British Columbia Hansard — WEDNESDAY, MAY 29, 1991
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British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1991 Legislative Session: 5th Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
WEDNESDAY, MAY 29, 1991
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
12279 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Point of Privilege
Government borrowing. Mr. Clark –– 12279
Hon. J. Jansen
Oral Questions
Former chairman of Hazardous Waste Management Corporation.
Mr. Sihota –– 12280
Investigation of possible breach of Social Service Tax Act confidentiality.
Mr. Reynolds –– 12281
Former chairman of Hazardous Waste Management Corporation.
Mr. Sihota –– 12281
Government forms printed in U.S. Mr. G. Janssen –– 12282
Ministerial Statement
Confidentiality of tax information. Hon. J. Jansen –– 12282
Mr. Clark
Budget Debate
Mr. Dueck –– 12284
Hon. Mrs. Johnston –– 12287
Mr. Guno –– 12289
Mr. Reynolds –– 12292
Mr. Jones –– 12297
Ms. Pullinger –– 12299
Hon. J. Jansen –– 12303
Point of Privilege
Government borrowing. Mr. Speaker's ruling –– 12305
The House met at 2:06 p.m.
Prayers.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, we have two special guests on the
floor today. Visiting from the United Kingdom is Mr. Robert
Rhodes-James, member of the House of Commons representing Cambridge,
and Mrs. Rhodes-James.
Mr. Rhodes-James is, among other things, a distinguished author and
biographer of Lord Randolph Churchill, Prince Albert and Anthony Eden.
He's also a member of that distinguished group in Westminster known as
the Breakfast Club. You may have recognized them by the rather
obnoxious ties they wear on Wednesday, one of which is worn by the men
in black at our table –– I had the pleasure of being hosted by them
last year on my visit to Westminster, so I thank members for making
them welcome.
HON. MR. DIRKS: Mr. Speaker, it's my special privilege this
afternoon to introduce to this House His Excellency Bruce Brown, High
Commissioner for New Zealand, and his wife Mrs. Françoise Rousseau
Brown. Would the House please join me in giving them a warm British
Columbia welcome.
MS. PULLINGER: It's my pleasure today to introduce to the
House a friend of mine and a very well-known Canadian writer of mystery
stories for children, who is also a constituent of my colleague in Oak
Bay. Would the House please help me welcome Eric Wilson.
MR. SERWA: On behalf of my colleague the second member for
Okanagan South and myself, I would like to introduce to the House 68
grade 7 students joining us today from Westbank Elementary School. They
come here with a great deal of pride, knowing they live in one of the
most beautiful communities in the best constituency in the province of
British Columbia. For my colleagues opposite I have to say it is a
constituency that has proudly provided Premiers of British Columbia for
30 years.
They come here accompanied by His Worship Mayor George Waldo, mayor
of Peachland, vice-principal of the school and a teacher there;
teachers Bob Hayes and Wayne Lawrence; parents Rod Barrett, Val Fenton,
Rita Whiteheat, Bette Ludwig and Pat Stoddart. Would the House please
welcome them.
MR. HARCOURT: Mr. Speaker, I'd like members of the House to
give a warm welcome to a constituent from Vancouver Centre, which is
one of the best ridings in the province and which a number of us hope
will provide the next Premier in this province. I'd like you to give a
very warm welcome to Mr. Donovan Kuehn.
MS. MARZARI: My colleague the second member for Vancouver–Point Grey
and I would like to welcome to the precincts the grade 5 class from St. George's
School in Point Grey, with their teachers Mr. Ryan and Mrs. Nutter. Would the
House please join me in welcoming them.
Point of Privilege
GOVERNMENT BORROWING
MR. CLARK: Mr. Speaker, the purpose of my rising on this
occasion is threefold: first, to tender material in support of a motion
of privilege; second, to outline why these materials establish a prima
facie case that the Minister of Finance impeded members in the
performance of their legislative duties, thereby demonstrating contempt
for the rights and privileges of the members of this assembly; and
third, to indicate that I am prepared to tender a motion for your
consideration should you find that a prima facie case has been made.
On May 23, 1991, and again on May 28, 1991, the Minister of Finance
misled this assembly regarding how much money the government must
borrow to cover the operations of the provincial government for this
fiscal year.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. It will be rather difficult for
the Chair to determine whether there is a prima facie case if there are
constant interjections. Perhaps the member for Surrey–White
Rock–Cloverdale would excuse himself until he is over his
interjections. Then we can proceed.
MR. CLARK: Last Thursday, May 23, 1991, I was willing to
accept that the minister had made an inadvertent error, but repetition
of this erroneous information yesterday — in direct contradiction of
the information given outside this assembly by the Premier — left me no
choice but to conclude that the Minister of Finance is deliberately
attempting to mislead this assembly.
Let me review the relevant statements and show why they are
incorrect. When I first asked the Minister of Finance how much money
the government had to borrow this fiscal year to finance the operating
costs of government, he replied: "The operating deficit for this year
is $395 million. That is the amount we will borrow for operating
purposes." He repeated this assertion a number of times during oral
question period and finally stated, when I challenged the accuracy of
his statements: "What was the debt requirement to match the operating
deficit of the operating fund for this year? I told him the truth. I
told him $395 million."
Yesterday, May 28, 1991, when the same question was deferred to the
Minister of Finance by the Premier, the minister stated: "The situation
is that there is an operating deficit in this province of $395 million,
which we have to borrow. On top of that, there are borrowing
requirements for capital purposes, which include Crown corporations,
reserve funds and other funds with capital needs."
Mr. Speaker, the minister has tried to mislead members and obstruct the business of this assembly by
[ Page 12280 ]
asserting information that his own financial
accounts clearly show is incorrect. He has sought to create the false
and misleading impression that the difference between the $395 million
that he claims must be borrowed for the operations of government during
this fiscal year and the $1.2 billion government-purpose borrowing
requirement contained in the government's own budget documents — and
admitted to by the Premier — is due entirely to the province's capital
requirements. This assertion is simply incorrect.
The real difference between the $395 million which the minister
claims as a general fund deficit and the more than $1.2 billion which
the government must actually borrow for direct government purposes, is
the budget stabilization or BS fund. The auditor-general and virtually
every single reputable accounting organization has asserted that this
fund is not even a fund at all. For example, the president of the
certified general accountants has stated: "The provincial government
continues to use the mythical BS fund to disguise the real nature of
the deficit." There is certainly no basis in fact for implying, as the
Minister of Finance has, that the BS fund somehow represents a
borrowing requirement for capital purposes.
The plain facts are contained in the budget documents. For fiscal
1991-92 the government estimates it will take in, in total revenues,
$15.311 billion. It also estimates that it will spend $16.545 billion
to finance the operations of government for fiscal 1991-92. The
difference between these two figures is $1.234 billion. This is clearly
the amount which the government must borrow to ensure the continued
operation of government during this fiscal year.
[2:15]
Finally, the minister's attempt on May 28, 1991, to attribute any
borrowings in excess of his artificial figure of $395 million to Crown
corporations and other funds with capital needs is incorrect and
misleading. The budget documents clearly show that over and above the
more than $1.2 billion in direct government purpose borrowing this
year, the government will require an additional $1.4 billion debt to
finance its Crown corporations and capital funding authorities.
The Minister of Finance, the chief financial officer of the
province, has an obligation to this assembly and its members to clearly
state the true bottom line of this province. By attempting to mislead
this assembly regarding the true state of the province's finances, the
Minister of Finance has impeded members in the performance of their
legislative duties and demonstrated contempt for the rights and
privileges of members of this assembly.
Mr. Speaker, I now tender my materials for your consideration and would be grateful for your ruling.
HON. J. JANSEN: I would like to reserve my right to respond to this
motion, because I've responded in question period and tried to inform members
about the accounting respecting government debt. I would like the opportunity
to respond extensively at another time in this assembly prior to your ruling.
MR. REYNOLDS: Mr. Speaker, on this question of privilege, I
would like to remind the member opposite that he should read a very
excellent book in this House...
Interjection.
MR. REYNOLDS: Every member has a right to speak on a question of privilege.
... Parliamentary Practice in British Columbia ,
second edition. It says: "Members use the term 'privilege' loosely to
gain the floor to register complaints on various matters or to make
routine announcements. Each Speaker (or Chairman) must gauge the use of
this device bearing in mind the temper of the House, the frequency of
its use and the spirit in which it is employed."
Mr. Speaker, I would suggest that all that the member has raised
today is a dispute as to facts between two members, which does not
qualify as a question of privilege.
MR. SPEAKER: Are there any further members wishing to give advice to the Speaker?
Oral Questions
FORMER CHAIRMAN
OF HAZARDOUS WASTE
MANAGEMENT CORPORATION
MR. SIHOTA: On Tuesday the Minister of Environment refused to
elaborate on an agreement concerning the member for Delta. My question
today is: will the minister confirm that an arrangement for employment
was made with the member?
HON. MR. MERCIER: This minister has made no arrangement for
employment with the chairman, who was removed by order-in-council, and
the answers I gave the other day apply equally today.
MR. SIHOTA: It may be that this minister hasn't, but the
ministry has, and your predecessors — your government — did. To make
the point the minister made the other day, no one would be making a
claim for just forgone per diems. Do you not agree there was an
arrangement for a period of five years?
HON. MR. MERCIER: The point I made the other day, and I'll
make it again today, is a claim might have been made, but this minister
is denying that a claim exists. That is the point that might be in
contention. To elaborate further, before a claim has been made in an
official sense, would not serve the government well.
MR. SIHOTA: The odour from this episode may not serve that political party well, but it would serve the public well to know what went on.
Mr. Minister, you can't say that there's no agreement or claim. On
Tuesday you indicated that "...arrangements are presently under
discussion." If there is no
[ Page
12281 ]
claim or agreement, then surely there would be no discussion.
The question to the minister is this: do you agree that the
discussions concern a salary payable to that member at the deputy
minister level — i.e., $80,000 a year for a period of five years? Is
that not the claim, Mr. Minister?
HON. MR. MERCIER: This member is a lawyer, and I understand
that he should know the process of making an agreement. In this
situation this minister is denying that any such agreement existed. If
this member is in any doubt about that, I'll say it again: there might
have been a claim to have an agreement in place. This minister is
saying that there is not an agreement in place, and that is the issue
that is before us. Until a formal claim is made in some fashion that
can be formally responded to, then this minister is taking the position
that there is no claim.
INVESTIGATION OF POSSIBLE BREACH
OF SOCIAL SERVICE TAX ACT
CONFIDENTIALITY PROVISIONS
MR. REYNOLDS: I have a two-part question for the Minister of
Finance. Yesterday while ruling on a privilege motion, Mr. Speaker,
supported as he is by the best legal minds in the Commonwealth, said in
reference to the actions of the member for Vancouver East: "On the face
of it, it would appear that an offence has been committed against the
confidentiality provisions of the Social Service Tax Act, and if so, an
investigation by the proper authorities may be appropriate." In light
of that serious statement, will the Finance minister advise the House
whether he has referred or will refer the matter for investigation by
the proper authorities; and in so doing, will he assure the House that
because a high-profile MLA is involved, a special prosecutor will be
appointed to assist in the investigation and charging process, as
suggested by the ombudsman?
HON. J. JANSEN: The answer to the first question is yes. The second question I'll defer to the Attorney-General.
HON. MR. FRASER: I will neither confirm nor deny that there's
an investigation underway, in accordance with the proper operation of
this ministry.
