British Columbia Hansard — MONDAY, APRIL 11, 1988
34p 02s 880411p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1988 Legislative Session: 2nd Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
MONDAY, APRIL 11, 1988
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
3755 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Presenting Petitions –– 3755
Oral Questions
B.C. Enterprise Corporation assets. Mr. Williams –– 3756
Mr. Harcourt
Budget Debate
Mr. Gabelmann, –– 3758
Hon. Mr. Brummet –– 3760
Mr. Barnes –– 3763
Hon. Mr. Dueck –– 3766
Ms. Smallwood –– 3769
Hon. Mr. Strachan –– 3770
Ms. Edwards –– 3772
Hon. Mr. Reid –– 3774
Hon. Mr. Couvelier –– 3775
Committee of Supply: Ministry of Social Services and Housing estimates (Hon.
Mr. Richmond)
On vote 61: minister's office –– 3778
The House met at 2:05 p.m.
Prayers.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to welcome to the House two
very distinguished Canadians from the province of Quebec: the Hon.
Robert Bourassa, Premier of Quebec, accompanied by his Minister for
Canadian Intergovernmental Affairs, Hon. Gil Remillard.
When
I visited Quebec City in February, it was clear from my discussions
with the Premier and members of his cabinet that there were many issues
and opportunities where the interests of B.C. and Quebec were
complementary. I am therefore most pleased that Premier Bourassa and
Mr. Remillard are able to be in Victoria today so that we can continue
to discuss items of common interest. We've certainly had great
agreement on Meech Lake at our many meetings, and we're hoping to
conclude this very quickly in this Legislature. We've had much
agreement on free trade and the benefits as they affect all regions of
Canada. We see opportunities of industries here working with industries
in the province of Quebec so that both economies can benefit
considerably.
I'm very pleased that we've had such a great
rapport with the province of Quebec. This is not only for myself; I
know I speak for all ministers when I say it's always a great pleasure
to work with members of the Quebec government. This cooperative
relationship that we enjoy between our two governments and our two
provinces will, I know, continue, and the people of Quebec and B.C.
will mutually benefit. So it gives me great pleasure to ask all members
of this House to extend a very warm welcome to Premier Bourassa and his
minister Mr. Remillard.
MR. HARCOURT : Mr. Speaker, I
too would like to pass on our very warm and friendly greetings to
Premier Bourassa and Mr. Minister, and to let you know that, although
we do have occasional political differences with the government, we are
very proud of the role we hope to play in this Legislature in
completing some of the unfinished nation building that was not
accomplished in 1981, which is to bring Quebec into our constitution
and into Canada fully. That debate will take place shortly. We will
play our role in seeing that occur.
In our brief
discussion, I let you know that there are some matters still to be done
in this province and in this country in terms of our northern friends
and their destiny over the next few decades — the first citizens who feel left out of the constitution.
is in a bipartisan way that we welcome you to British Columbia, and I
look forward to visiting with you in Quebec in the near future. Thank
you for coming.
HON. MR. DAVIS : In the gallery this
afternoon we have several prominent North Shore and Vancouver citizens:
Mr. Don MacKay of Albright and Wilson Americas; Mr. Robert Hamilton,
business consultant; Mr. Bob Wiens, Facs Records Centre; Mr. Peter
Armstrong, Gray Line of Vancouver; Mr. Charlie Anderson, Canadian
Overseas Log and Lumber Ltd. Would the House please welcome these
people.
HON. MR. DUECK : It is with pleasure that I introduce a constituent from
the Central Fraser Valley. It is Pastor Alf Lennox. He is the director of public
affairs and religious liberty of the British Columbia Conference of Seventh-Day
Adventists. Would the House please make him welcome.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
I'm very pleased today to ask the House to join me in welcoming a
Vancouver-Little Mountain constituent, Mr. Marc Roy, who is with la
Federation des Franco-Colombiens. Also I would like the House to
welcome Mr. Yves Merzisen, president of la Federation des
Franco-Colombiens,
MR. REE : This morning I had the
pleasure of meeting two very friendly people, and I'm assured they're
all friendly from the Lone Star State of the United States. They're
visiting Victoria and our great British Columbia today, and I'd ask the
House to welcome Mr. E. Buck Lyon III and his lovely wife Laura Lee
from the J.R. city of Dallas.
MR. DIRKS : In your
gallery this afternoon, Mr. Speaker, visiting us from the great
constituency of Nelson-Creston, is a good friend and a longtime
supporter of this party, MR. Wally Penner. He is the chairman of the
Kootenay Lake District Hospital board and regional district director
for electoral area E in the Regional District of Central Kootenay.
Would this House please make him welcome.
MR. SERWA :
In the west gallery today we have a group of 28 students representing
eight schools in Okanagan South, eight of the best schools in the
province of British Columbia: Springvalley Secondary, Rutland
Secondary, Kelowna Secondary, George Elliot Secondary, KLO Secondary,
Mount Boucherie. George Pringle, and Okanagan Mission Secondary School.
The tour of this group is sponsored by Crown Forests, a subsidiary of
Fletcher Challenge, and they are accompanied, by Mr. Rudi Metzger,
representing Crown Forests, and also by teachers Mrs. Reid from
Springvalley and Mr. J. McIntyre from Rutland. On behalf of my
colleague the second member for Okanagan South (Mr. Chalmers) and
myself, please make this group welcome.
HON. MR. REID :
I'd like the House to make a special welcome today to two people in the
members' gallery. Mr. Charles Giordano, who represents the fine
constituency of Delta, is one of the hardest-working Social Credit
members in the province of British Columbia. Take note: he doesn't wear
a red button. I'd like the House to make especially welcome Mr. Charles
Giordano and also Mr. Bill Kay, who happens to be accompanying him
today.
[2:15]
Presenting Petitions
MR. LOENEN : Mr. Speaker, I'd like to present a petition.
"To the hon. the Legislative Assembly of the province of British
Columbia in the Legislature assembled. The petition of the undersigned
residents of the province of British Columbia states that on January
28, 1988, Henry Morgentaler and his supporters succeeded in removing
all legal protection for the lives of Canada's pre-born children.
Having achieved abortion on demand, they now want taxpayers to pay for
every abortion, even though the federal law does not require" — this.
"We, the undersigned residents of British Columbia, believe it is morally indefensible for you, for the
[ Page 3756 ]
government of British Columbia and for any government to force
us, through taxation, to participate in abortions on demand. We therefore commend
you, the Premier, and the British Columbia government for ending provincial
funding of abortions. We urge you most strongly to resist the pressure to reinstate
any such funding in any form whatsoever.
"Your petitioners respectfully request that the hon. House do not use
our tax money to pay for procedures used to search out handicapped
pre-born children in order to abort them. We further request that no
more tax dollars be given to agencies which promote abortion."
This has some 18,204 signatures.
Oral Questions
B.C. ENTERPRISE CORPORATION ASSETS
MR. WILLIAMS :
To the minister who is Minister of Economic Development today, the
following: she writes to the Vancouver Sun in today's press indicating
that the Enterprise Corporation assets may indeed exceed book value.
Could the minister advise what the Coquitlam lands are on the books of
the Enterprise Corporation?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
Mr. Speaker, the member is referring to an
article of which I have no
knowledge. I will take his question as notice — that's all I can
do; I can't understand his questioning at all.
MR. WILLIAMS : It's in today's Sun in Vancouver —"B.C. Enterprise Assets May Differ From Book Value" — and
it is signed by Grace McCarthy, Minister of Economic Development,
Victoria. If some nut is sending letters and signing your name, we
should find out about it, Madam Minister.
Could the
minister confirm that, indeed, the 1,600 acres at Westwood are on the
books of the Enterprise Corporation for one dollar — transferred from the Crown to the corporation for one dollar?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : Mr. Speaker, no.
MR. WILLIAMS : She could not confirm. Could the minister advise the House what the number is?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : I'd be pleased to take the question as notice.
MR. WILLIAMS :
Could the minister confirm that there are 2,715 single family lots,
1,215 small lots, 700 townhouse sites and 400 apartment unit sites all
on these lands? Probably not.
Could the minister advise the
House what the equally valuable Riverview lands are on the books of the
Enterprise Corporation for?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : I'd be glad to take the question as notice.
MR. WILLIAMS :
The minister says in the letter that there may be a difference. There
is a giant difference — as big as the overrun on the Coquihalla
and probably more. The minister knows those facts.
the case of the Pleasantside Developments sale from the Westwood lands,
the Fuchsia Place parcel sold November 28, 1986, for $474,000 from the
Enterprise Corporation and flipped one month later for $1,326,000 after
being sold by the Enterprise Corporation. Could the minister advise the
House if the province of British Columbia, which owned these assets,
was well served by the 300 percent flip in one month?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
I'd be pleased the get the information for the House; in fact, I'll be
looking forward to getting it. When the member is suggesting the
turning over of lands at an enormous profit — of which he would perhaps like to leave the impression with this House —
it would very much depend on what investment the buyer would have in
the servicing of those lands. I will take the question as notice, and
I'll be glad to get back.
MR. WILLIAMS : A million
dollars amounts to a fair profit even minus the servicing costs, which
were not very high. But the minister can certainly carry out those
studies, and I have some that might be helpful to her.
view of the fact that you can make a million dollars in a month by
selling acreage, then subdividing them quickly and then selling
lots — buying at $18,000 a lot and selling at $51,000 a lot —
would the minister not agree that it would be more prudent to sell lots
rather than acreage?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
1 usually take my assessment on those things from professionals, and
the board takes that advice from professionals, so I would not want to
give a quick answer to that. The member seems to have in his mind that
he would prefer to sell it that way, but we'll come back with all the
facts on the particular acreage and the particular lots he's talking
about. I'll be pleased to share them with this House.
MR. WILLIAMS :
The minister states in today's letter that the process - i.e., the sale
of public lands - requires healthy competition in order to generate
reasonable value for the assets. That has not occurred with the
Westwood lands to date. Did the minister approve the process with
respect to the disposal of the Westwood lands - to date?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
The member seems to want to leave some sort of an inference in this
question period regarding the sale of the Westwood lands and the
Coquitlam properties. I have undertaken to bring everything back to him
and the House, and I would be very pleased to do so. If at any time
he'd put any other questions on the order paper, or if he wishes to
give me more now, I would be very pleased to find the answers for him
and bring them back.
MR. WILLIAMS : Could the
minister advise the House whether there was any interference...? She
suggested there were many matters where the Premier interfered with
respect to the activities of the Enterprise Corporation. Could the
minister advise the House if there was interference with respect to the
previous disposal of Westwood or Riverview lands?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
Most of those transactions were done by the staff of the Enterprise
Centre, and that's why my answers today are not as up to date as they
could be. I'd dearly love to answer this member today on the floor of
the House as he asks these questions, but I will bring back the answers
to all of them. However, the answer to your question is no.
MR. WILLIAMS : Maybe it would be more interesting if the minister elaborated on all of the interference to date and
[ Page
3757 ]
the specifics of it, other than what we're aware of with respect to Mr.
Toigo and Mr. Poole — which is interesting enough and which we will pursue further.
today's paper the minister again says that in-house and outside
advisers looked at the value of the various Enterprise Corporation
assets — Whistler, Roberts Bank and the other lands. Will the minister make these estimates public?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : Any that the public should know will be made public.
