded experience acting as
the administrative tribunal supervising capital formation in our
province, we instead have an organization desperately needing overhaul
of its processes, its personnel and the scope of its jurisdiction. Not
the least of this is the mandate in procedural issues involving the
awarding of costs by a tribunal which, through our own Financial
Administration Act, is permitted — if not expected — to be
self-financing. That sounds like the essence of conflict.
Today there is little dialogue by commission and superintendent with
the investment community. The hallmark of regulatory discretion is
uncertainty by those who are regulated. The necessary balance between
enforcement of policy initiatives to enhance the market and business
development has been eroded. Commission hearings are presumed to be
foregone conclusions because of the assumed relationship between the
superintendent and commission officials. Service to the industry —
especially processing of material — has declined in a relatively slow
market, even as the fee structure now is higher than several competitor
jurisdictions in the United States and Canada.
I raise these matters because if we are to succeed in this vital
area of competition during this decade, we must move now to establish
an administrative system that sensibly defines and protects the public
interest while furthering the building of a vital service industry in
this province.
The great competition of the nineties will be for the formation and
attracting of new capital. British Columbia is positioned to be the
number one North American venue for that purpose. A major factor in
determining our success or failure will rest with the kind and quality
of administrative practices developed with and between the commission,
the public and the marketplace. To date, our system and its personnel
are simply
[ Page
12267 ]
not meeting the challenge associated with the historic opportunity
that is before us all. The cult of personality has inflicted itself on
that particular administrative tribunal to such an extent that its
processes disclose the confusion about, if not a merger of, means and
ends.
In the budget documents, there is considerable discussion about
performance reviews, evaluation audits and value-for-money analysis of
programs to be undertaken by the Ministry of Finance. These new
procedures are to be commended and encouraged because they build on our
very fine tradition of public service delivery and sound administrative
practice, which is frequently recognized by independent observers.
Indeed, Professor Cutt of the UVic School of Public Administration,
writing for the IPAC organization in 1988, pointed out that Social
Credit administrations, beginning in 1976, established in this province
the most advanced frameworks for public and financial administration
anywhere in Canada. As we criticize and seek improvement, we should
also recognize we've done well, and I urge all MLAs to begin by reading
the highly important and informative analysis Professor Cutt did in
that document, which is entitled "Budgeting in the Provinces."
I also wish to say that the evaluation process for programs
announced by the minister ensures that audits occur within the
framework of responsible parliamentary government. It does not compete
with the policy work of MLAs, and it includes knowledge of the policy
trades that have to be made when establishing programs. That evaluation
work, in turn, will properly be subject to our auditor-general's own
examination. But I say again that the audit of major public policy
choices that the auditor-general is presuming to develop is not where
MLAs who are seeking a greater role for themselves should be allowing
an official of this chamber to be headed. It appears that the act under
which the auditor-general operates does not authorize this scope of
activity. It is, therefore, by some other route he has taken his
authority. The question of how much is spent on this form of activity
relative to other forms of audit should, at the minimum, be a line item
in the auditor's annual budget proposals. Only then can MLAs properly
answer the question of who audits the auditor.
[4:00]
Mr. Speaker, an important developing public policy issue involves
the matter of competition and concentration. I raise it because in
Canada we are now examining jurisdictional reform under our
constitution. In my view, the need to deal with competition issues
arises on two fronts: on the one hand, it may be that for purposes of
competing in some world commodity markets, we are going to have to
openly examine greater concentration of production assets; on the other
hand, we must resist the concentration we see in the petroleum-refining
sector, for instance.
On the service side, British Columbia must play a role in ensuring that Toronto-based
multinationals like Southam Inc. cannot successfully offend the competition
law, as they are trying to do through monopoly control of community newspapers
in and around Vancouver. The actions of Southam's Pacific Press are not
in the public interest, and I think that we have to have a stronger and faster
response to that kind of behaviour. It seems to me that one way to do that is
for a provincial role to be an important option to be examined during the coming
constitutional talks.