MR. REYNOLDS: One supplementary, Mr. Speaker, to the
Attorney-General. Would he agree that if there were to be an
investigation of any member of this House, his department would go
along with the recommendation of the ombudsman to appoint a special
prosecutor to investigate it?
MR. SPEAKER: It is out of order, because it's future policy.
Perhaps as we get back to question period, I might remind the members
that the Speaker is the person through whom questions should be
addressed, rather than directing them across the floor.
FORMER CHAIRMAN
OF HAZARDOUS WASTE
MANAGEMENT CORPORATION
MR. SIHOTA: British Columbians are tired of a government that
cuts backroom deals with its friends and insiders. The question now to
the Minister of Environment is: would he agree that there was a promise
not just of salary, and not just for five years, but of all the perks
that deputy ministers are entitled to, including the provision of a car?
HON. MR. MERCIER: Mr. Speaker, a claim was filed with respect
to the position referred to. The response of this minister was to deny
that claim. The claim was not put in any formal manner beyond that, and
until such time as it might be, I have taken the position that there is
no claim and that no remuneration is payable, in line with the
questions that you posed.
MR. SIHOTA: The minister has indicated that a claim was
filed. Your leader said that your government has nothing to hide, if I
may quote her. Now we're talking about a claim with a member here —
talking about what may be a secret deal with your ministry. In fact,
Mr. Minister, as you've already indicated, there was a letter of
understanding between the member and your ministry governing this
matter. Have you reviewed that letter?
HON. MR. MERCIER: I've already answered it. The problem I
have is that should the government deny and want to refute that claim,
then the member opposite should realize that he might impair my ability
to deal with this matter on the basis fairest for the taxpayers of the
province.
MR. SIHOTA: Mr. Minister, you say that there was a claim.
That claim was in writing. Have you reviewed that claim, which was made
in writing?
HON. MR. MERCIER: Mr. Speaker, the problem I have here is
that I don't want to appear to be lecturing a lawyer on law. But there
is a difference between a claim being filed and a contract. My position
is that as long as it's in the status of a claim, then I have taken the
appropriate action to this point in time on this issue.
MR. SIHOTA: You saw the claim; you've read the claim. Are you
now prepared to table the documents that you have in your possession
relating to this matter?
HON. MR. MERCIER: I don't think this member could have been a
very good lawyer, because I really have explained this in a number of
different ways. The position taken by the former chairman is to claim
for something, and this minister is saying that nothing is claimable
on. So the very point that you're trying to determine is the future
disposition of this matter rather than the past history of this matter.
[ Page 12282 ]
MR. SIHOTA: This is an arrogant and corrupt administration,
and it thinks it only has to answer to its friends. I want that
minister to understand that his arrogance will not stop us from asking
questions about its corruption.
For the time being let's put aside the matter of the future claim.
On Monday you said in the chamber that the former chairman was
expecting additional moneys. Let me provide you with the quote: "The
former chairman's position is that there might be some additional
remuneration forthcoming."
My question to the minister is this: how much money has he received to date?
HON. MR. MERCIER: The question is, how much remuneration has
he received to date? I would take that on notice as to the exact
amount, but it was in the nature of the normal stipend for that job as
set out. The normal stipend in this case would be nil, because the
person was a member of the Legislature and not entitled to additional
compensation. I'm not sure about things like a car expense or
reimbursement.
GOVERNMENT FORMS PRINTED IN U.S.
MR. G. JANSSEN: A question to the Minister of Government
Services. Yesterday the minister claimed she had sent $140,000 worth of
printing across the border because the specialized bar code could not
be printed in B.C. or Canada. Can the minister confirm that this
particular job was simply contracted to a print broker who did the work
in the United States? And can the minister inform the House what
research was completed to assure her officials that no local or
Canadian printers could perform this job?
[2:30]
HON. MRS. GRAN: On behalf of the staff at the Queen's
Printer, before I answer this question I want to ask the member for
Port Alberni for an apology to those people.
The forms in question went out to tender.
MR. PERRY: Just call the election.
HON. MRS. GRAN: Does the member for Port.... Where is that member from? Vancouver–Point Grey. Do you want me to answer the question?
Eight Finance ministry forms are in question. Five of those forms
have to have special bar coding, and that printing is not available in
British Columbia, nor is it in Canada. Four or five firms bid on the
job. Two were from British Columbia, and the rest were from eastern
Canada. The firm that won is Island Business Forms, a company here on
the Island for the last 35 years. They in turn sent the printing out to
the United States, because it is the only place that it can be done.
But all of the other companies would have sent the forms out to be
printed in the United States as well.
What really bothers me about this question is the light that it sheds on a
part of government that is very proud of their operation. Today on a personal
phone call to a staff member there, this is what he said to me: "I can't
understand why they're asking that question when they know what kind of
an attitude we have over here." I believe the attitude adjustment needs
to be on that side of the House.
MR. G. JANSSEN: Supplementary to the minister. The minister
is attempting to dismiss this matter by suggesting her cross-border
shopping only costs us $140,000. I know this is only a few flights home
on the government jet to the minister, but it's a lot of money to B.C.
printers, many of whom are small business operators. There are at least
two companies in Vancouver that can print sequential bar codes. What's
more, the government of British Columbia — B.C. Systems Corporation —
has two machines capable of doing the job. Will the minister simply
admit a mistake was made and make sure that B.C. government printing
jobs get done in British Columbia?
HON. MRS. GRAN: Mr. Speaker, I have no hesitation in
defending the employees or the policies of the Queen's Printer. But I
do have a problem with the light that is being shed by the opposition
on the operation of the Queen's Printer. It would seem to me that the
head of the BCGEU should be asking his members not to vote NDP.
Ministerial Statement
CONFIDENTIALITY OF TAX INFORMATION
HON. J. JANSEN: Yesterday Mr. Speaker ruled on a matter of
privilege raised by the member for West Vancouver-Howe Sound respecting
actions by the member for Vancouver East. Although Mr. Speaker said the
privilege question had not been established for technical reasons, his
ruling also indicated more substantive concerns, which in turn raise
fundamental questions that this affair has caused to be directed to me
from members of the public.
Mr. Speaker, our tax collection system is built on the foundation of two necessarily
immovable pillars: voluntary compliance and confidentiality, supported by random
audits. Citizens must be able to rely on that confidentiality Officials of the
Finance ministry must also be confident they are not adversely painted by the
wrongful acts of anyone among them. Members of this House must not be seen to
be abusing citizens' privacy by the pattern of examples their leadership
sets.
Accordingly, I want to assure our staff that all prudent steps will
be examined to ensure that those who might wrongfully disclose
information do not continue in a position requiring that confidence.
Further, I want to assure all citizens of this province that, despite
the inappropriate acts of members opposite regarding their apparent
disrespect for individual privacy, tax information is confidential. We
will take all proper steps....
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. ROSE: On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, I assume this is a ministerial statement, although it
[ Page
12283 ]
would be very difficult to find out from his
content. It is my contention — and I can give you a citation — that the
minister has strayed far beyond policy or ministerial administration
and...
Interjection.
MR. ROSE: Thank you, Thumper.
...taken a deliberate excursion into "general arguments or
observations beyond the fair bounds of explanation or too distinct a
reference to previous debates...." These are distinctly out of order,
and I would invite you to remind the member of the rules as set out on
page 51, having to do with statements to the assembly and reply — by
that great parliamentarian, that great mind at the table, Mr. George
MacMinn.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, the Chair has had this difficulty
for some time. When ministers rise with prepared statements, the
statements are occasionally prepared by people who aren't aware of what
parliamentary practice and rules are. The Opposition House Leader is
quite correct in that the scope of debate.... There is no debate. The
scope of the statement made during ministerial statements is to be a
ministerial statement and not to be argumentative. There is ample
opportunity, not only in the preceding point of business but at other
times, to get into arguments. The Chair is in a difficult situation
because the Chair is not given advance notice of what the statement is
going to be, and in many cases it's a prepared statement. So I would
ask the ministers who are going to make these ministerial statements to
please have someone read Standing Orders, the rules of the House,
before preparing these things, because it's awkward for the Chair to
try and judge in advance.
I ask the minister to continue, in order, which means not to be argumentative but to merely state the facts.
HON. J. JANSEN: Tax information is confidential. We will take
all proper steps to ensure your privacy is not abused — it's a wrongful
disclosure of your own confidential information. To that end, I
sincerely request that the member for Vancouver East provide the Deputy
Attorney-General with the name or names of the "reliable government
sources" who provided to him in the first week of May 1991 the
information he made....
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. ROSE: The same point of order, Mr. Speaker. The minister
has again ignored the rules of the House, and now he's asking questions
of the hon. member. This is neither an administrative nor a
policy-oriented subject of a ministerial statement. Again he's
transgressed the rules of the House. And if he does it again, we'll
call him out of order again, because he's always out of order and has
been ever since he stood up.
MR. SPEAKER: It is the determination of the Chair as to who is in order
and who is not in order. I do appreciate this additional help that I receive
from members from time to time. The difficulty is that most of what the Minister
of Finance has to say is quite in order. It's when they strain for the punch
line that they get out of order.
However, I didn't have an advance look at what he was going to say,
so I could not pencil out the punch lines, which would have allowed the
whole thing to be quite in order. The minister understands that, and
he's going to conclude now. Then we'll have someone else speak.
HON. J. JANSEN: The member opposite doth protest too much. I
do not want the name, nor do I want the name made public. I simply ask
that member for Vancouver East to help the proper authorities clear
this matter up as quickly as possible. It is within his power to help;
it is the right thing for him to do and will enable him to help right a
wrong. I request he commit now to do so.
MR. CLARK: This is the most corrupt administration in the history of British Columbia.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. Now we're going to end up doing
it all over again, and my patience is being tested. What a ministerial
statement is supposed to be is very clearly laid out in Parliamentary
Practice — and so is the reply. It is a statement; it is not
argumentative. We have lots of time for argument. Hopefully it will be
in committee, and I won't have to attend. But the vast majority of the
remarks are out of order when you begin with a statement such as the
member made. So if the member wishes to add something specific to the
portion of the minister's statement that was in order, I'll accept it.
Otherwise, I'll have to rule you out of order.
MR. CLARK: In a parliamentary democracy Her Majesty's Loyal
Opposition has an obligation to raise questions regarding the conduct
of the administration. This is the highest court in the land. We
receive information on this side of the House. We have an obligation
and a duty to root out corruption wherever we can find it. I tell the
people of British Columbia that this side of the House will not be
muzzled.
HON. MR. RICHMOND: Mr. Speaker, I didn't rise earlier on a
point of order because you handled it extremely well, realizing the
member was totally out of order. But for clarification it should be
noted that the Minister of Finance merely asked that member to right a
wrong. When you're totally wrong, you should do the honourable thing
and right that wrong. There was no attempt on this side of the House to
muzzle the opposition.
[2:45]
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, perhaps we are nearing the end of
the session and perhaps we're nearing the end of the parliament, but
perhaps not. The difficulty I have is that some of you will be here in
ensuing parliaments, and I would hope that if I'm a
[ Page 12284 ]
visitor in the gallery that those of you who were
here in this parliament will not plead ignorance from lack of
instruction from the Chair of any of the rules that you are actually
bound by.
Orders of the Day
Budget Debate
(continued)
MR. DUECK: It is a privilege and a pleasure for me to rise
and speak in support of the budget. At the outset, I would like to say
that no one in this House has the monopoly on caring, the monopoly on
intelligence, the monopoly on new ideas or the monopoly on ethics. That
goes for both sides of the House.
The people are pleased with the economy in this province. If we look
at 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990 and 1991, we have a $1.2 billion deficit that
averages out to $200 million a year. Can anyone point to a province in
Canada that has consistently had an average deficit of a $200 million a
year?