MR. WILLIAMS : Isn't it reasonable to make the estimates public, so they become the base for bidding above a base value?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY :
Well, that would really depend on whether or not you're trying to get
the best return .for the taxpayer on the dollar investment of that
taxpayer. If you have the kind of suggestion that this member makes,
then you would indeed have a base line, and it would be the lower base
to the taxpayer of British Columbia.
MR. WILLIAMS :
Further, it's pretty clear that Mr. Toigo had a clever end-run around
the limited bidding process with respect to the Expo lands. He
envisioned $500 million for everything — and we know the Expo
lands were $300 million; Westwood, $160 million; Whistler, $40 million.
It meant he got Songhees for free and Roberts Bank for free, etc. Is it
that immense end-run, with the incredible gains for Mr. Toigo, that
caused the minister to finally go public over what was really happening
between her and the Premier?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : I
know the member would just be delighted if he could put a wedge between
the Premier and me. But I can tell you, Mr. Speaker, that the
transaction regarding the sale of B.C. Place lands, and all of the
transactions regarding B.C. Enterprise Corporation, have been under my
responsibility, given to me by the Premier; and I'm extremely pleased
to tell you that those transactions have been totally honourable and
totally well carried out by the board of directors and me and the B.C.
Enterprise Corporation. I'm very pleased with the way they're doing
their work, and I will continue to support them in their work.
MR. WILLIAMS :
I'm pleased. The minister, then, is entirely happy with the December
meetings between the Premier's assistant and the people at the
Enterprise board. When was she aware of the meeting between Mr. Poole,
Mr. Toigo and the Enterprise board staff, the CEO?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : Mr. Speaker, that's a matter of record. I was aware of that meeting after it took place.
MR. WILLIAMS : Was it December 5, January, February, or maybe April 1? Could the minister advise the House?
HON. MRS. McCARTHY : I'll be pleased to bring the date back for the hon. member.
MR. HARCOURT :
Mr. Speaker, I agree with the Minister of Economic Development: there
is not a wedge or a Mack truck between her and the Premier; there is an
iceberg — it's huge.
In that vein, I would like to ask the Premier a couple of questions: will the
Premier now agree to freeze the sale of all BCEC lands before your government's
mismanagement and your giveaway schemes surrender billions in potential public
revenue?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
The Leader of the Opposition not so long ago occupied another position
in another place. I can recall when Expo was first proposed; I can
recall when B.C. Place stadium was first proposed; I can recall when
SkyTrain was first proposed; and each and every time that same leader.
in another position in another place, wanted a further study. He was
opposed; he was against; it was going to be a failure. He knew better
than all of those people — municipally, provincially — who were involved.
But
fortunately for British Columbia his message went unheard. Obviously no
one heeded his advice, to our advantage, because today we've had
Expo — an enormous success. We have B.C. Place stadium — a
great facility. We have SkyTrain serving the lower mainland. None of
these things would have been if that member had had his way. And if he
were to get his way again, nothing would happen in the great city of
Vancouver; nothing would happen in this province. We would stagnate. We
would have studies, a field day for the consultants, no doubt, but the
province would go nowhere. We're enjoying prosperity; we're enjoying
progress; and we're going to continue to enjoy prosperity and progress
under this government.
MR. HARCOURT :
I'm sure
Premier Bourassa will remember a mayor in Montreal who had a $1.2
billion deficit. We avoided that. I heard these arguments in 1984 from
the same member — who lost two to one, for the information of the
Premier — and the people of Vancouver paid as much attention to
those arguments as they do today.
The
Premier has his Minister of Economic Development now admitting that
these public lands have a far higher value than your government has
said. You've heard evidence today which suggests that the value of
these public lands is in the billions — nowhere near the offer of
Mr. Toigo, who I'm sure you're familiar with. In the interests of
getting the best deal for British Columbians and assuring everyone that
they have a fair deal, will the Premier now agree to an independent
public assessment of the full value of the BCEC lands throughout
British Columbia?
[2:30]
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
Not so long ago the same questioner, in another position and in another
place, was asking for the same sort of thing to take place. We
certainly know, and frankly, I would expect there are hundreds of
people in the business who are well aware of, the value of land in
Vancouver, Coquitlam and Victoria. We don't need to have further
studies. We don't have to bring in expensive consultants, as
recommended by the NDP. I don't expect the Leader of the Opposition to
really have any accounting knowledge, but I can assure him that we have
within the B.C. Enterprise Corporation a wealth of information to
provide all of that background, and we're making great progress.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
Adjourned debate on the motion that Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair
for the House to go into Committee of Supply. The hon. second member
for Central Fraser Valley (Mr. De Jong) adjourned debate, but he has
taken his place, and the debate will continue with the member for North
Island.
[ Page 3758 ]
BUDGET DEBATE
(continued)
MR. GABELMANN :
I often find myself having to speak at a time that is incredibly
anti-climactic, and after a performance such as that in question
period, it's difficult to come down to the tone and level of debate
expected in the budget debate. However, I'm sure that as members find
their way back to their offices and wherever, this place will quiet
down and I'll be able to get on with my comments.
I want to
talk today about one issue that is of concern to residents all over
Vancouver Island and in particular to residents who live in its
northern parts. That issue is the question of the Island Highway. We
all noted with some degree of surprise and, in fact, some degree of
shock that only $6 million has been allocated in this current fiscal
year's budget for the Island Highway.
I want to talk about
the Island Highway in some detail. I made a decision a few days ago to
spend my entire budget speech on the question of the Island Highway
when a dear friend of mine was very badly injured on the Island
Highway — not far from our home, actually — in yet another of
the tragic accidents that occur on that highway all too frequently. My
friend is in her third week in hospital, and for some days we didn't
think she would make it; but she now appears to be pulling through, and
I trust she will continue to do so. With her serious accident adding to
hundreds and hundreds of other serious accidents on that highway every
year — and literally dozens of deaths — I felt it important
to go through the history and the nature of this particular road in
some detail, to get it all on, the record in one speech.
just want to look at the kind of road we're talking about, and in
particular the kind of road we're talking about from Parksville to just
north of Campbell River. We have as a major highway in this province
what is in practice a local street; the highway from Parksville to
Campbell River is in fact a local street. People live along the
highway. In a great many of its miles there are accesses to the road
every 100 or 150 feet, driveways into individual residences. There are
frequent — and by that I mean every 100 or 200 feet —
unmarked left turns being made on a major highway. We have a number of
small towns and beach resorts through which this highway travels. We
have what is in effect a waterfront tourist route full of strip
development.
It is a 1948 highway, promised first in 1944
by the Premier of the day and designed and built in and around 1948. As
engineers in general will say, the road is full of vertical and
horizontal curves, making it excessively dangerous. It is a road that
is used frequently by big trucks hauling dangerous cargo to pulp mills
and for other industrial activity at the northern end of Vancouver
Island. It's a major truck route now serving the expansion of the Gold
River pulp mill and the continuing expansions over the years of the
Campbell River Elk Falls pulp mill and, of course, the mines both in
Port Hardy and at Westmin.
The road contains a mixture of both leisurely sightseeing — these trucks I refer to —
and too many people trying to catch a ferry with not enough time
allocated to catching that ferry. It is a dangerous mix. It's a mixture
of local and long-distance traffic, and at the same time it's, in
effect, a local street. While all this is happening with that
particular route, we have the population — particularly in the Regional District of Comox-Strathcona —
increasing at a rate above that elsewhere in this province and on this
island. As a result, there is an increased use of this particular road.
want to quote briefly from Hansard in 1980, from the Minister of
Highways of that time, the present first member for Cariboo (Mr. A.
Fraser). He was talking about some improvements to the existing road,
and he said: "That's only a stopgap measure and we're looking at a new
Courtenay Campbell River road. It can't come fast enough as far as I'm
concerned. " He says further on: "...it's a fact of life that the
traffic density on the road from Courtenay to Campbell River is
equivalent to the traffic density on the Trans-Canada Highway at
Kamloops. I think everybody that lives in Campbell River works in
Courtenay and everybody that lives in Courtenay works in Campbell
River, because boy, it's a busy piece of road — that's apart from the tourists." That was in 1980 — eight years ago.
1981 the ministry received a report that it had commissioned from
Graeme and Murray Consultants of Victoria, which recommended the routes
for the inland highway. Highway 19, it said, was handling 8,500
vehicles a day in 1979. It is expected to be handling 21,000 vehicles a
day by the year 2001, which is 12 or 13 years from now — from 8,500 to 21,000.
look at the actual traffic counts, and we find some interesting
information. I am going to compare the summer of 1987, because these
are the most recent accurate statistics available, and I'm going to
compare apples with apples.
If you are traveling to the
interior of British Columbia, excluding the Duffy Lake route, you can
go via the Fraser Canyon, the Coquihalla or the Hope-Princeton. You
have on that route a minimum of eight lanes — two in the Fraser
Canyon, four on the Coquihalla and at least two on the Hope Princeton,
on much of which you now have four lanes and on some three lanes. But
let's refer to it only as eight lanes, even though it is practically
nine or ten for most of its duration.
In the summer of 1987
there were 16,779 vehicles per day on those eight lanes –– 2, 000
vehicles a lane. At the same time on Vancouver Island, south of
Parksville where the Island Highway has four lanes, we had 17,847
vehicles per day –– 4,000-plus vehicles per lane. That's over twice the
capacity of the routes into the interior and more in total numbers than
either the Canyon or the Hope-Princeton would have covered if the
Coquihalla didn't exist.
So while we had the Canyon and the
Hope-Princeton, we had fewer cars on those two roads than we have on
the Island Highway south of Parksville, yet we somehow felt a need to
build the four lanes through the Coquihalla. If you look at the
two-lane road — and you could pick out a million different
statistics; I've just chosen a couple . . If you look at traffic in and
around Courtenay or Campbell River, the numbers are from 13,000 to
20,000 vehicles per day all year long, on a two-lane road. That is ten
times the number carried by the routes into the interior.
you look at the rural area, for example, between Courtenay and Campbell
River — say the Oyster River bridge or Merville in that
area — you are looking at approximately 9,000 vehicles per day in
the summer of 1987 — more
than half the number carried by eight to ten lanes going into the
interior. We do it on two lanes. I think those numbers are important.
They may have gone over the heads of people doing it quickly like this,
but I'm basically saying that the numbers on the Island Highway are far
greater than the numbers going into the interior.
referred to my friend's accident at the beginning of these comments,
and I want to refer briefly to a March 1981 newspaper story in the Campbell River Upper Islander . The
[ Page 3759 ]
headline
is: "Island Highway: the Path of Death." They talked about the 20
deaths on that particular road between Courtenay and south of Campbell
River in a four-year period — that short distance of 25 miles or less.
looked at the RCMP accident reports for the area in the North Island
constituency in the first 22 kilometres of highway from the Oyster
River Bridge into Campbell River. The accidents have been going up
every year. In that 22 kilometres we used to have only around 160 to
180 accidents per year. We are now into the mid-200s. In 1987 there
were 247 accidents in that 22 kilometre stretch of street that has to
also occupy a place as a provincial highway.
When you look
at the Highways ministry statistics for the area I referred to earlier
in terms of the 20 deaths between Courtenay and south of Campbell
River, there has been a 50 percent increase in the number of victims of
traffic accidents in that area from 1984 to 1987. We have a serious
problem, to .put it mildly, in terms of the dangerous conditions of
that particular road.