As well, the budget raises and discloses some interesting choices
for public expenditure. In the Kamloops constituency, we are pleased to
see a continued commitment to education, health care, our new
university-college of the Cariboo and the increased moneys for
forestry, agriculture and native affairs. We appreciate the need to
preserve programs for people and to enhance our environment, but we
also recognize the need to build up our province's ability to pay for
these programs and the need to create wealth, jobs and opportunity for
our children. That is why we in Kamloops shudder to think that the
transition team from this province's NDP was the self-admitted crack
team setting the new Ontario government's fiscal track to financial
tragedy
Yesterday I listened to a member chiding the government in this
House by saying that this transition team, after all, is a planning
team — the team that was going to demonstrate that they could plan and
Social Credit could not. If this is evidence of planning, if this is
evidence that what has come out of the Ontario budget is not some
aberration — as these people claim Dave Barrett was — and if this is
evidence of a planned, thought-out response to fiscal management, then
I can well understand why the people of Kamloops, as well as Prince
Rupert, shudder to think that that kind of activity and fiscal
management would and could be visited upon the province of British
Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, they've had transition teams before. I know they had
one before the '83 election and before the '79 election. I don't think
we should get too excited about these transition teams, because
although their work may be characterized as planning, I suspect that at
the end of the day it will be shown to be a little bit more about
daydreaming than it is about planning.
However, he told a Vancouver newspaper when he was bragging about
their prowess that this transition team — which apparently gave advice
to the Ontario government to provide for the kind of budget we're now
seeing saddled on the people — reported directly to him. That's what he
told a Vancouver newspaper, at least. Assuming that they use the
Vancouver newspaper so frequently to be quoted, I presume they believe
what is in the Vancouver newspapers. He said they reported directly to
him and were made up of three or four members of his caucus as well as
some resource people.
I think the public has a right to know who these people are. I'm
sure that as a precursor of the kind of freedom-of-information example
the Leader of the Opposition would want to set, the Leader of the
Opposition will now lift the veil around his so-called discreet
committee and name the people who were on that transition team and
helped the New Democratic government in Ontario write the most
disastrous budget ever presented in Canadian history.
[ Page 12268 ]
As I listen to the NDP discuss this budget, I'm reminded of the
enduring truth that this place always needs more shoes that have
stepped on field muffins than have walked up escalator steps, because
the NDP is never satisfied as to how far they're prepared to put their
hand in your pocket. As I listen, I'm reminded of the NDP newspaper
vendor who for ten years had a Socred silently go by every morning and
drop a quarter into his hand but never take a paper. One morning in the
eleventh year the NDP vendor stopped the man and said: "Do you mind if
I ask you a question?" Startled somewhat, the Socred replied: "I
suppose you're going to ask me why all these years I've given you a
quarter and never taken a paper." "No, " said the NDPer, "my question
to you is: do you know that newspapers now cost 50 cents?"
Listening to the NDP in here for five years has led me to conclude
that their promises are as foolish as they are simplistic. It's the
promise of disaster, it's hope by the hopeless, it's management by
Mandrake. It's the eternal NDP position that somehow British Columbians
can simultaneously have Swedish-level social services as they pay
American-level taxes. Well, if the folks eventually buy that line, then
Barnum finally will have been proved correct.
But they won't buy it. They won't buy it just as in 1933, 1937, 1941
and 1945, the people of Kamloops and Savona and Birch Island and Wire
Cache and Avola, and indeed all British Columbians, said yes to Bob
Carson, and they rejected in those years the option of socialism. And
it's how Syd Smith earned the people's vote in 1949 when they said no
to our friends opposite. The folks painted the slopes of Mount Paul
with the words: "Go, go Gaglardi!" in 1952 and 1953 and 1956 and 1960
and '63 and 1966 and 1969. Yes, in 1972 they responded to Dave Barrett,
the first socialist they'd ever met who had the deceptive appearance of
a good sense of humour. They sent to this House my good friend Gerry
Anderson, but even a hard worker like Gerry Anderson could not stop the
people from pulling their hands out of the hot embers of statism in
1975 and restoring freedom and free enterprise to British Columbia when
they said yes to Rafe Mair and did again in 1979.