This budget, with a $395 million deficit, is the type of budget
people expect from the government in a recession period. I am proud to
go to an election with the budget we're putting forward this year. This
budget recognizes both the fiscal responsibility and the social
responsibility expected of governments today but so very rarely
delivered.
All we have to do is look at Ontario. It has been asked again and
again: "Why are you bringing up Ontario?" It is an example of socialist
government, and just as the other side uses us as an example, we are
using Ontario as an example of what the socialists have done. And the
last of the story about Ontario has not yet been told; this is only the
beginning. In my opinion, it's only the peak of the iceberg, and the
rest, which is yet to follow, we'll see in the coming months.
Our party has delivered responsible budgets for years, and
consequently has been returned to office again and again. This will
continue. I am confident that the people of this province will again
elect a free enterprise system, and that is the Social Credit
government.
A $395 million deficit in these times is acceptable to maintain our
social programs. It is a responsible budget, an honest budget and a
caring budget. This is the type of budget British Columbians expect
from a government that they support. We will not mortgage our future
and leave a massive debt for our children. I am a father and a
grandfather, and I have taught my children that one must be responsible
in matters of economy. Therefore I believe the same applies to
government: we must be responsible; we must not spend more than we take
in. There are times when we have to borrow, and that is fair enough.
But it requires responsibility.
Our party has always believed in lessening the burden of taxes on citizens,
and we will continue to be frugal. Our party has always believed in providing
a network of social programs to assist those in need, and the budget has done
that. For example, 72 percent of our total expenditure is for social programs,
which are in education, health and social services. That is a big percentage,
and I think we should be commended for that.
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
We spend 27 percent of our total expenditure on education. We hear
so much about education, health and social services being underfunded,
but when you look at the percentages spent in those areas, you will
find that they are great compared to other provinces. You can compare
them, but we haven't got time to go into all that today. In health
alone, there's $5.4 million. I know something about the Health
ministry, and I truly believe that if we don't find some method of
providing those services in some other way, we will not be able to
carry that burden. When we consider the percentage increase this year,
it will soon be an increase of a billion, a billion and a half or two
billion dollars a year. It cannot be done. The economy of British
Columbia, with three million people, cannot carry that. We must find a
way to deliver health services as well or better, in some other way.
There are many methods and options that we have discussed in the past.
I also would like to say that 4 cents of every dollar of revenue is
spent in retiring our debt. That is the lowest in all of Canada. We do
not spend a lot of money to pay off debts. It's 4 cents, which is
really a very low figure. Ontario spends two and a half times as much.
If we continue paying a percentage greater than what we just discussed,
again we're spending all our revenue on retiring our debt. It cannot be
done — not in individual households; not in government. It is not just
a book entry, where some people say it doesn't matter — government
borrows money and you enter it on that side of the ledger. It is an
actual debt that must be paid off. That money must be earned. It must
be generated in this province by people. And I submit that British
Columbia has done a very good job in doing that.
B.C. has the lowest net direct debt as a percentage of GDP in all of
Canada. How can the opposition argue some of these beautiful statistics
that I'm quoting? You should actually say: "We're proud of that, and if
we ever get into government we will continue that performance." This is
very good news, this is positive news, and the public is not fooled by
rhetoric from the opposition. When I travel around the province, I hear
that they're not fooled. They know what's going on in here and that
games are being played. They know that the real result is what comes
out at the end, what we pay in taxes, the dollars we spend and how we
spend our money in general terms on services so much needed by the
public.
For example, the Investment Dealers' Association of Canada says that
B.C. sets the example for fiscal management in Canada. This is not
Social Credit talking; this is not someone from our side of the House
saying we're great. This is the investment dealers of Canada. Compare
that to a $10 billion deficit for one year. Everyone knows where that
is. I'm afraid to even mention the name, because I'd be repetitive. But
that's not the end of the story. They have now actually
[ Page
12285 ]
forecast the deficit that they will carry for the
next four years. It is frightening, because Ontario was in longterm
debt by $35 billion. They themselves say: "In four years we will double
that amount." That's not the end of the story. That's what they're
saying. It will probably be far greater than that. It is really a sham.
What we basically have to say is that it's really socialism. It really
gives me the heebie-jeebies when I think about it.
I am convinced that the people of B.C. will ensure that Social
Credit will continue to govern B.C. and will win the next election
hands-down. People are tired of the negative whining from the
opposition. They are fed up by members opposite opposing everything
that the government has done. They have no solutions, but they have
much to crow about. They have no real solutions. Have they ever come up
with a solution? Just criticism. They are truly experts in the art of
opposition. You know, I can understand that. Tell me, who has had more
practice and experience in that role? Who has had more experience in
the art of opposition? This is their expertise from years and years of
being on that side of the House.
Mind you, the NDP certainly have toned down their rhetoric and their
total view on the philosophy of socialism. They really are trying very
hard to go down the middle of the road, and say: "No, we're not like
those people. No, no, we've changed." Let's not forget. All those
people that are listening in today, I want to tell them: remember
socialism is socialism is socialism. They remain socialists, and you
can't change that. They're trying very hard to get rid of that image.
But it won't wash. It just doesn't wash. People won't be fooled. They
are a lot more sophisticated than you think, and they will not be
fooled. They will not elect this opposition to govern this province in
the future. Social Credit believes in individual enterprise. This great
country of ours was built on individual initiative, not controls on
businesses, strangling them out of existence.
The second member for Victoria last year talked about a tax on
speculation, like flipping property. I see Ontario has just announced
they are going to do the same thing. The Ontario government had a tax
on speculators flipping property, but let me tell you what happened:
they spent one dollar for every 3 cents they collected. When they did
an analysis of all the people in place to collect this flipping tax on
property, this speculators' tax, they abandoned it. Now this government
comes along — they're a lot smarter; they don't learn from history, oh
no. They say: "We're going to catch those speculators." They're going
to spend another buck to collect 3 cents. Do you know what? They will
do exactly that. They will analyse it again, and they will abandon it
after a while, because it doesn't work.
A lot of it is rhetoric from both sides of the House, I agree. But when we
really come down to the basic facts of being a socialist or a free enterprise
party, you have to admit that to govern, to have good management, it cannot
be done in the socialist form. The example is that in this province we have
had good money management for many years, and it has shown, because people have
said: "Yes, we like what you're doing. Yes, this is the land of opportunity,
and we will elect you again and again." We will continue to be good money-managers.
The people know full well that Social Credit government has done that in the
past and will do that in the future.
[3:00]
A comparison of free enterprise and socialist governments around the
world reveals a consistent pattern of higher taxes in socialist
countries and lower taxes under free enterprise governments. It's not
Peter Dueck or the Social Credit government speaking; these are facts.
These are from economists that have written this up in journals. The
highest tax rates in the world are those in socialist countries. That
promotes....
Interjections.
MR. DUECK: I wish the members from my side would quit. I want to talk to these people.
That promotes the underground economy. I was in Sweden, and someone
at the level of deputy minister told me, when I asked him about taxes:
"Well, it's very high." I think it was something like 72 percent in his
particular wage bracket, and the value-added was 20-some percent. I
said: "How in the world can you make ends meet?" Then it dawned on me,
and I said: "What is the underground economy like?" You know what he
told me? He said: "If we don't have to give a receipt, and if it's
cash, it's automatically 50 percent off." That's what happens when you
tax people out of existence. That's why we don't want that type of
government.
People in British Columbia have a choice, and that choice will be
coming up very soon. As a matter of fact, I can guarantee it within a
year, perhaps less than that. People have a choice. They can elect a
government that's efficient, a government that's fiscally responsible,
good money-managers, government that cares. The proof is the economy of
British Columbia. They can elect the most efficient government in
Canada today, versus the other side of the coin: government controls,
much higher taxes, Big Brother watching, no incentive, taking away
personal initiative. That is the other side of the coin.
In 1990, net immigration into British Columbia was 64,000 people.
Why are people coming here? They don't come because they like me or you
or anyone else; they come to British Columbia because it's a land of
opportunity.
Nearly half of the jobs created in Canada a year ago were created in
British Columbia. Just imagine: a province of three million people
creating 50 percent of all new jobs in Canada. That's British Columbia.
Interjection.
MR. DUECK: Yes, but 50 percent on the other side that were
created in the other parts of Canada were the same type of jobs. This
is a record that cannot be beat.
People know this; they're not dumb. They know there's a stable
government in British Columbia that's fiscally responsible and that
allows people to prosper
[ Page 12286 ]
— not one that puts fear of uncertainty in their
current fiscal policy or worse still, the uncertainty of future policy
that could be even more scary than what we see today.
The Leader of the Opposition says they will balance the books, yet
all the promises made in the last few months would add another $2
billion to the expenditure side of the ledger. I believe he has some
explaining to do about the tax and spending intentions of his party,
because it just doesn't add up and he knows it. I think the Leader of
the Opposition is not a fool. He is making political speeches. He knows
that if all the promises are kept, they cannot balance the budget. They
will be at least $2 billion in the red. I believe that the explaining
must be done by the leader before too long, so that people know what
the choices are. He skillfully evades all such questions. He talks
about underfunding, but promises no tax increases and a balanced
budget. Now just imagine all those promises: no tax increases and a
balanced budget. It cannot be done. What the NDP say and what they
would do are two different things. The myth they try to portray is
moderation. The reality is uncontrolled expenditure.
I would now like to say a few things about my constituency, which is
very important to me. I think I live in one of the most beautiful and
decent communities in all of British Columbia. I've resided there since
1951. I used to know all the people there, but it's growing so rapidly
that now I don't recognize a lot of people when I go to a shopping
centre, because we now have roughly 85,000 people in the
Abbotsford-Matsqui area.
Central Fraser Valley constituency is without a doubt one of the
most vibrant and active constituencies in the province. This can be
said not only about our business sectors, but also for the
organizations: the many groups and dedicated individuals who make up
our communities. I am certainly proud to represent such a uniquely
community-minded constituency as Central Fraser Valley, and I will
continue to work hard to bring about many more initiatives to benefit
our area.
They know that Social Credit government is committed to furthering
economic growth and diversification, preserving our environment and
fostering an education policy committed to enhanced access to
university education in our local area. Fraser Valley College is a fine
educational institute that we can all be proud of, but I believe that
our local students should have the opportunity to receive a university
degree without having to travel great distances. I am committed to
lobbying the Minister of Advanced Education very hard to get a
university-college in Central Fraser Valley.
While driving around our constituency, one may see firsthand the
record number of new homes, apartments and commercial buildings being
built in Central Fraser Valley. Housing starts alone in the area,
particularly Abbotsford-Matsqui, have increased phenomenally since
1986. In addition, many of our businesses are expanding, and new ones
are being created weekly.
We don't see the pessimism that I hear from the opposite side of the House.
Our community is vibrant, growing, happy with the government and successful.
When I come into my community they thank me for the good job we're doing
in government and how we're managing their tax dollars.
I would like to speak a little about the unsung heroes in British
Columbia, particularly in my constituency. These are the volunteers. We
talk so much about budget; we talk so much about staff; we talk so much
about all the people we've got in the community. We seldom talk in this
House about the volunteers.
After many years of government taking on more and more social
responsibilities once borne by the private citizen, the churches and
what have you — you can go back in history — the pendulum seems to be
swinging back again where the private citizen is saying: "I'm offering
my volunteer services to the community of my free will, for no pay."