Let's look at some of the economic
questions involved in why it's so imperative that the budget not have
$6 million, but rather some significantly higher figure in it to build
this road at this time. When you look at the economics of the question,
Vancouver Island's industrial activity is being held back because there
is not a secure, safe and efficient transportation system.
The
economic development commission of the regional districts of both
Comox-Strathcona and Mount Waddington, which covers all of North Island
and most — if not all — of the riding of Comox, wrote to the
then-Premier in July 1979. In that letter the economic development
commission said, among other things: "The commission feels that the
delay in construction of the second crossing of the Courtenay
River" — which is now being completed — "and the construction
of the inland highway bypass is a major deterrent to the function of
the commission and the development of employment in the area." So here
was the commission saying to the then-Premier that it found it
difficult to function and to perform its duties as an economic
development commission because of the lack of a proper highway.
[2:45]
One
business person in the North Island wrote a letter to the then-member
of the Legislature for Comox in 1986, Karen Sanford. This letter comes
from the president of the Mt. Washington Ski Resort, a major employer
in the Comox Valley with spinoffs into Campbell River as well. The
president, Alex Linton, wrote a letter in which he said:
"This letter is in full support of the request by the Association
of Vancouver Island Municipalities for an immediate start of actual construction
of a first-class new Island Highway from Parksville to Campbell River.
"We operate by far the largest ski resort on Vancouver
Island and employ more people in winter than any other business in
Courtenay. Most of our customers, many from Victoria and district, are
becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the time and frustration
involved in the trip up-Island. Some are coming less often, and others
are going instead to Mt. Baker in the U.S.A., which should be
unacceptable to our tourist industry principles."
It now takes longer to travel from Victoria to Courtenay than it did 20 years
ago. "It's time to modernize for the future of Vancouver
Island."
The
Association of Vancouver Island Municipalities commissioned an economic
development strategy discussion paper a few years ago. It was produced
in 1986, just in time for the provincial election campaign. The
steering committee included two people who are now members of this
Legislature, the member for Cowichan-Malahat (Mr. Bruce) and the
Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Couvelier). It also included quite a
number of people who were Social Credit candidates in the last election
campaign.
Among other things this report. recommended by the Minister of Finance and the member for Cowichan-Malahat, said these things:
"The
present Island Highway is generally acknowledged to be inadequate along
many sections for its present traffic load and will almost certainly
become increasingly congested in the future. Public investment in
improvements to this important transportation artery may be expected to
produce major direct and spinoff benefits to the regional economy.
"The province has spent much less in recent years for highway construction on Vancouver Island than in other regions of B.C.
"...actual
per capita expenditures in the seven years between 1977-78 and 1983-84
for road construction on the B.C. mainland averaged nearly twice what
was spent on the Island. Planned 1984 road construction projects on the
Island amounted to a per capita expenditure of only $14 compared to
$87.40 for the rest of the province, exclusive of...the Coquihalla
Highway."
You can imagine what the demarcation would be if
you had included in the Coquihalla Highway in 1984 as well. They
conclude in their
section on transportation:
"This one investment" — the Island Highway —
"has the potential to enhance economic activity in virtually every
sector of the economy. In addition, it will demonstrate the kind of
long-term commitment to the future economic viability of the Island
region which will spur new investment and create new jobs. In short, it
is our turn for provincial investment."
I'm trying to speed
this along because of the need to get a number of speakers into the
agenda this afternoon, but I want very quickly to go through some
highlights of the political history of the Island Highway. While it's
not particularly germane to today's problem, I thought I would read a
clipping from the Colonist
dated March 8, 1906, datelined March 7, Nanaimo. "As a result of
general dissatisfaction throughout Comox district as to the manner in
which public money has been spent on roads, a representative meeting of
the settlers of Comox and Courtenay districts was held Monday to
endeavour..." — to get something going about the road conditions on
Vancouver Island in March 1906.
In 1935 we have continued
concern expressed. This is again in the Colonist , June 18, 1935: "Scant
attention is given to the peculiar needs of Vancouver Island in the
matter of highways..." is the lead in this particular story. It
concludes: "It's time that Vancouver Island had a new deal.
This is in 1935. We're way behind.
Another
story in 1935 is talking about Vancouver Island roads. I was amused by
this, and I think members of the House should have the opportunity to
hear this: "If progress in remodeling the highway system of Vancouver
Island is not carried on faster than the program of this year, it will
take as
[ Page 3760 ]
long
to put the existing roads in good shape as it did for the children of
Israel to make the journey from Egypt to the Promised Land — 40 years."
That puts us to 1975. We've been 53 years trying to get these
improvements on this Island. The children of Israel could do it in 40.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
final clipping which I would love the Minister of Advanced Education
(Hon. S. Hagen) to hear if he's in his office listening to the blower.
This is May 17, 1946, from one of the Victoria papers, and I'm not sure
which one. "MLA...to Resign. H.J. Welch, Coalition MLA for Comox,
intimated at a public meeting here last night that he would resign
unless the provincial government builds...." That's a road in the
Comox area, not the Island Highway bypass, of course. Just a flavour of
a few clippings out of many to indicate that this is an issue that's
been going on for a long time.
I won't read at length, but
in 1980 the then mayor of Courtenay, R.G. McPhee, talked to the
government about the need for the inland route from Parksville to
Campbell River. In part of the presentation he said: "This portion of
the Vancouver Island Highway has more fatalities than any other equal
in length of main highways in British Columbia." I would argue that the
statistics indicate that those highway deaths are increasing at this
point.
I have volumes and volumes of Hansard clippings
which I will not refer to, but ever since Hansard was started in this
Legislature, there have been references virtually every year to the
need for the Island Highway to be constructed, going right back to
1973. At that time, members should know, the Minister of Highways
promised to begin the program of four-laning the Vancouver Island
Highway from Victoria to Campbell River and upgrading from Campbell
River to Port Hardy. That work began in the early seventies, and the
northern part was finished in 1979. Since then, of course, nothing has
happened.
I was going to quote the Minster of Highways in
1982. He said very clearly then that they were very close to making a
decision on the northern
section of the road from Parksville to
Campbell River, but that was 1982, and six years later nothing has
happened.
Political commitments have been made by all kinds
of us on both sides of the House to do something about this. It was a
major feature of the NDP election campaign in 1986. We promised to
four-lane that particular section. I won't read all of this; there are
volumes and volumes of clippings which indicate promises from various
people. I know that every candidate on this Island talked about it and
made promises in the last campaign, and what have we got? Nothing. We
haven't even had a word — searching through Hansard — from the member
for Cowichan-Malahat (Mr. Bruce) or from the member for Comox (Hon. S.
Hagen) on the issue since they were elected to this Legislature in
1986. We did have a word — and I was pleased to have it — from the
member for Vancouver South the other day supporting the Vancouver
Island Highway. In any event, the issue has not been pursued
effectively by members on that side of the House.
In 1979,
Mr. Speaker, the Minister of Highways promised to deal with the issue
of the inland highway. He said it was anticipated to take seven to ten
years to have the road we're talking about built, the reason being that
they would have to acquire the right-of-way and that would be going
into a lot of ALR. Seven to ten years from 1979 — that's nine years ago.
the commitment of the Minister of Highways of that day is to be
honoured, the road should be finished and we should be traveling on it
next year — to take the outside of his commitment, which was ten years.
1981 as well the Minister of Highways made a commitment. This is in the
Province of May 21, 1981. The minister "declined to say exactly when" —
it — "might be ready, but he made it clear that the government has
established a tentative timetable for construction. He also told the
Province he would like to see the first contract for the new highway
let by the fall of 1982, a starting date that would enable the
government to have the link completed by the next trip to the polls."
The story goes on later to talk about the expectation that there would
be a 1984 election; we had one in 1983.
Let's say they
expected to have the road finished in 1984. That's two years, and the
commitments were there from the minister. We've had plenty of that over
the years — too much of that over the years.
Because of the
time, Mr. Speaker, I'm going to cut my remarks short and just say to
the members of this House and the Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr.
Couvelier) that these promises have gone on too long. We are living on
this Island with a 1948-designed street that we are expected to use as
a major highway. It's totally inadequate; it's killing people
unnecessarily; it's injuring many people, including my friend who I
talked about earlier. I just think it's time we got on and recognized
that we cannot put up any longer with the level of safety and highway
standards on this Island. We cannot wait another ten years or more. The
traffic counts, according to those reports I've cited, will be triple
what they have been in another ten years. We have just got to get on
with that road now. The government will not be faulted one iota by
anyone on this side of the House if they add to their highway
construction budget beyond the $6 million indicated in the budget
address and begin more immediately to get on with the construction of
that route so that it can be completed in what is a reasonable period
of time. In my view, a reasonable period of time is two years from
today.
HON. MR. BRUMMET : I do welcome the
opportunity to contribute in the budget debate and to support the
budget that has been proposed by the government. I think it introduces
a factor of realism into the budget which has been lacking across this
country for some time, and I know that with the sort of partisan
political system that operates in this country, to get anything done
it's necessary to get elected in order to form the government. So
promises are made quite freely during election campaigns by all
parties. It's interesting, generally, that those who feel they have the
best chance of forming the government tend to try to be a bit more
moderate in their promises because they may have to deliver on them.
It's quite easy for people who have absolutely no hope of having to
keep their promises — or who feel they have no hope — to make wild
promises. In the election campaign in my own constituency, my opponents
sort of conceded the riding to me, but then went ahead and said they
would eliminate the sales tax in our area. They were going to create
artificial markets for the farmers; they were going to do all sorts of
wonderful things. They could try to force me into the position of
saying: "Me too." I chose not to. I chose to try to make responsible
promises to the people that I would try to do something.
Anyway, it's easy enough to make these promises and to use figures one way or another. As I've suggested, the budget
[ Page 3761 ]
responsible. Yes, it introduces an element of user-pay. I suppose that
what we've heard from the opposition throughout this debate is that
those people who use the services shouldn't be required to pay for
those services, that it should be someone else, creating the illusion
among people that services can be increased and increased and improved
continually without any cost to the users. That is impossible. Only a
socialist mentality could come up with that type of approach that yes,
more and more will be available to you from government. But at the same
time, every tax increase, every effort by government to raise more
money in order not only to provide those services but to ensure them on
a continuing basis is attacked by the opposition. So we have this
illusion that's created in the minds of taxpayers that you can have
more and it won't cost you a cent; it will cost — and I quote — "the
government somehow or other."
[3:00]
Even
if you translate that into some of what.... The opposition says you
should tax the corporations and the companies and the big businesses;
those are the people you should get the money from. At the same time,
they are supporting the workers. They are supporting all of these
people. I don't know who they think these people work for. Most of the
employees that they support are employees of the larger companies or
the small businesses that serve the larger companies. If there is a
pulp mill in my area, I am not naive enough to think that it doesn't
have some beneficial effects. The big company puts in the pulp mill.
Grocery stores benefit from that; apartments benefit from that; local
taxation benefits from that; the workers in the pulp mill benefit from
that; the welders benefit. The suppliers of all those services would
not have that kind of business if it wasn't for the pulp mill.
