British Columbia Hansard — Wednesday, October 19, 1983 — Morning Sitting (33rd Parliament, 1st Session)
33p 01s 831019a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1983 Legislative Session: 1st Session, 33rd Parliament
Hansard
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
( Hansard )
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1983
Morning Sitting
[ Page
2825 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Motor Vehicle Amendment Act, 1983 (Bill 23). Second reading.
Mr. Lea –– 2825
Mr. Cocke –– 2826
Hon. A. Fraser –– 2827
Committee of Supply: Ministry of Industry and Small Business Development estimates.
(Hon. Mr. Phillips)
On vote 52 2828
Hon. Mr. Phillips
Mr. Lea
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1983
The House met at 10:04 a.m.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Leave to proceed to public bills and orders, Mr. Speaker.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Adjourned debate on second reading of Bill 23.
MOTOR VEHICLE AMENDMENT ACT, 1983
(continued)
MR. LEA: Mr. Speaker, some of these clauses really call for
some examination more in committee than in second reading, but there is
one major principle in this bill that we have great concern with, and
that is the elimination of motor vehicle testing in the populated areas
of the province. I think the government has gone wrong. They are
saying: "We are going to shut these motor vehicle testing stations down
in the lower mainland and in Victoria where there is a high
population." I've got news for them — that doesn't mean a great deal to
those of us who come from rural areas of the province, because we have
never had that kind of program. We have had people come in
periodically. I know people who have tried to test their cars in Prince
Rupert and have had to wait months in order to get it done. There is a
travelling road show that comes through to do that sort of thing. So
the program that has been in effect — the government is right — hasn't
worked that effectively in some areas of the province.
Interjection.
MR. LEA: That's right — we thought it was Great American
Shows coming to town. But I think they are throwing the baby out with
the bathwater in this case. I think there is a need to continue the
program of motor vehicle testing as it has been done in the populated
areas, and this act that is being changed could apply to the rural
areas of the province. In other words, why not keep that part that is
working in the lower mainland and in populated areas and change the act
to allow what this act is going to allow only in the rural areas? That
would make sense. This bill does not make common sense. Surely that's
what we are trying to achieve when we talk about legislation. We're
trying to get some common sense into the statutes and the
administration of the province. This bill is not going to do it.
Let's take a place like Chetwynd....
Interjection.
MR. LEA: Or maybe we shouldn't. You can have Chetwynd.
Let's use Chetwynd as an example. There is no service there at the present
time for motor vehicle testing. It makes sense to change the act to allow the
private operator to do the job for government and for the public. Change the
act so you can go into the local garage and have your car checked out, get your
certificate and your sticker for the window, and that sort of thing. That makes
a lot of sense for rural areas, where they don't have access to the kind
of service previously offered in the motor vehicle testing stations. But it
makes absolutely no sense to do it in the highly populated urban areas of the
province. In fact, this act could have exactly the opposite effect to what I
think the minister wants. If people do not have those motor vehicle testing
stations I'm convinced a great many of them will not go through any sort
of motor vehicle testing; therefore, even the small operators in the private
sector who have been getting work out of the motor vehicle testing branch won't
get as much business.
I don't know whether the minister follows me, but what happens now
is that when you go to the motor vehicle testing branch they test your
vehicle and say, "Okay, something has to be done with your brakes," or:
" Your steering apparatus is loose; get that into the garage. Come back
with a certificate that it's been fixed, we'll put you through again
and then you'll get your sticker." In other words, the motor vehicle
testing station is forcing people — or at least using friendly coercion
— to take their vehicles in, have them repaired and come back to the
motor vehicle testing station again. That creates business for the
small service stations. I prophesy that the small business operators
aren't going to get as much business out of fixing vehicles with those
kinds of small defects as they have in the past. So this doesn't really
make any sense at all. We're talking about testing and keeping safe
vehicles on the road, and about who is going to get the business of
fixing them up when there are some defects. That's one part of the
bill. As the bill is going through, I don't think it makes any sense
between rural and highly urban areas, and that is one reason I can't
vote for this legislation.