Researchers at the University of Michigan recently did a study, and
they found that people who do regular volunteer service are healthier
and live longer. Why aren't we all involved? Most of us are, I think,
in some way or another. The idea of giving back something to the
community of your own free will seems to be undergoing a very great
revival among people who we least expect it from, and that is the "me"
generation — the young people. They are now awakening to the fact that
there's much satisfaction in doing something for free, offering your
services and also helping other people
Community Affairs of Canada, for example, tell us that Canadian high
schools have been mobilizing students to help the disabled, entertain
children and drive people to and from hospitals. They help slow
learners by tutoring them, and they babysit for working mothers. All
this is on a voluntary basis. This also is very evident in my
constituency. I would like to say that we have more volunteers in our
community than anywhere else, other than New Westminster perhaps. I
spoke with the member for New Westminster on many occasions when I was
Minister Responsible for Seniors, and they do have an excellent group
in New Westminster that is very active, and I certainly commend them.
I spoke earlier about the bureaucrat I met in Sweden. Do you know
what he told me also? He told me this with a bit of embarrassment. He
said: "Do you know that we are sponsoring government classes to teach
people to be volunteers?" Unheard of! Because for years they were
teaching people the concept that no one should do anything without
being paid. They are now saying: "Oh, my goodness, there's a great
resource in seniors, and what have you, who can help, and they love to
help." And they now have courses to teach them how to do it. That is
the socialist government.
Karen Hill of the Canadian Council on Social Development says:
"Self-help is really mutual help. By giving of ourselves we not only
help someone else; we help ourselves as well." Someone was overheard at
a service club — and I don't know whether this is true or not — saying:
"I'd gladly volunteer if they paid me a decent wage." That's not
volunteering.
The concept of mutual support is implicit in every major religious belief in the world. For example....
[ Page
12287 ]
Interjection.
MR. DUECK: Member, listen up. I've got some good stuff to tell you.
Mr. Speaker, I said every religion in the world has the same concept. For example,
in Hinduism they say: he does not live in vain who employs his wealth, his thought,
his speech to advance the good of others. Taoist philosophy: the way to heaven
is to benefit others. The prophet Mohammed: a man's true wealth is hereafter
the good he does in this world to his fellow man. In the Old Testament, the
example of Job: I was eyes to the blind and feet I was to the lame; I was father
to the poor; and the cause, which I knew not, I sought out. In the New Testament,
the parable of the good Samaritan. Every one of them.... And we have forgotten.
A lot of people do not think that volunteers give a tremendous
service to our community. A little thought and a little kindness are
often worth more than a great deal of money. Volunteer service is so
valuable to its beneficiaries as to be literally priceless. Who could
ever count what it's worth to a crippled child to be taught how to swim
or to an elderly shut-in, for example, to have someone do the shopping
or drop in to chat? We could go on and on with examples.
Would you believe volunteer activities in Canada account for 3.3
percent of the Canadian GNP? Would you also believe that 374 million
man-hours were spent in volunteerism in one year in Canada? It is
absolutely phenomenal. Sir Wilfred Grenfell, who spent many years
helping the people of Labrador....
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Time, hon. member. I know it goes by quickly when you're having fun.
The second member for Boundary-Similkameen asks leave to make an introduction.
[3:15]
Leave granted.
MR. BARLEE: I would like to introduce 16 students from the
Kettle River country, from the far reaches of that historic part of
British Columbia — places like Bridesville, Rock Creek, Westbridge and
Beaverdell. They started out about 5 o'clock this morning and are
accompanied by their teachers Mrs. Louise Fossen, Mr. Lonnie Mader and
Mr. Dean Corbett; and their driver, Mr. Chris Anschetz. I would ask the
House to help me welcome them to the precincts of the House.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to be able to
take my place in the budget debate and to start out by saying that the
most important budget figure is not in the budget. The most important
budget figure is three-million-plus, and that is the number of
individual budgets we have in this province.
On June 4 the federal census-takers will begin to give us a more exact number,
but whatever that number is, we know it will be more than it was ten years ago.
During that time our province has experienced tremendous growth in spite of
two major recessions. People are attracted to British Columbia partly because
of the climate and partly, too, because of the climate of opportunity we've
been able to create with successive Social Credit budgets.
This year is no exception. The $11 billion that we will spend this
year on health care, education and social services exceeds our entire
budget when we were first elected in 1986. That's a commitment to
people that's second to none in this country That's a commitment to
sound management and a reflection of the strength of this government.
That strength in turn reflects the dedicated, hard-working cabinet
supported by an outstanding public service.
The key to our success has been our principles — values that the
average British Columbian understands and believes in: the ethic of
reward for work, and caring and compassionate free enterprise. These
things have been said before, so why do I repeat them now? I repeat
them because this simple lesson in home economics is lost on the
opposition and their friends in Ontario.
People vote with their feet, and they vote by the thousands year
after year for British Columbia over other parts of Canada. Why do they
choose British Columbia? They come here because it's a beautiful
province and because there are jobs. They choose British Columbia
because taxes are low and because government services are second to
none. They choose our province because they don't want their children
and grandchildren saddled with the debts of reckless, irresponsible
governments. They choose British Columbia because our education system
is second to none. People know their children will receive the best.
Most importantly, they choose British Columbia because they see a
better future here than elsewhere.
Let me refer to a couple of very specific, fundamental comparisons.
Let us look at British Columbia versus Ontario. Why Ontario? Because in
Ontario the very same party as members opposite are basically tearing
up the economic and financial fabric of Canada's largest and once most
prosperous province. So what does the table on page 81 of the budget
say? It says that for a single-income family of four earning $45,000,
taxes and health care premiums will cost $6,028 in British Columbia
this fiscal year. In Ontario that same family will pay $6,940. That's
an added tax burden of $912 per family, and the NDP have been in office
less than one year.
There's more. There's a hidden tax, like a hidden agenda of the
members opposite if they should ever succeed in gaining the power they
seek. The hidden tax is the deficit. Government deficits are a tax
timebomb. The borrowing mounts, it accumulates and the interest on the
debt ticks and compounds. The interest clock ticks and ticks. They
don't want to listen on the opposite side of the House, but whoever is
home when the creditors come knocking will have to pay the bills.
They'll have to pay the debt and the accumulated and compound interest.
Let's go back to table H3 on page 81. Let's look at the line which
adds the hidden taxes to the annual tax burden and compare again
British Columbia under
[ Page 12288 ]
Social Credit with Ontario under the NDP The total tax and deficit
obligations for our family of four in British Columbia is $6,518 per
year. In Ontario the burden is $10, 807. A family of four is paying
$4,289 more. That is the hidden agenda of the members opposite — $4,289
more by way of a tax bill. Next year it could be worse, and the year
after that worse again. People understand these simple facts. That's
why people move to British Columbia in droves. They're moving here
because it's worth moving. It's worth the cost and the dislocation to
go to a province with a future.
Suppose for a moment that British Columbians were faced with an
Ontario-style NDP. Heaven forbid. I notice the Leader of the Opposition
isn't in the room, but never mind the slick talk of my Vancouver lawyer
friend, the Leader of the Opposition. The NDP fiscal penalty would be
served up here as well. No one is fooled. The penalty would be billions
of dollars in spending and billions of dollars in taxes and hidden
taxes. Where would the money go? There are unmistakable clues. They
come from the head of the B.C. Government Employees' Union, from the
head of the B.C. Teachers' Federation, himself a failed NDP candidate,
and from the Leader of the Opposition, who vows to tear up successful
and balanced Social Credit labour legislation. Why quarrel with
success? Why go back to the bad old days of nasty strikes and wide open
secondary picketing — unless you're serving a special interest agenda?
MR. G. HANSON: On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I know there
is a certain amount of latitude with respect to notes, but it's not
customary in this House to have a member rise and read verbatim a
transcript of a speech. I'd ask the Chair to bring that Premier to
order.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. It seems that in
the view of members of the opposition there should be one set of
regulations for our side of the House and a different set for theirs. I
think we should all be treated the same way.
The public knows that NDP policy will not mean better services for
British Columbians and that taxpayers will simply pay more for the same
level of service. British Columbians know that NDP policy will take
from hard-working average British Columbians to meet the endless
demands of special interest groups. In the long run, serving the
special interest groups simply means that our children will go broke.
It's really very easy to go broke. It's the lazy man's way, but it's
not my way and it's not our government's way.
In spite of all we have accomplished, you will hear claims that we have not
done enough. There is always good that needs to be done, but there are never
enough dollars to do it all. In my view, the secret of success is balance; not
just balance between expenditures and revenues, but balance between present
and future needs. The balance between taxpayers' ability to pay and the
taxtakers' plans to spend; balance between the highs and the lows of economic
activity in a province which depends on healthy export markets for its life
blood. That balance requires understanding, commitment and vision.
Interjection.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Hon. member, are you interested in listening? If you're not, possibly you would just like to leave the room.
Understanding how hard it is to earn a dollar and how easy it is to
spend one, the commitment of this government is to get value for the
money we're spending and the vision to invest in the services and the
infrastructure that will certainly keep our economic life-blood pumping.
In the past our highways and the powerlines have been the veins and
arteries of our province's economy. These investments have served us
very well. But today our priorities are shifting as we look forward to
a new economy and greater emphasis on higher skills, entrepreneurship
and environmental balance. We look forward to diversifying our economic
base, renewing our forests and securing an attractive climate for small
business growth and innovative companies. These firms will increasingly
add value to our products, and create the greatest portion of
good-paying jobs. We all know that the greatest number of jobs are
created by small business in this province.
This year we're maintaining the second-lowest overall taxes in
Canada. While spending 71 cents of every tax dollar on health,
education and social services, which is a record in Canada, our per
capita debt is the lowest in the country, and we're spending only four
cents out of every dollar to service that debt. Mr. Speaker, only four
cents out of every dollar. We will not balance the budget this year on
the backs of patients in our hospitals or students in our classrooms,
but we'll balance the budget over the business cycle while providing
major enhancement in new school construction and an increase of more
than 12 percent in our provincial health care budget. This year we're
increasing the supplemental grants to half of the amount by which
school taxes exceed the maximum basic homeowner grant, once again
confirming our commitment to home ownership as the basis for sound
families and strong communities throughout this province.
[3:30]
The opposition talks about open government, but on this side of the
House we're looking forward with great anticipation to the open
opposition. The opposition is fond of telling us to cut the same budget
20 times, instead of finding 20 places where the budget could be cut.
But even their own party's financial policy analyst, Douglas Broome,
has disagreed with this political shell game. We think the public
deserves to know what they would do instead of compensation fairness.
It amazes me that they won't tell us where they get their facts — we
saw another example of that here today — even when their facts are
clearly wrong. I'd like to say more about the opposition, but I really
hate to be negative. I'd hate to be a public servant in a province that
didn't have sound financial management.
[ Page
12289 ]
The most important thing about this budget is that it's good for the
three million budgets of average British Columbians, who we are all
here to serve — not the organized voices of protest and dissent, but
the too often unheard voices of frustration and worry from the average
British Columbians. These are the people who work hard to support
themselves and their families to make ends meet, and who dare to hope
that tomorrow may be a little brighter than today.
I believe our province has matured; our economic outlook is sound.
But we recognize that the natural resource industries are not going to
generate jobs at the primary and secondary level to the extent that
they have in the past. I believe we have excellent prospects for higher
value-added forest products, but I also recognize that we need action
on the memorandum of understanding with the United States and perhaps a
more flexible attitude toward exchange rates.
An artificially high dollar is equally bad for B.C.'s forest
industry. On the other hand, we're delighted by the federal
government's recent announcement of a major review of factors which
affect Canada's competitiveness in world markets. The review is of
great importance to British Columbia, which derives a large part of its
prosperity from foreign trade. Our quality of life is second to none;
everybody in the House knows that. That's going to be an increasingly
important factor in our economic future.