On my birthday in 1981, the people said "no thanks" to our friends
opposite and "you betcha" to the first member for Kamloops, whom they
returned in 1983. Even though the NDP had a transition team at the
ready and at work before the 1986 election, Kamloops — like the rest of
British Columbia — rejected NDP socialism. The people will do so again
in 1991, so that they can continue that tradition on into the election
of 1995-1996, and thereafter into the century that is coming.
This is a strong budget, delivered by an outstanding Finance minister who is
part of the best government team in Canada, a Finance minister who has already
cleaned the opposition's clock so often in question period that they feel
like they're now in a Maytag demonstration. I therefore ask all fair-minded
members in this House to vote yes to the motion that's before us.
MR. MILLER: I wanted to correct the record with respect to a couple of points.
First of all, I would make the observation that the second member
for Kamloops obviously has a great deal of time on his hands these
days, now that he's no longer in cabinet, to craft these arcane
speeches that I'm afraid have absolutely no impact on members on your
own side, Mr. Member. But keep up the good work. You have kind of a
nice literary turn of phrase. Who knows, there might be hope for you in
another occupation yet.
I notice the members on the government benches looking on with some
eagerness. Perhaps the vacuum of leadership on your own side compels
you to feast your ears and eyes on the second member for Kamloops in
hopes that there is indeed a Messiah who's going to lead you out of
this political wilderness. But I doubt it. I'd also make the
observation that newspapers cost a lot more than 50 cents. If you want
to buy a daily paper in my riding, it costs you well over a buck.
MR. REYNOLDS: I'm sure, Mr. Speaker, it's not because of the
member's speech, but I've noticed there are hardly any members on his
side. And when I check our side, I don't find a quorum in the House. So
maybe you could ring the bell so that the NDP members could come and
listen to their own person speak.
MR. MILLER: Mr. Speaker, I'm sure they're going to flock back in droves once they know I'm on my feet.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: I'm sorry, hon. member. There is a quorum at present, although the numbers are low, I must admit. Please proceed.
MR. MILLER: As I said, the second member for Kamloops has a
lot of time on his hands these days as he ponders his past sins and
tries to check out the price of newspapers around the province.
I want to talk very briefly about one of the issues he raised.
That's the question of the auditor-general's report. The second member
for Kamloops overlooked one of the fundamental points raised by the
auditor general, which is that not enough information is being given to
politicians to make good policy decisions. There is some question over
the ability of ministries to develop that kind of information for MLAs.
Mr. Speaker, you'll give me my 30 minutes? It's awfully hard to make a speech here.
MR. REYNOLDS: Mr. Speaker, I would ask that the Clerk
carefully count again. I've checked this House, and I don't find a
quorum here. This member certainly should have his own members in this
House to listen to him speak.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: I agree that the number is short at the
present time because some members have left. We will be ringing the
bells and will continue when here are sufficient numbers back in the
House.
[4:15]
We do have sufficient numbers now. We will ask the member for Prince Rupert to please continue.
[ Page
12269 ]
MR. MILLER: I hope time is going to be added.
As I said, the second member for Kamloops, who has a lot of time on
his hands these days, actually has a fairly nice literary turn of
phrase. I thought some of that phraseology was kind of nice. He must be
spending a lot of time reading the newspapers.
When I examine the budget and particularly when I listen to the
claims made by members opposite that they are now going to balance the
budget over the five-year cycle, I have to ask myself why they didn't
do it in the four and a half years they've been in government. The
government is now going to the people promising to balance the budget
over the budget cycle, yet for the past four and a half years they
haven't done that.
During the 1990 budget address, the Minister of Finance of the day,
who's not the same Minister of Finance we have today, said that Socred
fiscal management has allowed us to balance the budget. He said last
year in the budget address that the budget was balanced, when the fact
is that the budget wasn't balanced. There was a $756 million deficit
last year.
HON. MR. VEITCH: Where did you get those numbers?
MR. MILLER: Mr. Speaker, we are now hearing some chomping
from the member for Burnaby-Willingdon, who used to be the Finance
minister. It was probably the shortest time that anybody in this
province has ever been Finance minister; the record is held by the
member for Burnaby-Willingdon. I saw an interview in that hectic time.