I would like the minister to answer this question when he gets up to
close debate, and I'll be asking him again when we get to the committee
stage. It's my information that different agencies of government have
run computer projections as to what the possible fatality and accident
rate in B.C. will be without the motor vehicle testing stations. It is
my information that ICBC has done such a projection, and that their
findings are not good for this legislation. ICBC has done some
projections and has come back with some figures that are astounding in
terms of the increase in fatalities and accidents because of this
section of the motor vehicle testing act that we're looking at. It is
also my understanding that the report is on the desk of deputy
ministers in Consumer and Corporate Affairs and in the
Attorney-General's office. I don't know whether it's on the desk of the
Deputy Minister of Transportation and Highways, but I would be
surprised if it were not. I also understand that it isn't only the ICBC
section of the government that has done this kind of projection. I
understand there have been other projections done, and each and every
one of them spells out disaster for us if this legislation goes through.
We can't always rely on projections from computers, because they do
make mistakes. Look at the last election. They had us winning for the
first five minutes.
MR. REID: They can be wrong.
MR. LEA: They can be wrong, Mr. Member, but I think we have
to pay a great deal of attention to these kinds of projections. I think
it would be absolutely irresponsible for government not to share those
computer projections with the members of this House and with the public
before this act goes through this Legislature. The Minister of Consumer
and Corporate Affairs (Hon. Mr. Hewitt) and the Minister of
Transportation and Highways (Hon. A. Fraser) are both in the House, and
I'm sure the Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Smith)
[ Page 2826 ]
will be in later. Mr. Speaker, I think it would be
immoral if we in this Legislature were to vote on this legislation in
second reading, or on any part of it, before the government brings
forward those computer projections that I know have been done. I know
for sure that ICBC staff have done one and that the projection has been
forwarded to government.
Interjection.
MR. LEA: No, the assumption, as far as I understand it, is
what would happen if this act goes through and private testing goes
into effect. They're projecting how many people would get their cars
tested and what loopholes are in it. I could be absolutely wrong on
that, because I haven't seen the report, but I have had a report on the
report. I feel hamstrung in having to debate this bill without having
had that information in front of the Legislature. I wonder whether the
minister, before we go any further — because there are other members
who are going to be debating this bill — couldn't get all of the
studies that have been done, so that we can make an educated assessment
of what this act is all about. Unless we have those figures and
projections in front of us, we're really debating in the dark. We're
going to be voting in the dark not only on this side of the House, but
I would suspect that many of the ministers and probably all of the
back-benchers on the other side of the House are going to have to vote
on this legislation without having prepared information in front of
them. We have the right, I would think, to see that kind of government
work — all of us private members in the House, whether we're
back-benchers or in opposition have that right. To ask us to vote on
this piece of legislation without having the work that taxpayers have
paid for within ICBC and other areas of government is absolutely wrong
to me.
I don't think we can debate much further without having that
information. I wonder whether the government wouldn't be prepared to
hold this bill back a little to bring in those studies — or at least
have the minister look to see whether those studies are there. I can
give him a hint: deputy minister's desk, Consumer and Corporate
Affairs; deputy minister's desk, Attorney-General. Bring them back in
today. For that reason, Mr. Speaker, I'd like to move adjournment of
this debate until the next sitting of the House.
[10:15]
Motion negatived on the following division:
YEAS –– 16
Macdonald
Howard
Cocke
Dailly
Stupich
Lea
Lauk
Nicolson
Sanford
Gabelmann
Skelly
D'Arcy
Brown
Lockstead
Wallace
Mitchell
NAYS –– 24
Brummet
McClelland
Heinrich
Hewitt
Richmond
Ritchie
Michael
Pelton
Johnston
R. Fraser
Campbell
Strachan
McCarthy
Nielsen
Gardom
Phillips
A. Fraser
Davis
Kempf
Veitch
Segarty
Ree
Reid
Reynolds
Division ordered to be recorded in the Journals of the House.
MR. LEA: Mr. Speaker, as this bill really affects a number of
different ministries, I wonder whether it would be in order at this
point to see whether the minister could answer my point of order.
What I would like to do is have some latitude in committee stage to
question other ministers about different areas of this bill that fall
under their purview.
MR. SPEAKER ; Hon. members, it would appear to the Chair that permission
is being asked to instruct committee to allow latitude in third reading. If
that is the wish of the House, the House may express its wish by saying "aye."