New companies will increasingly seek out locations based on quality
of life in all its aspects: the environmental, the economic and social.
That's really why people and companies are moving here.
Over the term of this government, the number of people employed in
British Columbia has increased by almost one-quarter of a million,
roughly the population of greater Victoria, and that's an astounding
figure. At the same time, many others have come to British Columbia to
retire which has put tremendous pressures on our health care system.
While seniors account for 13 percent of our population, they use
about 45 percent of health care funding. On average our population
continues to age as the baby boom generation works its way through the
system. As new pharmaceuticals and technology become available, health
costs get higher. As we live longer, the costs of care increase. For
all of these reasons it's clearly vital that we keep our competitive
edge and a vibrant free enterprise economy to generate the revenues
needed to sustain the quality of these services.
I would invite the opposition to join us in facing up to these realities. They
would find it a refreshing change from the things they usually talk about in
the House. It's neither right nor proper for us to spend the income of future
generations without accountability, representation or a sound plan to ensure
the long-term prosperity of the province. The public understands that. That's
why they have chosen Social Credit time and time again. Even in 1972, a majority
of British Columbians chose free enterprise. But then, as in Ontario last year,
the forces of free enterprise were divided, with tragic results for taxpayers,
average families and young people looking for expanding opportunities. We will
not allow that to happen again.
We will not leave the public in the dark about the real and clear
choices between this budget and the philosophy it represents on the one
hand, and the opposition's patently plastic approach to the old
politics — promises, promises, promises. Talk is cheap. The actions of
the NDP in Ontario are far better evidence of what British Columbia's
future would look like under the opposition than any plastic promises
they make here today.
Our achievements as a government in building British Columbia, as
evidenced once again in this very sound and responsible budget, are
clear. These are the best evidence of what this government would
provide three million average British Columbians over the next four
years. Night and day — the choice is very clear. The budgets of three
million British Columbians depend on that choice. I have confidence
they will once again make the right choice.
In conclusion, I'm delighted to support this outstanding budget
which reflects the excellent work done by my colleague the Minister of
Finance and member for Chilliwack. It's good for the people and it's
good for British Columbia.
MR. GUNO: It is with great pleasure that I take my place in
this debate. I want to acknowledge for my elders, as is required in my
upbringing as a Nisga'a, the fact that I have followed Sigidim Hanak ',
which means in Nisga'a "this lady, " and is really an acknowledgment of
the office of the Premier and the person who occupies it, and to say
that it is a privilege to follow her in this debate.
I want to say that I join my colleagues on this side of the House in
condemning this budget as a sham and that I'll be voting against it. I
do so for a number of reasons, many of which have been so clearly
stated by the previous speakers on this side of the House. Indeed, I
listened with a great deal of interest to the speech by the member for
New Westminster yesterday, who so forcefully and eloquently laid bare
the government's deception that it is both caring and a good fiscal
manager. I agree with her conclusions and the conclusions of the rest
of my colleagues about this budget: that it is a confusing political
document and that it is unfair and certainly not caring.
I want first to talk about the budget's reference to the Ministry of
Solicitor-General, an area that I am responsible for as a critic.
Except for the announcement of three new correctional centres that will
be replacing the Oakalla facility in 1992, there seem to be no other
new initiatives in the Solicitor-General's department to deal
effectively with some of the issues that need to be dealt with in that
area.
For example, our correctional institutions are still
disproportionately populated by native Indians. I've pointed out this
fact since I was first elected in 1986. I have yet to see any response
by this government about this travesty of our justice system.
Nor is there any indication of a review and upgrading of the provincial emergency program so that British
[ Page 12290 ]
Columbians can be assured that the government can deal with any type of major emergency that may arise.
There are a number of other issues within the Solicitor-General's department
that have not been dealt with. I don't think there's been any new initiative
in terms of training correctional institute personnel to deal more effectively
with prisoners. Perhaps the Solicitor-General has been too preoccupied — or
dare I say Messmerized — in his misguided notion that the poor are ripping off
the government in Ontario.
Perhaps the Solicitor-General and indeed this government have missed the obvious
point that youth criminality is a symptom of a larger malaise. I thought that
the second member for Vancouver Centre dealt with it well yesterday by pointing
out that it is the intolerable conditions of life that bring about such a rise
in the crime rate. I think that the Premier's rather hysterical reaction
to the reports of the rising crime rate in British Columbia can be qualified
by experts pointing out that perhaps there isn't that kind of real increase
but rather an increase in reporting crime. I think we have to be a little more
circumspect in terms of trying to deal with this problem. We can't just
build new jails and hire new prosecutors. I think we have to look at the conditions
that give rise to the phenomenon. This budget will only worsen those conditions,
as there are no provisions for the growing unemployment of our young people
in British Columbia.
I want to move to the part that I find the most disturbing about the
budget. It's not the budget in itself but the continuing effort by
this government to hide the fact, so obvious to everyone, that the
government has presented British Columbia with a record deficit to the
tune of $1.2 billion in 1992. I think the continuing efforts by our
Minister of Finance — the third one that we've had — who continues to
doggedly insist that the budget deficit is just $395 million.... This
is what I'd find most disturbing: the efforts of those opposite to I
deceive the public about the size of the deficit.
I would describe such an effort as Orwellian doublespeak, but I
think that such a crude effort to hide this is so transparent that
there is no way we can use such a sophisticated level on such a
pathetic attempt to skirt the truth. I would concede that there is
plenty of room for debate about the advisability of having such a
deficit. Politics, after all, is about working out conflicting demands
on scarce resources. This is one of our duties — to deal with those
conflicts — and this is the forum where that process is worked out.
But for that political process to work effectively, there must be
some parameters against which rhetoric replaces the truth. As
political leaders, it is incumbent upon all of us to set an example —
to deal with tough issues with some integrity.
[3:45]
I point this out because the Premier, in announcing her candidacy in
the coming leadership convention of a her party, has said that one of her top
priorities is law and order. We on this side of the House are also for law and
order — but with justice and fairness. My point is that this commitment to
law and order, this commitment that the Premier has so dearly attached herself
to, somehow rings hollow when this government continues to refuse to come clean
about the size of their own budget. It is difficult to take the Premier and our
government seriously when they break their own legislation — the tax protection
legislation, which just ver a month ago they so glowingly passed with enthusiasm.
I would suggest that the government has a major credibility problem. It is perceived
by the public that hey will do anything and say anything to cling to power. I
don't see how they can provide the moral leadership amid such ethical confusion
and hypocrisy. In ordinary times such a spectacle would be serious. But these are
not ordinary times. The erosion of public confidence in our politicians and our
political institutions is unprecedented in this country and province. The growing
public cynicism about the political process is not a phenomenon that we can continue
to ignore. If we do, we do so at our peril.
For us in this House to demonstrate that we're serious about dealing
with some of the more difficult economic and constitutional problems,
we have to start with the basics. I would suggest that the basics are
political honesty, political will and political leadership. This government has had ample opportunity to demonstrate that they
can provide that kind of leadership, honesty and direction. But judging
by the throne speech and this budget, I suggest they have failed
pathetically.
I want to deal just briefly with some of my own riding issues. Because I will be the last member from Atlin....
AN HON. MEMBER: Historic.
MR. GUNO: Historic, yes. I take great pleasure in dealing
with some of the problems that we have to face in the far north. It's
ironic that when people, especially embers from the urban areas, talk
about the north, they talk about Prince George, forgetting that Prince
George is really central — halfway.
I want to speak about the budget and how to fix my riding. First, I
must say that once again the priorities and needs of the northerners
have been ignored. It is true that there have been some concessions to
the needs of us northerners. I would say that the expansion of the
Medical Plan to include travel allowance for patients who have to
obtain specialized treatment away from home is welcome news to my
constituents. But overall, Mr. Speaker, I would suggest that the budget
does not acknowledge the fact that there really are two British
Columbias: one in the lower mainland and southern Vancouver Island,
wherein most of the wealth and opportunities are allocated or exist;
and the second the rest of B.C., where the further north you go, the
horse the conditions are in terms of unemployment and social, health
and educational services. If we're going to have balanced economic
growth for all British Columbians, we must move beyond this hinterland
metropolis mentality, which is the hallmark of Socred economic strategy.
[Mr. Ree in the chair.]
[ Page
12291 ]
I want to move on now to the issue of aboriginal land claims, an
issue quite dear to my heart, obviously. Ever since I was elected to
this assembly in 1986 I've watched and listened with great interest to
this government's struggle to grapple with this very complex and
long-standing issue. They were consistent for the first four and a half
years in simply sandbagging, stonewalling and making it very difficult
to come to a rational way of dealing with this problem. But I must say,
Mr. Speaker, that their turnabout in the last few months has been
rather breathtaking and quite interesting. The obvious question arises:
is this a genuine effort on the part of this government to finally
accommodate the long-standing grievance of the aboriginal people, or is
it a deathbed conversion? I hope it is the former. Because as my
colleague the first member for Victoria commented yesterday, we really
should maintain a non partisan stance on this issue. It is a
long-standing human rights question that needs to be dealt with in a
non-confrontational way. I think we owe it to all British Columbians to
take on that kind of strategy.
It's true that this budget provides some very impressive increases in the native ministry to facilitate negotiations....
AN HON. MEMBER: Tell that to Don Ryan.
MR. GUNO: Yes, I will tell it to Don Ryan, and I think you
will find that he understands that kind of strategy as well as most
aboriginal leaders do. They have said so and continue to say so. It's
those members over there who heat up the rhetoric.
On the other hand, the Premier, in spite of the rhetoric about this
new accommodation, talks about law and order, which I think is a
euphemism for clamping down on roadblocks. And what about roadblocks? I
think it's a political expression by a desperate people who feel that
their aspirations are simply being ignored and sandbagged.
AN HON. MEMBER: It's breaking the law.
MR. GUNO: It is not breaking the law. It's no more breaking
the law than this government continuing to break the law over on their
side. What I find very disturbing, Mr. Speaker, is that we surely have
not learned from the lessons of Oka, and this government...
HON. J. JANSEN: Do you agree with roadblocks?
MR. GUNO: ...and especially given the Finance minister's
comments right now, simply has ignored history. In fact, that myopia, I
think, is prevalent throughout this government. In spite of the fact
that they say that they're going to accommodate, that they're moving
into a new era of relationship....
Interjections.
MR. GUNO: What about breaking the law and the aboriginal rights? What about that? That naked force....
MR. KEMPF: Do you agree with roadblocks?
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. This is debate time on the
motion; it is not question period. Possibly the members could hold
their questions until question period and allow the member for Atlin to
continue with his comments on the budget.
MR. GUNO: Actually, I don't mind the interjections; I think they're quite revealing.
I bring up the situation at Oka because I think it has some very
valuable lessons to offer all of us, and I think we can avoid another
hot summer if we can be a little more understanding about this issue.
Naked force, stated under the guise of law and order, is the worst way
to deal with an issue that is so long-standing, complex and explosive.
I listened to the comments made by the Attorney General in his
debate speech a couple of days ago that aboriginal title does not
exist. He referred to the McEachern decision to confirm that position.
I am troubled by that, because it sends some very bad signals. In so
arrogantly dismissing the legitimate claims of the aboriginal people,
he invites further confrontation. That, I would suggest, is a direct
contradiction of the statement of this government that they are moving
into a new era of accommodation. The logical extension of the argument
that aboriginal people do not have a history and that they do not have
the institutions of an organized society is an ethnocentric view that
would relegate aboriginal people to being only part of the flora and
fauna of this land. The aboriginal people will never accept such an
outrageous ethnocentric view.