The
oil and gas industry is basically run by large corporations. It costs a
million, two and a half million, to drill a well; one in four may be
successful. The ordinary small businessman cannot go out and drill a
well. It takes a large corporation to fund that kind of activity and
get the credit from the banks. Yes, they expect a return on their
money. But when that big corporation drills a well in my constituency,
it employs something like 65 people. We found out during the NDP years
of 1972-75, when they virtually drove the oil and gas industry out....
The corporations left for better territory, but guess what else? A
lot of people from my area, the small businesses that no longer had to
service the oil wells, had to leave as well.
I'm trying to
make the connection that these people say: "Hit the big ones and hit
'em hard;" in most areas they already pay a good share of the tax.
Interjection.
HON. MR. BRUMMET :
Well, of course, the socialist philosophy of fairness is something that
I have some trouble with. For instance, if you'd like to take it in
terms of principle, you support the principles of fairness, I take it,
and yet you just came from a convention that said: "Because some people
didn't ask our permission to run for municipal office and didn't accept
that, they're going to get kicked out of the party." I know of people
all over this province who run for municipal office, and many of them
hold Socred memberships. Not one of them has to ask permission from the
Social Credit Party in order to run for municipal office. Not one of
them has been kicked out or had their membership lifted because they
ran for municipal office without the blessing of the Socreds. And there
you sit talking about fairness, Madam.
Member. I think you
have the audacity.... I don't know how you don't swallow when you
talk about democracy in your party — even in the name. Democracy is
okay to talk about; what about practising it?
Interjection.
HON. MR. BRUMMET :
But the thing is that they don't have to ask permission of the Social
Credit Party to run for municipal election, and they don't get kicked
out of the party if they run without begging for permission to run. Now
talk about that one. And you've got the audacity to talk about fairness.
what we have is the socialist mentality of saying that more and more
will be provided and it will come from the people who create the jobs,
and somehow or other there's no connection between.... If a company
locates in British Columbia, that creates jobs. If it locates somewhere
else, that creates the jobs somewhere else. I believe I read something
about your convention: that some of your people believe that there is
not a corporate dollar in this province that hasn't had blood attached
to it. Wow! The business community. And then the irony of it, I guess:
a resolution, I understand, to turn down any request for contributions
or participation by the business sector in supporting your party, and
then to put a businessman on your executive. My, what principles.
Principles of convenience, Madam Member, convenient to whatever you
like in partisan terms.
The opposition has continually and
I'd know this fairly well in my Education ministry said that they have
done all kinds of surveys in this province, and they have used this to
say that the people have overwhelmingly agreed that they would gladly
spend more money on education or on health, and then when some more
money is asked of them, to say: "Okay, we agree that education and
health need more money, but you're going to have to contribute; it
doesn't come out of a magic money tree somewhere." And then they turn
around, and when some of that is incorporated into the budget, and,
yes, more money will be spent, but some more money will need to be
taken from you in order to do that.... So they use these surveys as
their argument to say that the people want to spend more money on it;
as soon as the taxes go up at all, they attack the government for
increasing the taxes. Do you believe in those surveys, or don't you?
I'm quite willing to suggest that if people are saying we want more
money spent on education, I'm delighted. There are surveys that show
that, and I want to give people the opportunity to do that, because I
think education does need more money.
Their leader here
talks about freezing the development of any of the Expo lands until you
determine a fair value. On whose terms? What determines a value? A
group of socialists getting together in a room and saying: "This is
worth this much"? Mr. Speaker, in the real world what determines value
is what it will sell for. I had a house in Fort St. John during the
boom. It was worth over $100,000, because people were paying over
$100,000 for that type of House. Some years later when the oil
industry was flat and a few other things were flat during the
recession, nobody would pay me $40,000. What was the real value of
that house, $40,000 or $100,000? But it’s so easy to say the market
or the value is what we will get together in a room and decide. Well, I
decided the value was $200,000 for my house, because that suited my
purposes, except that $200,000 was a complete illusion, because nobody
would pay me $200,000 for my house. They wouldn't even pay me $40,000
for it. So what was the value?
[ Page 3762 ]
The
point I'm trying to make is that the value of that land is what the
highest bidder will pay for it, and that process has been followed.
We've heard a great deal in the last while about who said what and who
shouldn't have said what and who talked to whom and who didn't talk to
whom and whatever the case may be, but in actual fact the process went
on as the process should. So it's the actions that I think we have to
consider. The process has gone on. Qualified bidders were established,
they put in their tenders and those tenders are being evaluated to
decide which is the best offer you can get; and that, in a sense,
determines the value, not what it might have done if you had sat on it
for ten years. Because it might also have gone down, as I pointed out
in my analogy of my house in Fort St. John.
If I had sold,
I could turn around and say that if I sold the house for $50,000, 1
lost $50,000. But I could also point out that that was a value that
the marketplace dictated. Maybe it's my judgment. Maybe I should have
sold it at that time. The only thing — something the members can't
understand —
is that to get into an equivalent house, I would have had
to pay the same amount of money for it. In other words, did I lose
$50,000 or did I gain $50 000? 1 don't really know. But those members
that side know. They decide something has a value and therefore that's
what should happen.
I maintain that it's only a socialist
mentality that can try to determine artificially what the value of
something should be without going to the market for it.
suppose I'd be a little bit more receptive to the Leader of the
Opposition's statements to freeze this land deal if he wasn't the same
member who had said, "Stop building Expo; stop doing this," and if it
wasn't the same party that said: "Don't build the Bennett Dam; don't
build a reservoir." Because I can remember, even before I got into
politics in the early 1960s when the Bennett Dam was proposed, that the
opposition stood up in this House, I believe, from what I've read, and
said that if they were government, they would stop it. And the Peace
Canyon Dam: if they were government they would stop it. They said that
if they had any say, they would stop the Site C dam. And they have
constantly attacked this government for the road-building programs and
for the railways. They would have stopped the building of the railway
line to Fort Nelson if they had had the influence. What that railway
line generated was a lumber industry in Fort Nelson, a considerable
lumber industry, with hundreds of people employed and many amenities
that came to the town because of that. What the hydroelectric power in
this province generated was industry that came in here and created
revenue, so that many of the services that we enjoy now, which are
among the best in Canada.... That was where that came from, not
from a socialist philosophy.
When you think of it, Mr.
Speaker, nowhere — when they've gotten into the position to try and
make all these wonderful theories work — have they been able to make
them work. They didn't make them work in British Columbia; they haven't
made them work in Manitoba; they haven't made them work anywhere. But
they still go on and, persist in promising more services at less cost
to you. I wish their philosophy would work, because I would love to get
onto that bandwagon and say: "We will give you more money and more
services, and I promise, so help me, that it won't cost you another
cent in one way or another." It would be nice, wouldn't it?
could use other examples. They support the employees in the logging
industry very strongly, and it's a symbiotic relationship. They very
much support those in the logging industry, but at the same time they
support every group that protests against logging anywhere in this
province. Every group that protests against making logs available, they
join and support that group, but they also support the workers.
People
who build dams supported the socialists and they supported them — they
supported each other. He said those who build dams should be good
socialists. Yet it is a party that doesn't want to see another darn
built in British Columbia and didn't want to see all the dams built
that are there so far. They objected to the Revelstoke Dam, the Peace
Canyon Dam, the Bennett Dam, all of these things.
[3:15]
So you have a party there, and only the socialist mentality, I
believe, can somehow or other see no link between more services and
economic development, between roads and economic development, between
tourism and economic development, and between hydro and economic
development.
They set themselves up as the real
benefactors of the seniors in this province. They want more homes for
the seniors. They want more of that, but it shouldn't cost anybody any
more money. They try to delude the people that it doesn't cost to have
more and better homes.
More medical services should be
provided; but, please, it shouldn't cost anybody any more money. The
medical services in this province are a bargain to anyone — a very good
bargain, and very much supported.
One of the things those
members constantly will not touch is the fact that those who don't have
the money to pay their medicare fees have them paid for by the Social
Services ministry. The people who can't afford to pay them get their
fees paid. If we're only talking about those people who can afford to
pay, why shouldn't they?
MRS. BOONE : The working poor are stuck by this government every time.
HON. MR. BRUMMET : Do you want a turn now or later?
still go back to your element of fairness. You have fairness, but you
sat in this House and applauded your party leader sending out in a
government-looking envelope.... It was another method to try and
frighten seniors in this province — stamping it on the outside with
what looked like a government stamp, "Medicare Notice, " almost
suggesting to seniors that if they didn't contribute to whoever asked
for some money in there, they would lose their medicare. That is not
true. That was a fraudulent, pretentious use of what seemed to be a
government document. Medicare notice! Asking for funds to support the
NDP in a brown, government-looking envelope stamped "Medicare Notice."
They all sat here and applauded when that was brought to their
attention. How can you applaud that?
Somehow or other,
we're supposed to spend more and more money. They object to government
deficits. They object to higher taxes. They object to lower spending. I
don't know. It's only a socialist mentality that can reconcile those
two and say: "We can spend more money, we can hold down taxes and we
can hold down deficits." You can't have it every way. Whether you do
that in your personal financing or you do it in government financing,
it just doesn't work.
When you look at the totals of the
revised estimates in this budget and the new allotments for '88-89, out
of a $713 million increase, over $511 million has gone to the social
[ Page 3763 ]
services
ministries: Health, Education, Advanced Education, Attorney-General and
Social Services. Over five-sevenths of this money has gone to the
social services. They stand there on that side of the House and attack
this government for not caring about people, when three-quarters of the
money from the budget now goes into that and the greatest proportion of
the increase has gone to the social services.
We have a
considerable increase in education this year. Was that ever
acknowledged by any of them over there? Absolutely no way. All they do
is pick away at things. They blithely go ahead and make interprovincial
comparisons, saying we're the worst in the country and that sort of
thing. In the first place, that's not true even if they use the figures
they're using. I have said repeatedly that if you use all that this
province spends on education, we stand comparison with any province
across this country. When we report only operating costs, statutory
pensions and a few things like that, we get a cost per pupil in this
province of $4,022 in 1987-88, which is considerably below several of
the other provinces -about halfway down the heap. But when I add up all
that we spend on education in this province, including the buildings,
the pensions, all of that, I come up with a figure of $4,593 per
pupil, almost $4,600, which puts us second in this country to Ontario
- well above most of this country.
Which figure do you want
to use? They very carefully use that one. They have very carefully
tried to orchestrate a belief in the mind of the public that the
education system in this province has had cutbacks. Baloney! How can an
increase every year have been a cutback? How can you say that is a
cutback? The teachers' salaries which they defend and say that we have
among the lowest teachers' salaries in this country.... What they
neglect to mention is that this government puts an additional 10.5
percent into the pension fund. So if you have a teacher that gets a
$40,000-a-year salary — and many of them do — you add another $4,500
or $5,000 to that, and you have a truer picture of what teachers are
getting.
Besides that, from 1977 to 1987 — a ten-year
period — the average salary in the industrial complex in this whole
province went up 77 percent. The teachers' salaries went up 100.61
percent in that same ten-year period, and we're told that we're beating
these people. My goodness! I know time is fleeing on, but I would like
to conclude with one point. We have put an extra $135 million into the
budget this year to accommodate what the school districts said they
were short, and they had to go to their taxpayers for $129 million over
and above what the fiscal framework provided.