I'm not even sure he knew he wasn't the Finance minister any more. He
went on TV and said there would be a balanced budget. Then they
switched to the former Minister of Finance, who said there would be a
huge deficit.
Mr. Speaker, those statements were made within five minutes of each
other, which shows you the kind of confusion that reigns on the Socred
benches. If they're saying that we will now balance the budget over the
business cycle, British Columbians have to ask themselves why they
didn't balance the budget over the last four and a half years in the
budget cycle. Their phrases ring a little hollow.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
In 1988 the Minister of Finance said: "With the budget stabilization fund,
British Columbia will have money in the bank for a rainy day." He described
the budget stabilization fund as money in the bank. The fact is that independent
auditors have exposed the BS fund as simply a device to hide debt. They claimed
in 1988 that there was a billion dollars in the BS fund, that there was a rainy-day
account and that there wouldn't be a deficit. They were wrong. When they
claimed that they had a balanced budget in 1990, they were wrong The deficit
was $756 million. What are they doing now? In front of the people of this province
and this House, they're saying the deficit is only $395 million. When the
Premier, who appoints the Finance minister, went on television last week — she
didn't appoint that member from Burnaby; she appointed someone else; maybe
she made a mistake — she said: "We have to borrow $1.2 billion."
I don't think we should try to hoodwink the public of British
Columbia. I think we have an obligation to play straight with the
public of British Columbia. We have tried in the last week to get the
Minister of Finance and the Premier to get their stories together, and
they can't. The Premier says we have to borrow $1.2 billion; the
Minister of Finance says we have to borrow $395 million.
Interjection.
MR. MILLER: Well, now we have another potential leadership
candidate — who I will bet money will not be a leadership candidate —
adding his voice to the confusion that reigns on the Socred benches.
This government has been the most erratic, unstable and disorganized
government this province has ever seen. British Columbians are looking
on in wonder and in fear; they're looking on in amazement at the
bizarre antics of this government. What other government in Canadian
history has, in rapid succession, announced a tax freeze in January,
brought in legislation in March to implement that tax freeze and
brought in a budget in May which increased taxes? Has any other
government in the history of Canada ever done such a thing? No.
They promised a tax freeze. They said there would be no increase in
taxation. It was a promise made by the former Premier on television.
British Columbians gathered around their television sets to watch the
former Premier say: "There's a tax freeze." I assume members of cabinet
supported that. We debated that tax freeze in March. We debated
legislation in this House, and minister after minister, Socred
backbencher after Socred backbencher, stood in this House and supported
that legislation which froze taxes. That incorrigible gang trots into
this House in May with a budget that breaks its own legislation and
imposes major tax increases. They have misled the public of British
Columbia.
MR. BRUMMET: The people have a right to know how you're going to pay for your promises.
MR. MILLER: The people have a right to a stable government.
They have a right to a government that doesn't make tax-freeze
announcements in January, doesn't bring in legislation in March and
then doesn't bring in a budget in May which completely wipes out all
those promises they made in the past two months. That's what British
Columbians deserve. They deserve a government that's prepared to be
honest with them. And you'll find that if you're honest with the
public, you'll get their support.
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
This government is erratic, it doesn't know where it's going. Worst
of all, throughout all of this I have not detected in any member of the
government side a
[ Page 12270 ]
single shred of remorse or shame for breaking their pledge to the
people of this province. Not a single member has ever expressed even
the slightest bit. They don't have a tinge of remorse for their
deception, for the absolute chicanery that they've practised on the
people of this province.
They have committed an....
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. Hon. member, a modicum of
decorum in language is a mark of parliamentary excellence. Some of your
language is treading on the very borderline of unparliamentary
language. "Chicanery" and a few other terms are not quite acceptable.
If you would just watch your language.
MR. MILLER: Mr. Speaker, little did I know that "chicanery"
was not in the parliamentary lexicon. Based on the advice that you've
given me, if any of the members feel offended by the use of the word
"chicanery," I would be more than happy to withdraw.
MR. BRUMMET: Tell us what it means so we can make a judgment.