An
article appeared in the Times-Colonist today by Steve R. Lundin entitled:
"By What Right Do We Alone Define 'Human Rights'?" This
article
refers to comments by Rob Angus about the fact that native American culture
and land claims make clear the extent...that it simply does not exist. He
states that:
"Angus reaffirms Chief justice Allan McEachern's
convenient definition of cultural worth and thus perpetuates those
ethnocentric attitudes that have historically justified countless
crimes against humanity. As an archaeologist whose career has
encompassed the study of North America's first settlers, I am dismayed
to discover such attitudes still exist today."
Mr. Speaker, I've been fortunate in living in two worlds. I have
been educated as an aboriginal person in my own community and have been
brought up as an Nisga'a. I know the language; I know what it is to be
a Nisga'a. But I've also been educated in a western way
One of the benchmarks that Mr. Angus uses to determine whether or
not you have a civilized society is the existence of written language,
so he dismisses our society as being uncivilized because we have an
literature; I've read Chaucer, Yeats, Wordsworth and some of the more
imagery, the human wisdom and understanding of the human psyche that
are inherent in both. So I find it difficult to understand that the
people on the other
[ Page 12292 ]
side would say that we have no history and no institutions.
I also studied law. I studied your law, and I actually practised it
for a while. But I also was taught Nisga'a Ayuuk which means Nisga'a
law. I find the similarities to be amazing: similarities in notions of
presumptions of innocence, of fairness, of a fair way of settling
disputes. After all, if we didn't have those, how could we have existed
for ten thousand years?
[4:00]
Also, I've been part of your political system and been involved in
our own political system; and, quite frankly, judging by the members
opposite, they are certainly no example or record that I can send smoke
signals home about.
At any rate, my point is that I don't think anyone, no matter how
civilized they are, can judge and say, "You have no human rights,"
because to extend that argument is to extend the same kind of mentality
that gives rise to the kind of situation we have in South Africa and
even to the same kind of ideology that Nazi Germany operated under, and
that's a dangerous notion.
I also want to quote one of the statements that Mr. Lundin made: "To
state that since native Americans possessed no linguistic concept of
ownership...is like saying that before the Declaration of Human
Rights humans possessed no rights." Surely one would hope that those
qualities which we use to define our civilization and hold it as just
and moral would also, by virtue of our belief in them, extend to our
treatment of other, different cultures. In the absence of this, we
would make a mockery of such ideals, and that's the danger here:
continuing to ignore and trying to play politics with the very
fundamental human rights that we call the aboriginal land question.
That is why we must make every effort to seek ways of understanding.
As aboriginal people, we have something to offer, and there is an
opportunity to form a a synthesis that future generations of British
Columbians can enjoy. It's kind of ironic that this House is surrounded
by replicas of Indian culture; and yet inside this House we continue to
say, at least on the government side, that they don't have any rights,
that they, as a superior civilization, can move in, and just by edict
eliminate them as human beings. We have to make that kind of effort.
I must say that there has been a new climate and in no way.... I have
to acknowledge that when the member for South Peace River was Minister
of Native Affairs, he did all he could to come to that kind of
understanding. I'm proud to be part of this party and of our leader,
who has the political fortitude to say: "Yes, when we form government
we as a party will negotiate and will negotiate honourably."
I want to conclude by just saying that, as I said before, I plan to vote against
this budget, because I believe it is not what the Finance minister says: that
it is only a $395 million deficit, that it is caring and that it is an example
of good management. I think it's the diametrical opposite of all those claims.
For those reasons, Mr. Speaker, I urge the members here to vote against this
budget.
MR. REYNOLDS: It's always a pleasure to speak in the throne
speech and budget debate, because it's the one opportunity we get as
members to discuss all the issues that take place in this House.
One of the concerns I've had, Mr. Speaker, especially in this
session, is the personal attacks that are taking place in this
Legislature — the ethics. We heard the member for Vancouver East this
afternoon defend his wrongdoing by going on the attack and talking
about the corruption in this government, instead of answering his own
problem.
I'm going to break my speech into basically three parts.
I want to talk about the ethics of government and the ethics of the
NDP in Ontario. People might say: why are we always talking about
Ontario in a British Columbia Legislature? Well, Ontario is one of the
few governments in all of Canada that's New Democrat — in fact, the
only one, and probably a good reason why there aren't more. I think
also we have to make sure that the people of British Columbia know what
they could expect from a New Democratic government if they were to form
a government in this province. They across there have their transition
teams. Why aren't they telling the people of British Columbia which
recommendations they've made to the government of Ontario, since
they're on their transition team? Let's talk about some of the things
that are happening in Ontario, and ask: who are the transition team
down there? Which one of these issues are they part of?
I'll also talk about the ethics of the member for Vancouver East,
the ethics of the Leader of the Opposition — all political, nothing
personal.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I'll talk about the ethics of the member for
Esquimalt-Port Renfrew, both political and business life. He likes to
talk about my business, Mr. Speaker; I'll do a little talking about his.
The New Democrats in Ontario have been in power just a little over
seven months. There have been eight scandals — a little over one a
month — since they got into power. One MPP was jailed. Two cabinet
ministers have been fired, and two more should have been. Taxpayer
money has been wasted covering up a severance agreement. A police
investigation has been ordered against one minister, and
conflict-of-interest investigations have found another minister and a
parliamentary
secretary guilty.
Twenty-six of the 76 of the promises made during the election have
been eliminated; they're not being done. A $2 billion deficit was
promised by Bob Rae during the election campaign. What have they got? A
$10 billion deficit. That's NDP ethics for you.
Toxic discharges were to be eliminated in Ontario under the NDP; now
they'll be reduced over an indefinite period of time. Mr. Speaker,
that's the kind of ethics that they've got in the New Democratic Party.
This is a government that has been in power seven months. My God,
after five years they won't have anybody left to sit on the government
benches, because they'll all be fired or in jail.
Mr. Speaker, Peter Kormos, the minister of consumer affairs, was
fired after some protest groups within their own party didn't like him
being the
[ Page
12293 ]
Sunshine Boy in the Toronto Sun. I don't find that all so bad, but
that was considered a conflict by the Premier of Ontario. What was bad
about that minister was that he hired a convicted wife-beater as his
chief adviser on sexism in advertising. Where are the ethics of the NDP
doing that sort of thing? Where is their common sense? But that's what
they've done in Ontario.
This one, I know, will tickle my colleague behind me, because it was
a big issue in this House, raised by the NDP Cabinet minister Marilyn
Churley, despite her quick expansion of income to approximately $90,000
a year, has continued to live in her subsidized $850-a-month,
two-bedroom co-op suite. There's a minister in an NDP government. I
haven't heard our New Democratic friends talking about that. They sure
liked to talk about it in this Legislature when it happened. She
promised to move out and free up the space for low-income people as
early as last summer, but she didn't do it, she only moved out on May 1 of this year.
The Solicitor-General, the man in charge of the police in Ontario,
is under police investigation for writing to a judge. That's New
Democratic Party ethics: a Solicitor-General writing to a judge. Could
you imagine the headlines we'd get in this province if anybody on this
side ever thought of doing that? But it's coming from that side over
there. They don't care that their colleague the Solicitor-General would
write to a judge.
Social Services minister Zanana Akonde continued to hold
directorships in a magazine company and a condominium development
company. She was found guilty by the conflict commissioner, but Premier
Rae kept her in his cabinet. He said that she didn't intend to do it.
He believed there was no challenge to her integrity, but she was found
guilty by the conflict commissioner. That's the NDP when they're in
power. The people of this province have a right to know what could
happen if they had a chance here.
Mr. Speaker, I don't want to talk too much more about Ontario, but I
wanted to lay that ground rule. The people of British Columbia.... That
is the great thing about television. Television in the House is a
promise that this government kept. If you want to go back and look at
what this government promised in '86, we've kept all those promises.
We've kept a balanced budget, and we're not in the hole like the NDP
It's not good enough in this province to have a Leader of the
Opposition who won't answer questions to the media and won't tell them
what his budget would be. That's not fair to the people of British
Columbia. Let me talk about the Leader of the Opposition. I quote him
from the Times-Colonist , and they're never wrong. He says:
"It's not our style to get down in the muck." Here's a quote from the
member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew, if you can believe this: "He made it
very clear to the caucus. He has set a style for us, and we're not
going to get into the mud-throwing." Mr. Mud made that statement — the
man from Esquimalt–Port Renfrew. I can't believe it. That statement
alone should go before our conflict commissioner.
We know what we've heard from the member for Vancouver East in the
past few days. We've heard him say that he got some information from a
very reliable government source. We've talked about that. It will
probably be dealt with in some other place.
Let me quote what the Leader of the Opposition said when he was
mayor of the city of Vancouver, because people of the province should
know. This is the man who's quite happy when he sees 20 of his pictures
in an editorial that are all the same — to have that image of being
smooth and cool and doing nothing. This man, when he was mayor,
promised swift and tough action against any aldermen or staff who
leaked confidential council materials to the press. "If I discover a
staff person doing this, he will be disciplined or fired." The Leader
of the Opposition added that if an alderman was involved, he or she
would not be worthy of office. That quote comes from the Vancouver Sun , May 27.
His Finance critic has admitted that he used a leaked document in
this House. I would certainly question who leaked it to him. If the
information was false, maybe he's being set up; I don't know. But he
got up today and said that the opposition had a right to ask questions
on leaked documents. His leader has said that people who use leaked
documents wouldn't have been on his council. Why is he sitting on the
front benches of the NDP today? A cheap political shot at a former
Premier who's already had enough problems, already faced the issues in
this province. Do you kick somebody when he's down, especially with
false information, and then give him a half-hearted apology? That's not
acceptable in this House, and I know that members on the other side
agree. I know they won't say it. They're concerned that their friend
made a political mistake by saying three words he shouldn't have said.
If he had just got up and apologized, there'd be no issue. They are
concerned. They know that deep down they wouldn't respect any
government that used leaked documents illegally.
The Leader of the Opposition has to answer that question. Why isn't
that question being put to him? Why isn't he answering that question
about leaked documents? When he was mayor he didn't like it; he had
control there. But now that he's in opposition, it's all right? I don't
agree with that; the people of British Columbia don't agree with it.
[4:15]
MR. JONES: What's illegal?
MR. REYNOLDS: The member for Burnaby asked me what's illegal.
Leaking documents from the tax department is illegal. In fact, your own
member said in the press scrum yesterday that he wouldn't do it again.
He knows it was wrong, and just apologizing isn't enough in this House.
You would be on the question floor every day if it was a member of this
side. If they had something leaked about a member of the opposition,
you would be on every television station and in every newspaper,
demanding the resignation of anybody on this side of the House.
So wave your hands. The public is going to know. We all know there's an election coming up soon. And
[ Page 12294 ]
he's waving a book; Mr. Speaker, we can all write books. There's an
election coming soon, and we're going to talk about some real facts
during the election. We can talk about the good record of this
government. If you want to talk about scandals, we'll talk about NDP
scandals. We can go back and talk about Charlie Barber, who was a
member of a previous government. We've all got skeletons in the closet.
Nobody's perfect.
Let me quote from one of the members who's running....
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Are you running?
MR. REYNOLDS: I'm certainly running in the next election.
I've got one of the best constituencies in British Columbia. I've got
lots of friends here who have asked me to come out to their ridings to
make the same speech, and I'll do it a hundred times.