So we said:
"We accept some of your arguments; we'll bring all this funding up to
date, and we'll put in $135 million." The new budgets have come in —
the proposed budgets from the school districts. Mr. Speaker, we put in
$135 million to bring them up to currency. They have absorbed that in
their new submissions and added another $129 million. Then they say
it's the government's fault that the local taxpayers are going to have
to pay a lot of money. How do you do this?
MR. REE : Are you going to vote in favour of the budget?
HON. MR. BRUMMET : I think I'm going to vote in favour of the budget. You bet I am.
MR. BARNES :
Thank you for that very warm applause, fellow colleagues. I am not
going to support the budget. I would very much like to. I want to be
fair, as a good democrat would. This is number 15 for me, and I must
say that even with those three budgets between 1972 and 1975, none of
them are perfect. No budget is ever perfect. However, they should be a
guiding principle for all of us, no matter who is in power, especially
in a democracy where we believe in the concept of government by and for
the people. That should be our number one objective. I want to know
where this government is going, because that doesn't seem to be the
guiding principle behind this government's actions.
We just
listened to the Minister of Education make a fairly compelling case
about the high cost of education and the costs not normally included in
the equation in terms of the ratio per student, and that if all costs
were included, British Columbia would probably be number two across the
country in terms of expenditure per student — something like $4,300.
How
can you argue with money spent if the books are there to show? I am
sure the minister would be glad to bring those books forward so that we
could look at them.
Interjection.
MR. BARNES :
He'd love to. Do you hear that? I am sure you would do it with the same
amount of enthusiasm that your colleagues did when we asked for the
books on the Coquihalla. We got all the facts. Everybody knew where
every dollar was, and there was no skullduggery or monkey business. But
let's face it, we are in a political arena; the government wants to
look good. It's our duty in the opposition to try to challenge the
government on all points to ensure equity, fairness and responsibility
- all those principles that the nearly three million citizens in this
province expect us to adhere to. That's what we're trying to do.
if we stick strictly to dollars and cents, I am afraid we are going to
get lost. I am sure there are many objectives, but certainly one of the
objectives should be to provide the very best services, opportunities
and resources to the taxpayers as possible, because that's why we're
here as stewards of their resources. As you have said many times, Mr.
Minister — so has the Premier of the day and the Premier before
-governments have no money of their own, not one dime.
The
people have 100 percent of the money, and they should keep 100 percent
of it either through regulatory power, resources or whatever means. It
is their business; this is their place of business, and they're all
shareholders. That's where the problem is. They're not being recognized
as shareholders; they're getting short shrift. Too many of them are
being eliminated and overlooked. That's what concerns me. I wonder
where this government is going. I wonder if this government has got its
priorities confused.
This budget speech starts off with a
cynical note. Very early on, the Minister of Finance says: "Let's get
used to it. Times are good. The economy is boiling and it looks as if
we're going to have great prospects for the future, but get used to at
least 10 percent unemployment." What kind of objective is that? What
kind of enthusiasm and confidence is that to give to people out there,
especially young people and those in the public school system who are
attempting to get into the post-secondary levels?
HON. MR. BRUMMET : You won't let us develop things.
MR. BARNES :
The Minister of Education says we won't let him develop things. I wish
that we had a choice in how things were developed in this province,
because one of the
[ Page 3764 ]
difficulties,
especially for me, is having to stand up in this House and appeal to a
government that really operates on a completely different plane. It
doesn't start from the premises I just gave in my
preamble. It never
has, and it can't, because it has a different agenda; it has a
political agenda. We're not talking about that in the budget, but if
you read between the lines you will see that this government has a
political agenda that is deliberately designed to take away from the
people these powers that we're talking about, to ensure that they do
not have them - only a semblance of the right to vote, of the right of
access to power, to be able to participate in this system. We know it
through the decentralization sham that you've got where you set up
eight ministries of state and gave them $8 million. How much of it did
you spend? Only $300,000 after 10 months. Why didn't you spend this
money? You didn't need it.
All I'm trying to say is that
they can do what they wish when they want to if they have the will.
It's a matter of priorities. It has nothing to do with what is needed,
and that's why this budget is such a sham. I'll tell you, after so many
years of listening to this government come in with these budgets and
give us their rationale for why they can no longer afford adequate
services for people, it makes me sick. I can say that without
equivocation. It makes me very angry to think that we can squander
money on all kinds of projects, not just the Coquihalla but all kind of
schemes. We never hear any more talk about northeast coal. We used to
hear the Minister of Economic Development (Hon. Mrs. McCarthy) talking
about how great it was going to be and what kinds of contracts we had
sewn up, and the Japanese were going to be just pouring money into the
B.C. economy. Why don't we hear any more about that? Why isn't the
government running around and yelling and screaming about all of the
benefits that it is getting from Expo? Because, in fact, most of the
money that we've been making in the last little while, especially from
lotteries, has been paying off that debt. It started off in debt, and
we're still in debt. The ALRT is another example. There are all kinds
of projects.
[3:30]
The government
comes forward with printed rationales on how things are doing well and
how things are getting better. Although I get dismayed from time to
time, I can tell you that the one thing that has stuck in my mind
throughout all of this is the real objective of this government. I'm
not going to be sidetracked by what you've got printed in your budget,
because that's just a numbers game and we all know how that is. That's
sort of like that BS fund you've got; you know, the budget
stabilization fund, $450 million. Except there's no money in it until
the government gets ready, and then it will spend the money that it
doesn't have yet, but in the meantime it is starving social service
programs and privatizing valuable resources; if they can't sell them
they give them away. Assets are going out in fire sales.
In 1982 you had something like 50,000 people working in the public service.
Today we have barely 30,000. The government says we've got to economize;
we've got to become more efficient and cut costs. Any intelligent analysis
of the situation, I'm sure.... The second member for Vancouver-Point
Grey (Ms. Marzari), as Chairman of our Public Accounts Committee, would point
out that when you look at the costs associated with privatization — not only
the buy-outs of contracts for early retirement, etc., but the contracting of
consultants and the other kinds of contracts necessary in order to get the services
done for the public — it's just a dodge. It's a sham. It doesn't
stand up to credibility. So what is the real objective? What's the real
agenda of this government?
maintain that it's politically motivated; I maintain that it's
ideologically motivated. And you don't have to be an expert, Mr.
Speaker, to realize the reality of what I'm saying — to realize that
this government's overall initiative has been one of seizing power, and
taking power and doing what it pleases. I think the Premier has made
that very clear; once he got power, he has chosen his executive
council, and he would like to have instilled in them the kind of guts
and moxie for them to follow his dictates. Unfortunately, he didn't do
a very good job of indoctrinating them in advance, and he found them
all over the place.
Nonetheless, the government of the day
is out of place. It is not respecting the rights of the people of this
province. Unfortunately, in our system we have no rules with respect to
impeachment. We have no way in which we can demand the resignation of
the government. Although we can ask for it, we can't force it. I'm sure
that if we could, this Premier would do the Social Credit Party a great
service, because he would be gone; the people would recall him, because
this government is obviously in real trouble.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON : Wishful thinking.
MR. BARNES :
It's not wishful thinking at all. In fact, if you want to know my true
wishes, Madam Minister of Municipal Affairs, I want him to stay. As far
as I'm concerned, he's one of the best things that's ever happened as
far as the political battlegrounds are concerned, because he has gone
way over his head. He has reached far beyond his mandate. He has taken
this on as a personal opportunity for him to do his own thing, even to
the detriment of his colleagues. I think he's going to be challenged
for it, not only inside but outside. I want him to stay. I think he
would make a great foil for our opposition leader in the next election.
I think the things he's talking about that he thinks he can do as
Premier in this province.... Either democracy's going to prevail;
either there's going to be such a thing as the right of choice...
HON. MR. BRUMMET : Like it does in your organization, eh?
MR. BARNES : ...like it does in my organization, that's correct, and like it
should do everywhere you have rules and guidelines. That's what this
country is made of: rules and guidelines to help us all. That's what
this office is about -that's what the Premier is supposed to have taken
an oath to do. What opportunity does any of us have for serious input?
What opportunity does even the cabinet have for serious input? Because
you have to find out after the fact what's going on in this province.
want to suggest as well that there's a lot of credibility to the
charges that we are seeing the erosion of the universality of health
care in this province. We are seeing the beginnings of a two-tiered
system for those who can afford it, where profitability is the motive.
feel that ultimately we'll see the public school system at risk,
despite what that minister says, in terms of access to fair education.
Already we have examples of those who are more affluent but still wish
to have their children in the public school system choosing the schools
that they think would be the most accommodating for their needs. In
other words,
[ Page 3765 ]
they're
finding the areas and the communities that are more conducive for their
children's environment. They're not leaving their children in the
communities that they happen to live in; they're finding, they're
picking, they're choosing. That's the beginning, because those families
and those communities are the ones who make the contributions to the
communities. Perhaps they're the ones who are a little more articulate,
have a little better capacity for comprehending the future and
understanding the trends — they're not the poor people, the ones who
are without economic means — and therefore there is a shifting of
values, of economic muscle in certain districts. It's happening despite
your efforts, Mr. Minister of Education. You may not be setting it up,
but that's the choice that they have, the same as they have the choice
to go to independent schools.
HON. MR. BRUMMET : And they shouldn't have choice?
MR. BARNES : They can have the choice. Mr. Speaker, I want to tell the minister....
HON. MR. BRUMMET : No choice allowed under socialism.
MR. BARNES :
No, you just seize on that. While you're talking about choice, let's
ensure that there is a bottom line in this, regardless of your specious
attempts to distract. The point I'm making is that the children, the
youth, the families — they count. The communities count. That's your
job. That's what the public school system's all about: to ensure that
those young people have an opportunity; that you don't deprive them.
You
know yourself that many of them have very few discretionary funds, and
you know that many of the people on social assistance in some of those
areas — who are dependent on fixed incomes by one means or the other —
can't participate. That's a disparity in this system, and you're
saying: "Oh, well, it's laissez-faire. If they want it, they can get
out and hustle." This is the point we're trying to make: there is such
a thing as a poverty syndrome, which you should begin to understand.
There are conditions in which people become poverty-stricken. It
doesn't always have to be economic; even though it often starts that
way, in time it becomes psychological. It begins to affect people in
serious ways. You are not addressing that situation, Mr. Minister of
Education, nor is your government, and it's clear that your political
agenda is entirely different than what it should be.
The
same goes for the Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. Dueck), who I'm sure
will be speaking in a few minutes. I'd like him to point out to us how
we are not heading towards a two-tier system or, even worse, that we're
not going to see the erosion of universality of health care in this
province, because that is the ultimate objective of that side of the
government. The ultimate objective is everything for profit: education
for profit; health care for profit; no social housing. Nothing that the
government is going to be involved in.... All the government wants
to do is to have the right to tax, to run a few programs that may
benefit it. God only knows what your real agenda is, but it sure isn't
to help the people of British Columbia, not when you tell them that
they have to get used to 10 percent unemployment; that we can't afford
to feed hungry children in the schools, when there are 600 or so in the
city of Vancouver. They have all kinds of ad hoc feeding programs in
the city in the elementary schools.