MR. MILLER: The former Minister of Education is yelling in my
left ear, he's saying he doesn't know what the word means, but he wants
me to withdraw it anyway. I'll be happy to oblige.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon. member, the Chair is asking for parliamentary debate. That is all.
Interjections.
MR. MILLER: Mr. Speaker, I'm finding it difficult to speak
above the heckling. I'd be quite happy to lower my voice if the Socred
members would stop their braying.
As I said, we've had a history of a very erratic government, which
has essentially broken promises they made to the people of this
province. You can't expect to be taken seriously when you promise a tax
freeze and then break it in the budget you present. When you examine
this, you're forced to draw some conclusions. The obvious one is that
they either didn't know what they were doing — which is quite possible
— or that they weren't being honest when they said there would be a tax
freeze. In either case, when you betray the public trust, the penalty
is defeat at the polls.
[4:30]
I've been appalled — and it was repeated by the second member for Kamloops
who spoke before me — to listen to some of the rationale being expressed by members
on the government side when they said that they felt they were going to get
re-elected. It essentially came down to this one point: it has always been that
way. They recited all the elections they've won and said: "That's
the way it's always been in British Columbia; therefore that's the way
it will always be." It seems to me that when they use that kind of argument
they are portraying probably the most arrogant attitude any politician can ever
have. You've taken the voter for granted. You've said: "You've
always supported me in the past, therefore I know you are going to support me
in the future, and therefore I don't have to be honest with you." There
will be a heck of a price to pay.
Mr. Speaker, I want to deal with two areas in forestry that I think
are absolutely critical to continued economic prosperity in this
province. I should note that the lack of economic vision in this budget
is frightening in relation to the forest industry. I've spoken before
about two British Columbias: the urban lower mainland with its
diversified economy more related to the service sector; and the vast
areas outside the lower mainland, essentially small communities —
though some are fairly large — that rely on forestry for their economic
well-being. Forestry is the cornerstone of the economy of many of those
small communities, and this budget was almost silent in terms of the
needs of those communities. We see that the recession has not impacted
the large urban centres to the degree that it has the small communities.
I see that the former Minister of Education has gone to get a
dictionary. I'm not going to accuse him of chicanery; he's going to
look up the word and find out for himself. I digress, Mr. Speaker.
As I said, the forest industry is vital to the economy of these
small communities. I look at the budget, and it really doesn't offer
them anything. On the second-last page of the budget is a passing
mention of a silviculture program — a rehashed, warmed-up, leftover
promise made along with the promise of a tax freeze in January. Since
that promise has been broken, questions are being asked around this
province about whether they're going to keep their promise on
silviculture. At any rate, it's pretty thin soup: basically a rehash of
promises made before and served pretty lukewarm to those people who are
concerned about their future.
When I questioned the Minister of Forests last week in this House
about that silviculture program, he alarmed me and, I would think,
other British Columbians by standing and saying that they don't have
enough seedlings and that maybe we don't have the land prepared for
planting. This promise has been in existence since January of this
year. The government has been working on negotiations with the federal
government on a second forest resource development agreement for two
years now. The former Minister of Forests talked about billion-dollar
agreements. I know the government prepared a FRDA wish list. They were
prepared — or gave the appearance of being prepared — to spend an
additional $700 million over five years, starting in 1990. And lo and
behold, the Minister of Forests stands in his place last week and says:
"We don't have the seedlings to begin our planting program.
Unfortunately, we're not going to spend as much this year in
silviculture as we told you." People look at that and say: "There's
another broken promise."
The Forest Resources Commission undertook a very important economic
evaluation. It's an area in which I think there's a real vacuum of
policy in this province. It's a pretty complex area. The Forest
Resources Com-
[ Page
12271 ]
mission undertook to establish the value of our standing timber:
what is the value of our forest resource, our asset? They used two
methods of evaluation. They looked at the amount that we collect in
stumpage payments, and they worked backward from there, as though that
would be a return on the asset, and they came to the conclusion that
under that scenario it was worth roughly $1 billion. Then they used a
market valuation approach, where they took a number of factors,
essentially public transactions — sales of forest companies among each
other; the kinds of values that are attached to logs that are traded on
the Vancouver log market — and the stumpage that is frequently bid up
under the small business program. They used those private transactions,
and they engaged a firm called Western Capital to do an evaluation on a
market basis. That firm, using a number of interest-rate scenarios —
13.5 percent, 11.44 percent and 7.15 percent, which is the rate of a
regulated utility — worked up some scenarios and came up with figures
purporting to represent the value of the asset base that ranged from
$4.7 billion to $8.8 billion.