Let me talk about some of the candidates for the NDP in the next election.
MR. G. JANSSEN: Let's talk about your candidates.
MR. REYNOLDS: I'll talk about your candidates, and you can talk about ours.
Mr. Speaker, let me read you this quote:
"'I'm very reluctant to sit down and sign a cheque
to Revenue Canada. The ball's in Revenue Canada's court as far as I
am concerned, ' Hertzog said, adding that he is continuing to withhold a
portion of his income tax each year. He said he withheld $482.51 in 1986 and
$283.51 in 1988, amounts he estimated as the portion of his taxes that would
have gone to Canada's military budget."
This is NDP Vancouver-Quilchena candidate Stuart Hertzog. He's been ordered
to pay it by the courts; he refuses. He won't support the Canadian forces;
he won't support what they just did in the Middle East. That's
the kind of candidates they've got in the NDP; that's the kind of ethics
they've got in the NDP.
Let's talk again about NDP ethics and some of the things that you
don't see on the front pages of papers. I don't knock the media for
that, because they're not the government. A lot of things they do just
don't attract the same attention that you attract if you're government.
I remember David Poole — a big issue. Well, the Leader of the
Opposition was sued by his former principal secretary James Hayes for
wrongful dismissal, and he had to pay $89,200. Was that as big an
issue as the Premier's principal secretary?
Bob Williams faced legal action from the city of Victoria early in
1979 for $3,200 in back taxes owed for a building he owned on Johnson
Street.
John Brewin, the Member of Parliament right here in Victoria — and he's
a New Democrat — owed Revenue Canada $86,000 in unpaid taxes when he declared
bankruptcy, citing a total debt burden of $200,000 only months after successfully
running for a seat in the House of Commons. Brewin's case went to the Supreme
Court of Ontario last summer. Despite owing $80,000 to the Canadian government
— you and me — in unpaid income taxes, Brewin saw fit to attend the Commonwealth
Games in New Zealand at taxpayer expense.
That's the NDP ethics. If John Brewin had been a member of this
assembly, he wouldn't be sitting here. You can't sit in this House if
you're declared bankrupt. He would have had to resign. He's still a
Member of Parliament, representing this area.
MR. MILLER: How's Mongi doing these days?
MR. REYNOLDS: I'll talk about that. You want to talk about my companies. I'll talk about them, but I'll compare them to some of yours.
Mr. Speaker, let me give you the Leader of the Opposition's comments
about John Brewin, the NDP member in Victoria: "Like any businessman,
he's got the option that business people have to cut their losses.
Sometimes businessmen go bankrupt when their investments go down the
tube, and John's choosing that option. That's business. You win some,
you lose some. You make a profit sometimes, you lose money other times."
I have a business. The member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew wanted to
ask questions in this House about it. It was a bad business decision by
a company, but only one. All the others are good. But we're chastised.
Where are the people on that side when somebody like this is ripping
off the taxpayer? They hide away behind the corner.
Let me talk about the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew. I don't get
upset too often, because I've got good friends on all sides of this
House, but when I see that saint on television, the piousness of what
they're going to do with ethics, how they wouldn't do this and how he
gets up every day asking questions in here like he knows all the
answers.... I don't know how he got his law degree, but anyway, he did.
About March 20, the member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew complained
that the former Deputy Attorney General had decided not to follow the
recommendations of an RCMP officer to charge a former Provincial
Secretary. His complaints were widely endorsed by the media, as they
strongly criticized that decision by the former Deputy
Attorney-General. The Leader of the Opposition also huffed and puffed
with applause — as he does — and both of them said a charge should
proceed so the accused could clear his name.
Remember, the RCMP officer recommended a charge. Guess what? The
very same RCMP officer who recommended those charges also said the
member for Esquimalt should face criminal charges. Further to that, as
everyone knows, the Deputy Attorney-General for Alberta, who was acting
exactly in the capacity of a special prosecutor, said that if the
evidence he had seen was fairly put before a judge, the member for
Esquimalt would likely be convicted of his crime.
Mr. Speaker, I can understand....
Interjection.
MR. REYNOLDS: I don't knock the media, because I'm saying here that they cover government more than opposition.
[ Page
12295 ]
But I would also say to the Leader of the Opposition, who demands
the strictest of ethics on this side of the House, that he should do
the same on his side of the House, and that that man should not be his
justice critic.
It's amazing to me that the member for Esquimalt wouldn't have asked
for the same justice for himself that he demanded for members on this
side of the House. Why wouldn't he do that? Why wouldn't the Leader of
the Opposition have those same ethics and ask for the investigation to
flow through? That's all we ask: that everybody be treated fairly in
this business. But you stand up there on that side of the House
pontificating about your piousness and how wonderful you'll be. You
don't like to remember your friends in Ontario; who have been in power
for only seven months and have made more mistakes in seven months....
As I said earlier, at the end of five years there won't be any of them
left.
The member for Prince Rupert said: "What about your company?" Yes,
I've taken some flak from the other side, but I can live with that.
That's politics. But I also think that if you're going to look at
people's private businesses and want to bring them up on the floor of
this chamber, we should have a right to look at their businesses. We
should have a right to talk about the member for Esquimalt and his
family business. My business is a family business.
Mr. Speaker, I'm going to say that everything I'm going to mention
here has not been received from any secret sources. It's all available
to the public by just searching for it. I asked a source to research
S&S Stores Ltd. I'll read you the report. This is not in my words,
but in the words of the person who did the thing.
MR. JONES: Is this at government expense?
MR. REYNOLDS: You ask if it's at government expense. In fact, it's not. I paid for it personally.
It says:
"Bachittar Sihota, father of the member for
Esquimalt–Port Renfrew, incorporated a company in B.C. named S&S
Stores Ltd. This company was dissolved on January 4, 1983, and restored
on January 9, 1987.
"There is a connection between this company and the company
which operated in Montreal in the 1977-78 period and which was involved in tax
return discounting. The connection is that they are one and the same company,
having a B.C. office at 4179 Salish Drive, Vancouver, British Columbia. The
Montreal firm, operating as a division of S&S Stores Ltd., was investigated
by the consumer protection office of the province as part of an investigation
which resulted from suggested abuse under consumer protection legislation. A
second office of S&S operating in Hull, Quebec, was raided in March of 1978.
The Montreal Gazette reported on March 20, 1978, that 'staff at the Vancouver-based
S&S tax discount centre were apparently alerted about the raid and had left
the store with their files when investigators arrived.' After the raid,
S&S closed all three of their offices in Quebec.
"There is evidence of financial difficulties as early as
1976 for Bachittar Sihota, while operating as Algard Investments Ltd. Actions
were also taken against S&S during the following years and judgments obtained
against [the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew] as guarantor of the obligations
of Furniture and Carpet City, also known as Interior Liquidators and Furniture
City, operated by Bachittar Singh Sihota.
"Personal properties owned by [the member for
Esquimalt-Port Renfrew] in Prince George and Williams Lake were subject
to numerous actions, culminating in foreclosure proceedings on both
these properties. There were more than 13 actions taken by lenders or
others against the interest of [the member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew]
in these two properties and a third owned by him in the Musqueam
reserve area of Vancouver. They included actions to recover legal fees
for services provided, a garnishee action for the recovery of a
business debt and numerous actions resulting from default under
mortgages. The Musqueam property was not lost in the foreclosure
actions. Attached you will find a copy of a list of actions taken and
the dates of their initiation."
The first action against him was a Royal Bank foreclosure on a house
in Musqueam; the second action, an Afro-Canadian Mortgage suit to
recover brokerage fees; a CIBC foreclosure action on Williams Lake
property; a Canpar Ltd. default judgment; Paramount Furniture —
proceedings dismissed; a CIBC default judgment against M.S. as
guarantor of father's business loan; Cavco Carpets, garnishee against
his wages from law firm re business debt; Eaton-Bay Trust, foreclosure
on Musquearn house; Prospect Mortgage, foreclosure on Musqueam house;
Central Financial, foreclosure on property in Prince George; an
interesting one here — Swinton and Co., default judgment for unpaid
legal fees; Commerce Capital, foreclosure on Musqueam house; Central
Financial, foreclosure on Musqueam house.
Actions taken against S&S Stores, while the member for
Esquimalt–Port Renfrew was president: Employment Standards writ of
seizure and sale for unpaid wages — for a man who's the Labour critic
on the other side; Her Majesty, unpaid sales tax; Hankin Furniture, an
unpaid account.
When did the member for Esquimalt–Port Renfrew take the vow of
sanctity? He gets up in this House — Mr. Clean. I look at that record,
and I don't know any free enterprise business that is that bad. I don't
like to have to put that on the record, but I'm tired of taking the
nonsense from that side. It's time they started to look at their own
house, and it's time the people of British Columbia started to look at
that side of the House in detail. He's the justice critic and the
labour critic, and he had to be sued for legal fees. The NDP love to
ask questions about our contacts in business and what we do.
Bob Williams was a good, hard-working member of this House. Some
over here didn't like him as much as others, but I always liked his
ability to raise some hair over here. I thought he was a great
opposition member. He was chairman of the largest credit union in
British Columbia, and you give him credit for that. The member for
Vancouver–Point Grey was on the board also. It's a good company, but it
probably had a lot of bad loans. Do we get a list of those all the
time, so we can criticize their management capabilities? No, we don't.
If they were on this side of the House, and if anybody here was the
chairman of a credit union or a
[ Page 12296 ]
bank, you can imagine the ~pressure we would go through.
This has to go both ways. We should be debating what the budget is
doing for this province, and what might happen in the next election. We
should be asking those questions in question period. The question
periods over the last few days, with the exception of one member whose
questions I like, was rather dull. You're not doing your research, and
I think that's what you should be doing.
You should also be telling the people of this province what you're
going to do if you become the government of British Columbia. They have
a right to know that. If you don't like the budget the way it is now
and you think we've got too much, what would it be like if we got all
your promises? The member for Vancouver–Point Grey wants to double
welfare rates. What would it be like in this province? Would it be like
Ontario? We have a right to know as people in British Columbia if
you're going to be like Bob Rae, who indicated he might change the
rules in the Ontario legislature because he doesn't like the filibuster
against his budget by the Conservatives. Even his own Speaker ruled
against him. I give him credit. Speakers are always pretty good that
way; they're pretty fair. He ruled against his own government and tried
to stop the filibuster.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
We've got to know that. What kind of rules will we have in this
House under a New Democratic government? Will they cut down the
estimates to a small number like they did before? It was this
government, if you remember.... A lot of the voters will forget, because
in 1972 half the voters weren't born. They should remember that your
government cut down the size of the estimates. We won an election on
that. We went back and said: "We'll open it up. You can debate the
estimates all you want." Your government cut it down to a very small
amount of time. We couldn't even debate them. Remember? No dollar
without a debate or something.
[4:30]
AN HON. MEMBER: Not a dime without debate.
MR. REYNOLDS: That was it. What are you going to do? What is
your party going to be? You're afraid to tell the people of British
Columbia what you socialists will do. My God, if we could just get a
little more coverage of what's happening in Ontario.... I would imagine
that we won't have an election until September or October. There's
going to be a lot more coming out. Every day the little clippings are
in the paper.
We will remind the people at election time, because they still remember Expo.
We wouldn't have had Expo if your leader had been leader of this province.
We wouldn't have Tumbler Ridge if it was up to the Leader of the Opposition.