What is your government
doing about it? It's saying, because of ideological reasons.... You
would argue with that and say it's not ideological. Your reasons are
that these families should be looking after themselves: "If we know
where the families are, we'll go out and help them." But that's just
another scam job; that's just another diversion. You don't intend to
look after those families. In fact, to say that "families are the
strength of our future" is one of the most dishonest, hypocritical,
sinful, shameful statements you could ever imagine coming from a
government that just a few years ago wiped out all those programs. You
wiped out family support programs; you fired about 600 social workers
over a short period of time, calling it restraint; the crisis program
for youth; postpartum counselling for mothers. You wiped them all out,
and the consequences were disastrous, and now you come back and say:
"We're going to look after the family." Big deal!
I wonder
what your scam is there, because the kind of thing you're talking about
looking after is really a political game. Ultimately you do not want to
see the people in this province have the ability to make decisions for
themselves and to ensure that their resources are used equitably and
for themselves.
This was part of the thing that the
opposition leader was pointing out today. No one on this side of the
House is opposed to the development of the Expo site, as long as it's
done fairly and people get a fair return. But what guarantees are there
that we're going to get any fair...? What about the social housing
commitments that were made a few years ago by the council? Are we ever
going to see those? What input has the public had? We've been running
around trying to read the paper to find out what's going on; the
members of the Legislature have no idea what's going on. In fact, the
members of cabinet don't even know what's going on. It's not right.
You
say you're talking about fairness, decentralization. What a sham!
Decentralization for what? You mean to tell me I get myself elected and
sent here and I've got to go talk to a couple of MLAs from other
ridings to find out what's going on? Get serious.
As I say,
we can spend some time on this budget talking about the details, but I
can assure you that the real agenda behind Social Credit has never been
to provide good services for people. You have your own agenda. If you
had your way, you would privatize government itself. You've done your
best to do everything to undermine it. How many standing committees sit
in this Legislature? Name them, besides Public Accounts. Which ones?
Every session they are listed. Everyone's listed, but we never sit, we
never travel, we never get an opportunity to get input, and it's a big
joke.
SOME HON. MEMBERS : Oh, oh!
MR. BARNES :
All of you guys know it's a big joke. It's about time you guys on that
side of the House started talking to people like things really mattered
around here, like you're trying to do something for people.
HON. MR. BRUMMET : It's strange that we have the best services for people anywhere in North America.
MR. BARNES :
Sure. Have you ever taken a look at some of the ones on the streets,
how they're selling their bodies? Have you ever gone down to the crisis
prevention centre for youth and seen how many of them are threatening
to commit
[ Page 3766 ]
suicide?
Do you know that we don't have sufficient psychiatric services for
youth in this province? You should find out some of the facts and
what's going on. There's havoc out there on the streets. Have you ever
looked to see how many native youth drop out of school, don't have any
place to go, feel alienated in society? You get on the ball and start
doing something if you really care about people.
Mr.
Speaker, I want to say that this budget certainly says all the right
words. It says a lot of things that one would like to believe,
particularly that the government's aim is to try to improve social
services, and that it is going to be good for all of us in the future.
But there are many people who don't benefit.
Let me just
close by showing you one small aspect of the hypocrisy of this
government. We all know that this "save the family" routine is only an
attempt to try to win the abortion argument and appease a few friends,
that you have no serious desire to help the family any more than you
have in the past.
Why is it that a youngster in a foster
home can receive so much more support from the provincial government
than he could in his own home? Why is it that the government talks
about the family, when families are living in poverty, living 50
percent below the level of poverty? Why is it that the government
refuses to even consider raising those rates? If it doesn't want to
raise those rates, why doesn't it accept the fact that people are
living in poverty and having to commit some kind of offence under the
regulations in order to get the funds they require? We know that: it's
by design.
[3:45]
There's probably
not a member over there who would deny that people on social assistance
live below the poverty line, that they do not have enough money. You
know that. Why don't you do something about it? Why don't you say: "Okay,
we'll raise the amount of allowable earnings $400 or $500 to bring it up
to the poverty line, even though we can't give you the dollars. " Why
don't you do something like that? Be realistic.
Why don't you allow them some flexibility under their shelter allowance,
instead of pegging it to the amount of rent and saying: "Regardless of
the rent, if you have a place you can rent for $100 and we're giving you
$200 for shelter, then t you can keep the $100. That shows good enterprising
skills. Good for you. You can shop around." Instead, they find a place
for $150 and you say, "Well, you owe us $50, " and the people are
already living in poverty. Highly illogical.
My second final wind-up is to say that the cabinet may not have moxie and guts
according to the standards of the Premier, but what about the Premier himself?
What kind of moxie has he got? Has he got the moxie to back up his challenge?
Families are the strength of our future. Will he back that up by doing something
about the hungry children in d the schools? Will he ensure that there are no
hungry children in the schools?
MR. BARNES : You can talk politics all you want. The t fact is, those children are hungry, and they should be fed
MR. BARNES :
Mr. Member, I can assure you that the r children don't know that
politics are being played; all they t know is that they're hungry. Are
you going to feed them?
HON. MR. DUECK : It is my
pleasure this afternoon to speak in support of the budget. I would like
to say at the outset that in my opinion it is a fair budget, a
responsible budget, a forward-thinking budget, and a budget that has
real compassion for those in need.
I have said that this is
an honest budget. The budget does not promise a pie in the sky. It is a
real budget; it's up front. The budget does not hide the fact that
services cost money.
With respect to the Ministry of
Health, this budget is designed to make sure that the health programs
that the Social Credit has built over the past 35 years will be well
funded for the next 35 years. This is an honest budget which looks to
the future.
We are told again and again that there is a cut
in the health budget. Our budget for the coming year is over $3.9
billion. This is an increase of $375 million — not $1 million, not $2
million, not $20 million, not $100 million, but $375 million. And again
and again, I hear from the opposition that there is a cut in the health
budget. I don't understand the kind of accounting they use on that
side. I'm not an accountant, but I see one sitting across from me who I
understand is an accountant and a good one, but apparently they don't
understand the elements of accounting.
There is a debit and
credit part of the ledger; there is an expense side and a revenue side.
But somehow or other, the socialists think there is only an expense
side of the ledger — you spend money whenever you please, how much you
please, and the money somehow will come your way.
They
truly believe there is a money tree. Everyone surely has a money tree
in the back yard. You go there with a long sweeper and go around a few
times until you have a load, and then you know what to do with it.
There is a money tree. They truly believe that. You don't have to earn
money; you just gather it. I wish I was so lucky. I ask myself: why are
they so negative? I could really say that NDP stands for "no down
payment. " If you add negativism to it, it could well mean the
negative, no-down-payment, socialist party of British Columbia.
know that under our system we have to have opposition. That is clear
and that's how our system is built. I agree with hat, but surely from
time to time we could have some positive, constructive criticism. There
have been members from the opposite side who have from time to time
come to me and asked about a concern regarding health in their own
constituency. This was good. We were able to correct.... Even if we
didn't agree, we had good discussions. I think this should continue.
But by and large, I see again and again that it is negativism —
constantly negative.
Whatever we do on this side — spend an extra $375 million on health care —
it's negative. They talk about a cut. I do not understand it, until I really
start thinking about it. Why are they so negative? I've come to the conclusion
that they do his for political gain. They feel that by being negative, somehow
people will listen. They scare the seniors, frighten sick people and children,
just to gain a few political points. I think it's despicable and I do not
believe it will work.
They
even oppose such programs as strengthening the family. How could anyone
oppose a program of that kind? I would like to just highlight a few
things in this program. We ay our future needs responsible decisions.
They criticize. In their words, we don't need responsible decisions.
We're viewing all policies which may present unintended barriers o
forming or maintaining strong families in British Columbia
They're opposed to that. I don't understand why, but
[ Page 3767 ]
they
say that's no good. In this program we have also developed a resource
guide in which every resource in British Columbia, the address and the
place, is listed. They're opposed to that. Now why would anyone, no
matter what political party he belonged to, be opposed to something
like that?
They're opposed, for example, to counselling
for those who wish to prevent pregnancies. We have some pamphlets in
our program that show various methods of birth control. I heard before
that they were in favour, but for some reason or other, suddenly they
are opposed to it. They are opposed to the video which gives some
people some indication of where help is available and where they can go
for some counselling. They're opposed to that too — a woman has got
herself in an unwanted pregnancy and, of her own free will, would
perhaps like some assistance. Surely you cannot be opposed to someone
who is seeking help. Why would they be opposed to that?
Social
Services and Housing — infant day care. Again and again we hear that
we're not doing enough for day care. They're opposed to that. They say
that support of residential accommodation for women who have got
themselves in a situation not of their liking is archaic. We're saying
that if somebody needs that assistance, we're going to make it
available. But they're also opposed to that.
They're
opposed to family support services and associated family programs,
whereby we will perhaps find help for people who have children who are
difficult to handle. They're opposed to adoption and more information
on adoption of needy children, where families and couples would like to
give some children a good home. They're opposed to family maintenance
enforcement. I don't understand why, but they're opposed to it. They're
opposed to marriage preparation.
The total program, which
we consider a positive program, they're opposed to from start to
finish. And I would sure like to know on what grounds. Mr. Speaker, to
be a good socialist, you must be negative and you must criticize.
W.A.C. Bennett was a man who always took a second look. Whenever he
came out with a program, he would take another look, and with a second
look would perhaps change his mind. And it so happened that he did
change his mind. He said they weren't fit to run a peanut stand. "But,
" he said, "that was unfair. They were, but they couldn't do it with a
profit. "
We have the best health care system in the
country. Canada has the best health care system in the world. Our
health care system did not happen by accident. It took the courage, the
vision and the determination of many Premiers and Health ministers over
a 35-year period. It was the Social Credit Party that introduced
hospital insurance in British Columbia; it was a Social Credit
government that introduced the first — and still only — long-term-care
program in Canada. Bill Bennett's proudest achievement was the
introduction of a long-term-care program in B.C. in 1978 — a Social
Credit Premier and a Social Credit government. To this day, no one else
in Canada has a comprehensive, integrated long-term-care program.
The
budget also refers to pilot projects here in the capital region. Again,
they make light of that and criticize it. I think it is well worth
looking at this for just a moment. We're developing a seniors care
centre where seniors can be looked after in a more integrated facility.
We're also improving health care for seniors, and we're trying to
provide a fuller range of medical services to them in one centre — a
convenience and quality care, if you will, at one stop for health
services.
We're also providing community health care in a
more coordinated and integrated function for everyone. This is now in
the beginning stages of being developed. I think it's a great venture
that my ministry is on, and 1 believe it will be proven to be a
successful program because we believe it is easier and ultimately
better to maintain health than to retain health.
Our health
care system provides for 30 million medical claims a year, just to show
you the size of the ministry. We attend to a quarter of a million
emergencies each year. We have over three million in-patient admissions
and over two million out-patient visits to our hospitals each year. It
is a massive program.
We talk about emergency services. We
were highly criticized in the last couple of days about the ambulance
service in British Columbia, which has to be without question the best
anywhere in Canada. Each time it is criticized I follow it up, and I
find it was erroneous. It was criticized again to put fear into the
people of this province who have had an unfortunate situation — the
seniors and the sick people — just to create some unrest and perhaps
gain a few Brownie points. But it will not work; people aren't that
stupid. They're a lot smarter than what you give them credit for.
provide assistance to mental health patients with a network of 2,000
beds throughout the province. This does not include the Riverview
Hospital. We provide out-patient services to 18,000 per year. In our
services to the handicapped, we assist 17 child development centres.