I'm not suggesting that we should take these numbers as absolutes. I
think there needs to be a lot more work done in terms of this question.
But surely what is striking is the difference between the asset
valuation using the stumpage-based method and the asset valuation using
the market-based method.
The Forest Resources Commission report then goes on to say.... They
do draw their own conclusions. Again, I'm not saying that they're
absolutely correct, but they do draw their own conclusion that the
asset base is worth between $8.3 billion and $8.5 billion. One has to
ask: if it's clear that there is a difference between the valuation
based on the two methods of arriving at those numbers, where does that
difference flow? The Forest Resources Commission makes an absolute
statement with respect to that, and it's an important one when we
relate it back to the position those small communities are in and what
is required to improve and stabilize their economic base. I'll quote a
sentence from Page 67 of the Forest Resources Commission report: "The
difference between these two values is presently being captured by
private industry upon the sale of tenures, and not by the Crown." In
short, Mr Speaker, the portion of the value of our standing timber
asset is being captured not by the Crown but by private transactions.
MR. BRUMMET: Shut them down! Run them out!
MR. MILLER: The solution is not the kind of senseless comment
that I've just heard from the former Minister of Education: "Shut them
down!" I'm talking seriously about how I think we can strengthen our
forest economic base.
These are serious topics; this is a serious report that I'm quoting. I
know there has not been a lot of discussion on it. For the edification of government
members who may not have read this report, it was a commission appointed by
your own government. It contained people like Joyce Harder, the mayor of Lillooet
— a community in the Minister of Labour's riding. I'm sure that she
signed her name to this report with the full knowledge that she had gone through
a very extensive and exhaustive process. She would wish this report to be taken
seriously; she would not wish this report to be mocked by some members of the
Socred side. When I see a report that has names attached to it like Jack Munro
of the IWA, the Hon. Robert G. Rogers, former Lieutenant-Governor, and Cyril
Shelford, a former Socred cabinet minister in this assembly, I would think it
should be taken seriously and that it deserves earnest debate, which I am attempting.
As I said, the report makes a statement that stands on its own: some
of the value of our standing timber assets is being captured by private
companies. Now the important thing is that we should pursue this issue
in terms of trying to come to grips with the amount. Is that happening
and to what degree? If it is happening, I would think there is a case,
as is the view of the Forest Resources Commission, that this gap in
valuation should be closed. If we're losing.... If we're transferring
the value of Crown resources to private companies, we have to deal with
that.
What can we do? First of all, I think we have to do some more
economic analyses on this point. I'll use an example of a transaction
that took place where a major forest company, Canfor, purchased a
smaller company, Balfour, which had some sawmills and forest tenures. I
believe they paid $95 million for Balfour's assets. The economic
analysis that I read, by generally eastern-based brokerage houses,
claimed that the $95 million represented a far greater value than the
fixed assets of the company, and in fact it represented the value of
the standing timber.
Why is that important now? If the conclusions of the commission are
accurate.... We are faced with a recent announcement, first of all by
Fletcher Challenge, that they intend to dispose of their solid-wood
processing plants and some [illegible] that Fletcher Challenge is going
to dispose of their Boston Bar mill, Hammond mill, Fraser Mills,
Williams Lake sawmills and two stud and plywood mills in Kelowna and
Armstrong. Over 2,000 employees are affected by this move. We had the
announcement by Westar just the other day that they intend to dispose
of their solid-wood processing plants and their tenures. They're
talking about sawmills in Hazelton, Kitwanga, Vanderhoof, Castlegar and
Malakwa and a whole-log chipper in Hazelton.