We wouldn't have the Trade and Convention Centre in B.C. Place if it was
up to the Leader of the Opposition. We wouldn't have the Alex Fraser Bridge
or the LRT — the best one in all of North America — if it was up to the Leader
of the Opposition. More importantly, we wouldn't have the Coquihalla if
it was up to those people over there. All they could talk about was how much
it cost and that it was an overrun.
Listen, if you think we have overruns.... We still balance a budget.
Look at Ontario — $10 billion over. Give me a break! The best highway,
one of the best in North America.... The member for Penticton drives it
all the time, I'm sure.
Mr. Speaker, what about the other big issue? It's the one that's
good for the environment: the Vancouver Island natural gas pipeline. We
wouldn't have that if it was up to the Leader of the Opposition, but
we've got it because this government is in power. That's going to stop
a lot.... I remember the member for Burnaby talking about oil tankers
and what we are going to do about them — not that we ever had a wreck.
But their Ouija board said there is going to be an accident some day.
We put in the natural gas pipeline. We eliminated 200 to 300 shiploads
of oil going back and forth in the harbour all the time. It's a
fabulous thing. We're going to eliminate all that soot in the air on
the Island. All the pulp mills are going to burn natural gas instead of
hog fuel. They opposed it over there, because a few of their little
left-wing environmental idiots — I'll call them that because they are —
get them to support them. They use that in the mailer; I love it.
Anybody who is opposed to that gas pipeline doesn't know what they're
talking about. It never ceases to amaze me how upset they get when you
bring a few facts to them.
This government, Mr. Speaker, has the best environmental record of
any in Canada, and we've done more innovative things than any other
government in Canada. There are things we can be proud of at election
time. This government has the best financial record of any government
in all of Canada. This government has got the best education record,
and compared to Ontario it's unbelievable. We have the best health care
in all of Canada here in British Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, when it comes to social services we get beat out a
little bit by Ontario, because they doubled their welfare rates. They
are paying them more money now than the average wage-earner in Canada
makes. That's because they are irresponsible. The socialists are
irresponsible, Mr. Speaker: they give money away.
They talk about our different bills. I love it every time I see
their BCGEU leader and others talk about: "Hey, we're going to get out
and get our people to vote NDP." I hope he keeps on saying that,
because we don't get elected in this province, as Socreds, unless we
get a lot of labour votes — and they like us, because we make sure
there's construction going on in the province, so they can get jobs.
All your labour leaders who've got their big, fat salaries and their
homes in West Vancouver.... They live in West Vancouver: John Laxton, a
lawyer, a $4 million house on the water; Jack Munro, up on a mountain,
his wife running somewhere in Vancouver. I thought that was pretty
neat: lives in West Vancouver, runs in Vancouver for the NDP. Big, fat
salaries. They'll all support you guys in the paper, but they probably
go in and mark their X next to the Socred, because they want to keep
their
[ Page
12297 ]
jobs. Those socialist union leaders, they won't have much to spend
if these guys get into power, because they can't run a chicken farm.
I could go on and on, but I see my time is up. I just want to say
I'm proud of this government, proud of the budget, and I'm going to
vote for it.
MR. JONES: Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker, for recognizing
me, because unlike the previous speaker, I do have a few comments to
make on the budget before us.
I'd very much like to talk about a small aspect of this budget, but
a very important one. It's part of the budget that affects unemployment
in the province of British Columbia. But before I do that, I would also
like to make a few general comments.
After the thoughtful and high-road speech of the previous speaker, I
thought, for a few minutes there, we were in Queen's Park. Some members
on this side suggest that the members opposite want to talk about
Queen's Park continually because they want to deflect attention away
from their own budget. I don't believe that for a minute, Mr. Speaker.
What the members opposite are really doing is getting practice. They're
getting ready to criticize the government's budget, because they're
getting ready for opposition, which is where they'll be after the next
election.
The question I'd like to address is the question of credibility.
Credibility in terms of this budget is something that all members in
this House know about. We know what a budget is. Members in this
chamber know that a budget is a political document. It's part of the
process of image-making; it's part of the process of optics; it's
trying to create an impression out there in the public. We have to
wonder, on this side, what sort of impression was created. What sort of
message was sent to British Columbians by this budget? Was it one of
stability? Was it one of consistency? Was it one of honesty and
straightforwardness?
Mr. Speaker, the Times-Colonist had an
article on May 22 that
quoted one of the economic authorities in this province, Mr. Al
Kerfoot, president of the Certified General Accountants' Association of
B.C. He said: "The provincial government continues to use the mythical
BS fund to disguise the real nature of the deficit. It's more smoke and
mirrors." This budget before us is not one of trying to create an image
of straightforwardness and honesty; it is another smoke-and-mirrors
budget.
What did the editorial of the Times-Colonist say on that same
day, Mr. Speaker? "No matter what [the Finance minister] or any other
Socred says, the actual deficit...is $1.23 billion." The former
Minister of Health, who is at this moment being sworn in as the
Minister of Advanced Education, Job Training and Technology, still
tried to perpetuate this afternoon that same myth of $385 million. The
editorial goes on to say: "To argue otherwise is simply dishonest."
Brian Kieran said on the same date: "Anyone stupid enough to swallow
that load of fiscal rubbish should have no trouble believing the
Socreds have discovered compassion and caring in their final budget
before an election reckoning."
Mr. Speaker, that's the message being sent by this budget. It's not
one of caring and compassion, or stability and consistency It's one of
deceit, dishonesty and confusion. This government has operated for five
years on that ethic: the ethic of deceit. It is so endemic, so
systemic, so ingrained in Social Credit thinking that even when the
budget before us probably would not have been that highly criticized in
the province, they could not come forward and talk about the bottom
line openly and honestly. They could not come clean. They could not
'fess up to the reality. They wanted to create some sort of image that
just didn't wash. Everybody but the Finance minister and the former
Minister of Health is out of step.
The member for West Vancouver–Howe Sound spoke a few minutes ago
about promises. He talked about that government keeping promises. Well,
Mr. Speaker, a very short time ago in this chamber we debated a bill,
Bill 92. It was called the tax freeze act. The government was talking
about freezing taxes. What did members say at the time? The Finance
minister of the time, who is now the Provincial Secretary, said: "As
well, the act prevents the provincial government from introducing any
new taxes whatsoever." There was an interjection at that point. I
assume that somebody asked: "Are you sure that's what this act says?"
The former Finance minister said: "That's right, no new taxes."
So what happened a very short time later? What happened some two
months later? My colleague the member for Vancouver East has a line. He
says: "This government didn't even wait until the next election to
break their election promises." That's not an accurate quote; it's not
an accurate statement that the member for Vancouver East made. That was
not an election promise; that was legislation. That was a bill that was
approved in this chamber unanimously Two months later, this government
turns around and increases taxes in violation of that unanimously
passed legislation. Everybody is out of step except those people.
In this House the other day, the Minister of Government Services had
the temerity to criticize the former Premier for his defence of that
legislation that we all voted for. She had the temerity to criticize
the former leader for standing up, for being consistent, for believing
in something that the former Premier stood for and saw approved in this
House and is now being criticized for — for being consistent. It's
typical of a Social Credit government to criticize one of their members
when they stand up to be counted for something that stands for
consistency, openness and honesty.
What happened to Bill 92? What happened to freezing the taxes? Did
we see another bill that overrides or contradicts that bill? In this
session, clearly what we see in this chamber is a contempt of
parliament. Everybody in this House voted for legislation that is now
being trashed by the Social Credit government.
The image this government is trying to create in this budget is one
of caring and concern for people. Over and over again in the budget
speech, the Finance minister talked about people: people first, people
programs, people-oriented, people are number one.
[ Page 12298 ]
According to the Finance minister, we are going to move to a kinder
and gentler British Columbia. We are going to try and move away from
the hard and callous image that the government has had for the last
five years and, in a deathbed repentance, try and change that image.
[4:45]
Well, that is a farce. It's a farce because of one particular aspect
of this budget that was totally ignored. There was no mention in this
budget of the serious problem we face: unemployment. The budget speech
ignored some 167,000 British Columbians who are out of work at this
time. The member opposite for Columbia River, the member for Kamloops,
the member from Prince George and the member for Nelson Creston did not
have any input into this budget, or any mention or measure of dealing
with the serious problem of unemployment, which was ignored.
A significant event happened in between the time of the tax freeze
of Bill 92 and the bringing down of this budget. In that short period
of time, in those short few weeks, we moved to double-digit
unemployment numbers: 7.7 percent in January 1990 and 10.2 percent last
month. To try and put that in perspective, we must consider that
something like 10 percent of the workforce is unemployed. If we try to
put that in terms of constituencies, an additional 35,000 people were
thrown out of work last year. Thirty-five thousand people is a whole
constituency. If that was in one constituency, we would have a member
representing a whole constituency of newly unemployed persons. I
realize that not everybody in the province is capable of entering the
workforce, but a 10 percent unemployment figure might suggest that
something like five members out of 69 in this chamber would represent
unemployed families.
Perhaps then, if we looked at it in those terms, we would see a
budget that at least had some mention of unemployment, if not some
serious measures to address that serious problem. But what we saw from
this callous Social Credit government was no mention of it, no
programs, no effort — from a government that purports to care about
people, in the words of the budget.
What you want to do, Mr. Speaker and members opposite, if you want
to learn about unemployment, is talk to my friend from Port Alberni. If
members opposite availed themselves of that opportunity, clearly they
would learn about the hardship of a community where many of the members
have been thrown out of work in the forest industry, and about the
tremendous toll that that takes in human terms. The member for Alberni
is always eloquent, but I've never heard him more so when he speaks on
behalf of those unemployed forest workers.
I have sat waiting for almost five years on this side of the House. I've
been waiting for a labour market strategy. All we hear from that side is the
rosy picture of British Columbia. They have rose-coloured glasses. They are
avoiding the reality of unemployment in this province. And what did we see in
this budget in terms of trying to address that?
Mr. Speaker, one part of the budget that I have a responsibility for
looking at is the job training, apprenticeship, labour market and
policy programs part.
Guess what happened to that part of the budget. Has it been increased along
with the overall 8.1 percent increase? No, the part of the budget that held
out some hope for those unemployed British Columbians is down $1.3 million.
It's down 4 percent, and when we consider inflation and other factors, it's
down over 10 percent, dashing the hopes for British Columbians that there might
be some programs. That part of the budget is at the same level as four years
ago. It has not increased. The timing of this government — the government
that fires its Finance minister on throne speech day — is incredible. There
could not be a worse time for a cutback in that budget.
Mr. Speaker, what we know in this province is that the labour market
has undergone incredible structural change. We've gone from a
goods-producing economy to a service economy. Between 1981 and 1989
some 25 percent of the employment in the goods-producing sector was
eliminated, and between 1975 and 1989 in metropolitan Vancouver 96
percent of the new jobs were in the service sector. Now that's not such
a bad thing. When we think of the service sector we think of
low-paying, low-skilled jobs, and that's not necessarily the case. Many
of those jobs are in the sophisticated knowledge-based and
information-based sector. Such jobs as research and development,
marketing and business services are part of that expansion.
We know what happened in Port Alberni. That industry retooled, and
in that retooling many formerly employed skilled people were thrown on
the unemployment rolls. Skilled workers were left to fend for
themselves. This part of the budget that held out some hope for those
workers in terms of addressing the unemployment problem and providing
programs that could retrain them has gone down in the order of 10
percent.
The point is that in the unskilled area we have some 92,000 people
unemployed, and in the middle management area we have some 30,000
people unemployed. Training must be in place for those workers;
training must be in place for those that have been idled by the shift
from a goods-producing economy to a service economy.
What's been needed — and this government has never understood — is a
countercyclical approach. When the economy slows d