Our excellent long-term-care programs assist over 40,000 people with
home nursing care and facility care. We have 17,000 longterm-care
beds. We have 7,500 extended-care beds. We are in the process, over
the next two years, of adding 1,200 new beds. We have allocated $140
million this year for capital construction. Next year it will be over
$150 million, and they say we have cutbacks. What kind of accounting is
that?
[4:00]
We're not talking
about $10 million. We're not talking about $20 million. We're talking
about hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars, and again and again
I hear them talk of cutbacks in Health. Surely if anyone could
criticize someone for lying to this House, that would be one time. I'm
not saying they are, but they certainly could be criticized, because
it's not true. It is absolutely not true. When you take a real good
look at the problems that arise daily — mainly from the media and from
other individuals — most of the time they are not substantiated.
Generally we can clear at least 90 percent of these up within a very
short period of time.
This
budget provides for an even
better and expanded health service delivery system. We are concerned
for health and health service in this country today, but we're also
concerned about the health of people in the future. We cannot just look
at today. That would be very short-sighted. When you look at the future
you sometimes have to do things that aren't as popular. It is always
easier to do the things that are popular, but I think it takes guts....
It takes a government that says: "We must look at the future. We
must provide for the people that come after us, for our children and
their children." That's what we're trying to do. We don't want to
leave a bankrupt province as a legacy to our children. This budget
ensures that that will never happen. Again, we are concerned about the
future; we are concerned about what will
[ Page 3768 ]
happen to health care in years to come. Again, Mr. Speaker, I have to remind the opposition: there is no money tree.
What
makes me pleased is that the budget provided to me this year will allow
me to continue the excellent health care programs this province has
become accustomed to. I don't know what polls the NDP were referring to
when the member from Prince George said British Columbians are
dissatisfied with their medical program and with the health care they
are getting. All I can say is that the polls they are looking at must
be something other than the ones that I see — perhaps even some of the
propaganda they are peddling themselves and finally beginning to
believe; in fact, that is what the people are saying on the outside.
had the opportunity twice last year to go and visit the other Health
ministers of Canada, and in every case - and I say this with some
delight and some pride - they asked me about our long-term care, about
our extended care, about the programs that we have for the mentally
ill, about the programs we have for sick people in our province. They
were very concerned about how we did it with the moneys that we are
spending. Not only that, but two provinces sent delegations down here
to see our senior people so that they could copy what we were doing.
don't want to say that we're doing everything right; of course we
aren't. We've got much improvement to look forward to. But I'm telling
you, when you talk to these people.... And they're not all Social
Credit members; as a matter of fact, we are the only Social Credit
Party in the country. They are from all walks of life, including your
party. They were most keen to see how we did certain things in our
programs that they want to model. So that speaks for our programs. I
would like to say that we are proud of that, and it will only make us
even more anxious to do more things in health care that are affordable
and that we can do under the current situation and with the moneys
available.
But the scare tactics, the fear-mongering.... Again, to be a good socialist it helps to be negative. As a matter of
fact, I think that is part of the mandate you must sign before you join
their party.
It must be great to be in opposition, where
you can criticize the budget, complain, talk about all the things you
should change, but never have to perform, because you never get
elected. So you can say anything you want — and talk is cheap. You can
say, "Oh, that's wrong," criticize everything, because, after all, you
don't have to perform. You don't have to show that it can be done. You
can just sit there and criticize, and that's exactly what you're doing.
But
people aren't that dumb; they know the service they're getting. I think
I get around in the province more than anyone in this House, and when I
talk to the seniors, to the nurses, to the doctors, to the people in
hospitals; when I go to children's hospitals.... Even with all the
problems.... When you have a budget or an organization as big as
Health, there will be problems. But I'll tell you, by and large they
are very happy and they love what we're doing in the area of health
care.
The opposition have been doing nothing constructive
to build a better health care system. They have continually created
fear and uncertainty among the people of B.C., especially the seniors.
Instead of looking for solutions, the opposition have tried to scare
British Columbians into voting NDP. That is an absolute shame. They
could help by at least bringing some suggestions forward that may help
us in delivering a better health care system — and I must say, there
have been some among them that have done just that. But sometimes I
really feel they look with glee when something happens, even to the
detriment of an individual; even when someone dies. Perhaps they can
put just some responsibility, or say something went wrong.... I hope
it's not correct, but it appears to me that they look with glee because
perhaps now they've got something again to criticize.
think that is despicable; I think that is absolutely horrible. They
should try to solve that problem if it is in their area, and we would
try to help them. When the opposition tries to discredit our health
care program, I sometimes wonder whether they're talking about the
75,000 involved in delivering health care in this province. Are they
saying those people are not doing a proper job? Because those are the
people who are delivering the health care system. Are they saying in
fact that those people are doing a lousy job, and criticizing? I think
we should build up the people who deliver the health care system and
say: "You are doing one fantastic job under the circumstances." We
should support them. But are they really talking about the people who
work there, or is it just something to create some negative feedback
again: "Maybe we can make a couple of Brownie points; maybe we can get
another vote by scaring people enough"? They go about discrediting the
service, scaring the public with NDP fundraising letters in a cowardly
way. The NDP's actions are shameful, all in the hopes of getting a few
Brownie points. But again, it will not work. You can't get points that
way. I think you have to do it the other way: you've got to be more
positive.
The budget recognizes the future needs of our
seniors. This budget takes a realistic approach to making sure our core
programs have a good financial foundation that future generations can
count on. I can't understand what the opposition sees wrong with that,
unless they, perhaps like their cousins behind the Iron Curtain, want
to keep their citizens ignorant of reality. I notice the member is
laughing. I would laugh too; I'd laugh in shame.
Funding
for serving our seniors is a very important issue, not to be
trivialized with political rhetoric. We have been examining for a long
time the manner in which we can support the needs of our seniors. We do
this continually, to give them a better life in their senior years.
After all, they have worked hard to get to that particular stage in
life. We know that in the next so many years there will be many more,
and we will join their ranks. We feel that by the year 2001 the number
of seniors over 75 will increase by about 70 percent. You probably ask
why we are doing things. We are looking to the future. There have to be
dollars there for those people who will come on line. I want to
reassure the seniors of this province that the actions we have taken in
this budget are designed to ensure that adequate funding is available
to meet their needs.
This government is concerned not only
with maintaining an excellent health care system, which we have today,
but also with ensuring that our children will be able to benefit from
an affordable, comprehensive, progressive health care system. This
budget ensures that this basic principle will be maintained.
Minister of Health, I am concerned about the lack of vision and
understanding that the members of the opposition have shown with
respect to the initiatives that this budget will allow us to pursue, in
order that we might retain our position as leaders in the health care
field. During the difficult years of economic downturn in the early
eighties, it was the Social
[ Page 3769 ]
Credit
government that had the vision and the courage to lead the way in
Canada in controlling costs that were out of control and when runaway
costs were in such dire straits that some measure had to be taken. We
had that courage. We did that, and we came through those bad times. The
reality, however, is that today we have a more efficient,
better-managed and more accountable system which is delivering more
services to a larger population. The reality also is that there will
never be enough money in health care to meet all demands, or the wishes
of everyone.
Our responsibility is to ensure that we
maintain an affordable and comprehensive health care system. The
resource allocation decisions are difficult and not always easily
palatable. However, we assume that responsibility readily and strongly
believe that this budget recognizes our responsibility, as well as the
general aspirations of our public. By working together with our health
care professionals I believe that we will be successful not only in
maintaining but also in advancing our health care system, which is
looked upon enviously by so many people in the world.
Mr.
Speaker, I am more than just pleased with the level of funding my
colleague the Minister of Finance has allocated to me. I am also
pleased that other initiatives will benefit the citizens of my
community. I commit myself to protecting the health care system of this
province, to providing the best affordable service equally to all
British Columbians, to assisting those who are poor, to asking those
who can pay to pay a nominal amount, to preserving what we have
developed in health care for our children and our children's children.
This is my duty, I believe; anything less would be irresponsible.
No,
my friends, there is no money tree. As a matter of fact, if you looked
carefully, that tree in your backyard would probably turn out to be a
little pussywillow. It is the real world out there. The piper must be
paid, and who is the piper? It's the taxpayers of this province, and I
think the money that we have allocated for health care — $1,300 for
every man, woman and child in this province — certainly cannot be
criticized as a cutback.
MS. SMALLWOOD : I have found
the last few speakers from the government side very interesting. I
think the old adage that you know how well you're doing by the kind of
opposition you have is probably a good one. I think that what we can
deduct from the last two speakers is that we had a heck of a good
convention, because we sure seemed to push a few buttons on the
government side.
[4:15]
Coming
back to this House and hearing the rhetoric from the government side
and hearing them defend the government's actions and the budget really
shows that the opposition, in its convention and in its speeches in
this House around the budget, are really hitting a few buttons over
there — a few really sensitive spots. What this budget does is shift
the responsibility for the payment of government services more and more
onto the average British Columbian. It increases the cost of being a
British Columbian and decreases the services that British Columbians
can rely on getting.
What this government has done with
this budget and with previous budgets and legislation — and the
Minister of Health protests so loudly — is to increase the taxes that
British Columbians pay and increase a list of services for which the
people of this province have to pay user fees. That is what is
happening under the guidance of this Health minister. The minister
seems completely unable to understand that the more you increase the
burden of taxation on the people of the province, the less they are
able to support their families, the less they are able to educate their
children and the less they are able to do the job that they are trying
to do. The minister increases the list of health services that health
care no longer pays for in this province.
The minister
talks about strengthening the family program. I think that it's a
really good opportunity — and I welcome the chance — to take a look at
what that program really does and the hypocrisy of this government to
suggest that this program will strengthen the family: the glitzy ads
being played again and again on TV, the romantic vision of the
Premier's and — I would imagine, by the Health minister's own words —
the Health minister's view of what families experience in this
province. If this government truly supported families and truly
supported the majority of people in this province, they would not be
insulting the intelligence of the people of this province by bringing
in these glitzy ads paid by taxpayers' dollars. Instead they would be
supporting the good work being done in communities all around this
province: the professionals, the community service organizations and
the family service organizations that have been starved under this
government; the planned parenthood organizations that are targeting the
same programs this government purports to be supporting. If this
government truly cared, this government would not be spending all of
this money on a propaganda program. This strengthening-the family
program that they're talking about is a very thin veil, a very thin
guise to again promote the views of the Premier and the Health minister
on women’s role in society.
The reality in this province is
that women have got to feed and house those children. If this
government was in support of families and children, they would be doing
the things necessary to allow families to get on with the job. Instead
of talking about getting used to 10 percent unemployment, instead of
decreasing the support for community colleges, this government would be
supporting families and supporting women in their plight to feed those
children.
This government is not doing that. This
government is very clearly increasing the burden on families. This
government is increasing the barriers to women. The second budget that
this government has brought down has increased the financial burden on
families and decreased the services to families. The government has
instead chosen — and shame on you — to bring in a glitzy, romantic,
propaganda program.
We want you to open your eyes. We want
you to see the reality of families in this province. We want you to
support those families. We want you to support community colleges. That
is the opportunity.
To have the Minister of Advanced
Education (Hon. S. Hagen) applauding comments and calls for support for
community colleges again just shows the hypocrisy. Because it is you,
sir; it is your ministry that has cut back the opportunity and has
increased the barriers not only for women but for young people in our
communities. The lineups of young people at those community colleges
that have been turned away, that have had their future denied them....