These companies are putting these assets up for sale, and they're
going to include Crown timber that has been allocated to them as an
inducement for companies to buy the mills. Now if value is escaping the
Crown and if some of the value of the standing timber is going to be
transferred to private companies, should we not be looking at the
situation in those communities which are faced with a great deal of
uncertainty and a great deal of instability because of the gap between
capacity and timber supply? Should we be not taking some of that
uncaptured value? Not that the Crown should capture it all; perhaps we
should make requirements of private capital or the companies that move
in there to examine the economies of those small communities like
Hazelton and
[ Page 12272 ]
Kitwanga, which currently sees the mill shut down even though there
was a commitment by Westar to operate it. Should we not be taking some
of that capital in conjunction with government and industry together
and using that capital to stabilize those economies? For example,
should we not look at the whole range of devices that can be used to
stabilize economies between government and private industry:
retraining, the whole economic diversification, topping up pension
plans for early retirement for workers who might be old enough to get
out of the industry, intensive silviculture applications in areas that
expect to be hardest hit by the falldown in supply of timber? Should we
not be using that uncaptured value in the interests of all of the
citizens of this province, but particularly the people I try to
represent, the people in those small communities throughout British
Columbia? We could do a range of things to improve their position.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Finally, we could be moving, as Dr. Clark Binkley, the new dean of
forestry at UBC, talks about, from a resource-exploitation base to a
knowledge-based forest industry. Our competitive advantage in forestry
is that we are harvesting old-growth trees. We are harvesting trees
that we essentially did not put any capital investment into. At some
point in time, we will lose that competitive advantage. The only way
that I know to maintain our competitive advantage is to apply research,
development and technology to our own unique British Columbia
circumstance. We are faced with a host of international competitors in
forestry.
MR. SPEAKER: Just before the second member for Central Fraser
Valley begins his speech, the Chair would advise the member that I will
be bringing a ruling down at about 20 minutes to six, to give members
who wish to attend advance warning.
[4:45]
MR. DE JONG: It is indeed a pleasure for me today to speak on
this budget. It's probably the highlight — not my speech, but the
budget — of the legislative session. It was preceded by a throne speech
which, in general terms, laid out the recognition of the needs and
aspirations of British Columbians and also the improvements and
continuation of the existing and some new programs. We now have a more
closely, defined blueprint of that throne speech in our budget
submission.
I really appreciate many things in this budget. It's a good budget. It
respects the needs of British Columbians in terms of health and social needs.
It reflects the current economic conditions. It follows the guiding principles
that have been held by the Social Credit Party for many years to allow the vision
of British Columbians to succeed and enhance economic standards and quality
of life for all British Columbians. It's a blueprint that hasn't just
got dotted lines on it; it's got very solid lines on it. It's not a
visit by Santa Claus, as the opposition would propose to do and as they have
done in Ontario. This budget recognizes the needs and the limits of resources
available and what the taxpayers can afford, providing economic conditions remain
stable.
The opposition's real policy, however, in contrast to ours, is to
buy now and pay later; load the burden onto the next generation and
renege on current responsibilities. I believe that in Ontario they've
shown a pretty clear picture of that in their budget.
The member for Prince Rupert just mentioned a while ago that our
government had not kept its commitment in terms of the Taxpayer
Protection Act. If I recall correctly — and I'm not all that good in
remembering exact numbers — when the Premier of Ontario took office, he
promised that there would be a deficit, but that it would not exceed
$2.5 billion. What did he come up with? Almost $10 billion. Is that
responsive to the taxpayers? I do not believe so, Mr. Speaker. I
believe that, even though I would have loved to have seen no tax
increases, we would have stayed with the Taxpayer Protection Act to its
fullest extent. However, recognizing today's situation, I can also
understand that we should not go into a larger deficit than what we
have undertaken this year, and that would be in the neighbourhood of
$400 million.
When I had breakfast with a group of citizens in Yarrow on Saturday
morning, we discussed the budget a great deal. The people who were
there — and I believe they are the people I generally represent in
Central Fraser Valley — believe in helping the people in need. They
support a good health care program. They would, however, love to see a
user fee to avoid abuse. They also expect elected people to govern on
the basis of resources available to them, and that means bas