Those are the decisions that women have to make in this
province when they decide whether to bring a pregnancy to full term:
whether they can feed their kids, or whether they have to save their
money to be able just to keep the roof over their head, to pay the
taxes that this government demands of
[ Page 3770 ]
them.
When this government increases the tax burden and the financial costs
for seniors, what they are doing is increasing again the burden that
families must bear. Our constituency office, since this budget has come
down, has had increasing calls from families saying: "I have my mother
or father in an extended care home, and we can no longer afford it
because of the increased burden that this government is putting on our
families. Our mother and our father are going to have to come back
home. We're going to have to take care of them, and we don't have the
resources to do that. What that will mean to us is that we can't pay
for the increased costs of supporting our children and their future."
[Mr. Rabbitt in the chair.]
This
government is stealing from families. This government doesn't care
about families. This government is living in a dream world, in a
fantasy land. The people that are paying are the people of this
province. We pay through taxes, and we pay doubly because of the
increased burdens — the shift of burdens, the shift of costs. Rather
than living up to your responsibility to deal with the needs of the
people of this province, you are shifting the burden onto individual
families, onto individual women and onto seniors who have worked and
built this province into what it is.
For the Minister of
Health to stand there and to tell us that he is looking after the
future needs of seniors.... The seniors of this province thought
that that's what they had worked all their lives to do. They paid
taxes, they built this province, and they did so in good faith. They
did so because they were looking after the future. It was their energy,
their money, their commitment that built this province, and now you are
abandoning them. By shifting the tax burden onto the average family,
onto seniors' backs, you are increasing the number of people that can
be classified as working poor — as people living below the poverty
line. That will cost everyone in B.C. That is the future you bring to
the people of B.C., to the youth of B.C., to the seniors of B.C. It is
hypocrisy for you to say, when you deliver budgets like this, that you
care about the family. The only thing that this government cares about
is furthering its narrow, unrealistic view of the way a society should
operate. Your vision is a vision that does not reflect the needs of the
people; it is a narrow, cruel, punitive vision.
The
previous speakers have talked about the NDP and the socialists, about
the opposition. Well, let me tell you that when I come back here and
listen to the kind of rhetoric that came out of the last two speakers,
I am very proud to be in opposition. I am very proud to dissociate
myself from this government. I am very proud to stand with the New
Democrats and with my leader, Mike Harcourt.
Interjection.
MS. SMALLWOOD :
The Minister of Environment says we should get used to being in
opposition. The Minister of Health says it's easy to be in opposition
and you should try being government. Well, we've asked the Minister of
Health to resign, because he in the past has not been able to fulfil
his mandate. Clearly, the people of this province do not have
confidence in the Minister of Environment, because of the work that he
has done. I believe very strongly that the people of this province,
because of the last year and the record of this government, do not have
confidence in this government.
Maybe it is time that this
government, before it sells out all that the seniors have built in this
province.... Maybe it is time that you felt what it is like to be
in opposition and you felt what it is like to try to do the people's
business and to carry the responsibility for half of the population of
British Columbia with the kinds of resources that we have. It's about
time that the kinds of things the New Democrats have been talking about
have an opportunity to be fulfilled — our vision, our image.
That's
what we've been talking about this weekend. We've been putting together
policy, and I'm sure that the Social Credit members do not understand
how a party democratically develops policy and builds for the future,
taking the ideas of the people of this province and putting them into
well-thought-out policy that spells out what we will do when we form
government in a very few days. The way this government is going, it may
be sooner than you think.
[4:30]
I'm sure that the members of this government don't understand how a
political party builds its strength and its consensus from its members,
how elected people work with the membership, how we develop policies
together, and how we meet that kind of consensus and support around the
good ideas that spell out how we will govern a province.
This
government talks about fiscal responsibility. This is the government
that likes to position itself as the government that can manage. Well,
your record is abysmal. This is the government that would not disclose,
would not open the books, would not let the people see how they spent
their tax dollars on Coquihalla. This is the government that continues
to shift the responsibility of running this province from those who can
pay onto the rest of us, with increasing burdens and decreasing
service. It's a government of smoke and mirrors; it's a government that
again is cruel.
So I take my place proudly in opposition to
this budget. I take my place with a great deal of support from the
people of this province, because the people of this province have had
enough of this government's hands in their pockets.
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
I am delighted to take my place in this budget debate. We thought we'd
have the pleasure of the hon. Premier speaking to us this afternoon in
this slot, but he was busy, obviously, with the first minister from
Quebec. Therefore I am pleased to rise in the Premier's position.
MR. CASHORE : You've got to wear a smoking jacket.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : I quit smoking about three months ago. My smoking jacket got burned.
Interjections.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : Come on, you guys! I want to get on with this, what it is I want to get on with.
However,
I am pleased, as all members on this side of the House have been, to
speak to the budget at hand, the second budget presented by this new
administration, and to speak in glowing terms of how it's going to
serve us well in the next year.
Briefly, if I could comment
to the member for Surrey Guildford-Whalley (Ms. Smallwood) about
governments and elections and being in opposition or government, we're
here because the majority of the people thought that we should be here,
and you're over there for the same reason. And until that electorate
wants to do something about that, I am afraid we will have to take our
respective positions in this
[ Page 3771 ]
place.
That's just the way it goes. You may have a different opinion about
where we should respectively be sitting in this Legislative Assembly,
but the people of British Columbia have contrary opinions to you.
Also
I do take offence to what the member had to say about our government's
position on services to those in need, particularly families and
children.
The member will remember, of course, just before
adjourning the first session of the thirty-fourth parliament, that we
brought in outstanding and landmark legislation with respect to
maintenance for families, for those who have had problems in family
divorce, young ladies primarily, and families seeking maintenance. I
think we're all obligated in this province to the outstanding and
remarkable work done by my colleague the Attorney-General (Hon. MR.
Smith) in bringing legislation like this to the people of British
Columbia, and as well to our colleague the hon. Minister of Social
Services and Housing (Hon. Mr. Richmond).
Those two
gentlemen, hon. members will know, brought in legislation that goes a
long way to bringing maintenance orders and the care of maintenance
orders into the twentieth century and making errant husbands realize
the responsibility that they have.
Further to the member's
comments with respect to our services for families and children, the
member is advised to attend the Legislative Assembly tomorrow when we
go into debate of the Minister of Social Services and Housing. If she
follows those debates, she will note that the services for families and
children budget in the estimates, on page 169, are increased
considerably from $105 million to $114 million — a remarkable increase
of $9 million. For you or anyone else to say that we are neglecting
families and children in the province of British Columbia is totally
unacceptable. Any fast look at the budget will show that.
Thirdly,
with respect to what you had to say in terms of developing policy, it's
interesting that you spent twenty minutes discussing policy and yet did
not present any. That is typical of opposition debate, when they say
that our policy should change but, in fact, never have the desire, the
wit or maybe the care to present their own policy.
Interjection.
HON. MR. STRACHAN :
Yes, the moxie. I have moxie. Further, after looking at a recap of your
recent convention, if you're going to develop a policy without
involving businessmen and other representatives in your party, it's
going to be very difficult, because until you adopt a comprehensive
approach to involving all people to contribute to and support your
party, you're going to be seen as being one-sided, owing to a few and
not including everyone in your policy-making, and that will be very
difficult policy to develop and to sell to the province of British
Columbia.
AN HON. MEMBER : Not Emery, though.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : No, not Emery.
the few moments I have, I'd like to speak briefly to the estimates of
the Ministry of Environment and Parks and how they shape up in the
budget speech. I'd like to discuss a few comments that have been made
with respect to this ministry. My critic the member for
Surrey-Guildford-Whalley mentioned in the throne speech debate....
Interjection.
HON. MR. STRACHAN : Yes, we'll do those in a while. I'm discussing my role in the budget and what the budget does for me.
The
critic mentioned in the throne speech debate that British Columbia had
not acted as quickly as it could with respect to the Brundtland
commission, the first ministers' round-table report and its impact on
Canada — in particular its impact on British Columbia. I want to react
to that and say that we're probably further ahead than any other
province in Canada with respect to those recommendations.
When
meeting with the first ministers last October or November — I
forget
the date, but it was shortly after the last CCREM meeting in
September — the Premier agreed that British Columbia would
certainly have that
type of task force provincially to fit into the federal scheme of
things.
I want to tell you something that is interesting
from a British Columbia perspective — and I take no credit for this
because it happened well before my time; it happened during the
administration of Bill Bennett — and that is the great progress this
province did make in terms of environmental legislation and
environmental policy.
For example, the members of the first
ministers' round table federally recommended that in all cases a
Minister of Environment should be involved in economic development. I
can tell you that it's been the policy of this government for years
that the Minister of Environment always sits on the Cabinet Committee
on Economic Development. That has been in place for eight or nine
years, in my memory, in British Columbia. It is not yet done in many
other provinces; it's not yet done federally. But it has been in place
for some time now in British Columbia, and I think that's something we
should be very proud of.
Also, it was recommended in the
first ministers' round table of the environment that there be
environmental land use committees. Good Lord, we've had that for some
time. Going back to the first Bill Bennett Minister of Environment,
which was in 1977.... Something the New Democratic Party didn't do
when they were government but something that W.R. Bennett brought into
place was a Ministry of Environment with appropriate legislation and a
cabinet committee level to make the proper environmental decisions and
bring to the cabinet level concerns of the environment. I'm quite proud
of this government and the record it's had in terms of environmental
measures.
I can tell you — and I would have full
agreement with my Canadian counterparts, because we've discussed this —
that British Columbia is light-years ahead in terms of environmental
legislation in Canada and also light-years ahead in terms of the
process that environmental measures take in Canada.
Briefly,
I'd also like to speak about my Parks budget and discuss a bit about
parks. As you might know, it has been in the news lately — the
Strathcona and others. I'm pleased to see — as I'm sure are all members
who are interested in this great world-class provincial park system —
that we have a $2 million increase in the parks and outdoor recreation
budget this year, from $30 million to $32 million. That reflects our
government's concern with improving our park system in every way we
can. We added about a million hectares last year, and we will continue
to add.
A recent acquisition was Botanical Beach. We were
able to preserve good access to this remarkable beach in the Sooke area
which features some of the most unique marine tide pools in the Pacific — so unique, as a matter of fact, that the
[ Page 3772 ]
University
of Minnesota began studying these tide pools just at the turn of the
century, 1901 to 1905. They saw this area as probably being the most
unique area of its type on the Pacific coast. From that point of view,
they indicated to all and sundry that it should be preserved and it has
been. We were able just in the last couple of weeks to preserve the
foreshore of the land behind the Botanical Beach area, the pools, for
public access and to keep it away from the loggers' chainsaws, and for
the enjoyment of the people of British Columbia.
My time is
running short, but there's one more item I should talk on briefly
because it does stem from the increased budget figures for the parks
and outdoor recreation branch, and it deals with Strathcona Park. As
many members are aware, there has been some serious consideration over
the development of Strathcona Park in the last couple of years. The
Wilderness Advisory Committee gave us recommendations which were
followed by and large, with the one exception of there being further
hearings. That was one thing the cabinet of the day did not follow. So
following some considerable public pressure, I'll admit, we did strike
a further commit