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Aye.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. Hon. members, on occasion it is
not unusual for a bill which has several principles to be allowed some
additional latitude in committee. If that is the wish of the House, the
House may express its wish by saying "aye".
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Aye.
MR. SPEAKER: I heard some noes, hon. members.
MR. COCKE: Mr. Speaker, the opposition were asking that the
bill be given additional opportunity in terms of its perusal in
committee stage. Under those circumstances we were quite prepared to
reduce the amount of time taken in second reading.
It is most unfortunate that the government have taken this position
— or at least one of the government members who obviously said no to
the request for leave. It is a wonder to me that a government that is
always asking that there be a cooperative effort put forward by the
opposition.... We did exactly that on Bill 35, and Bill 35 was given
that kind of dispatch with one or two of the areas that were relatively
contentious.
But in any event we have before us a bill that is changing the
entire direction with respect to testing of automobiles. There have
been reports respecting automobiles around the province that indicate
very clearly that there are a number of dangerous automobiles on the
road. That's not to suggest that the opposition would necessarily
countenance setting up one of those very involved and highly
sophisticated testing facilities in small communities. What the
opposition is saying is that, in the lower mainland and Vancouver
Island and some other areas, we do have this form of testing. We now
have the order to close them down, and then going beyond that we have a
further committee established to discuss the whole question of private
enterprise doing the whole thing. We've argued that private enterprise
doing it all is going to be a very costly proposition to the people who
are driving those cars. They will probably avoid at all costs, or
probably avoid as much as they possibly can, going to the testing
station. In the urban areas, the testing of an automobile has been $5 a
shot. Very rarely do you get through with $5, because they always find
something wrong and you have to go back for a further test and a
further sum of money has to be expended.
In any event, it strikes me that what the government should have
done was to expand the kind of facilities that we have in full
recognition that we have carnage on our highways. In those areas where
it is impossible to put forward or to establish a facility which would
have the numbers going
[ Page 2827 ]
there that the large ones do, then certainly go to
the private enterprise people in those particular areas. But at the
present time, rather than try to put something together in a
coordinated way the government has decided to close down what they now
have and then proceed in another direction in due course, whatever that
might be. I heard the Minister of Tourism (Hon. Mr. Richmond) make that
remark yesterday about tabling a document. I don't want to hold my
breath, knowing that "in due course" when it comes from that side of
the House means maybe never. That's the situation. We've established a
committee, and I'm not even sure that the committee can meet, because
it is called during the times that the House is sitting, and since this
House is sitting relatively irregular hours it's very difficult for any
of the House committees to meet. I suggest that we made a number of
arguments when the committee was in the process of being set up, and it
is most unfortunate that there hasn't been the kind of agreement, with
respect to the government, that we would like to see.
The Minister of Consumer and Corporate Affairs (Hon. Mr. Hewitt),
who is leaving the House at the moment, has a major stake in this
particular bill, as does the Minister of Transportation and Highways
(Hon. Mr. Fraser), and any of the cabinet who are directly involved in
the whole question of safety on the roads. The Attorney-General (Hon.
Mr. Smith), along with a number of other ministers, does have the kind
of responsibility that we could have had an opportunity to draw out
some kind of discussion that would have been far more rewarding, I
think, than droning on in a debate of this nature in second reading. I
don't know how those particular ministers feet. Whether or not they
will answer questions is going to be up to them.
I only heard one "no" from that side of the House, and on that basis
I would conjecture that there might be some cooperation, with or
without the approval of the House, in terms of a request by the
opposition for that leave to be given. In this matter I'm going to use
a little more faith than I usually do and suggest that those ministers
who are involved in the whole question of auto safety at least give us
the time that would be required — and I don't think that would be
terribly much. There are going to be other discussions in different
areas, particularly since there's going to be a standing committee
discussing the whole question. There are some areas of discussion where
I believe the ministers responsible should at least take part.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I can only say that I cannot support the
bill in its present form. I don't agree with what it's doing. I wish
that there were a more cooperative effort with respect to this bill,
and hopefully when the bill is called in Committee of the Whole House
the ministers involved, such as the Minister of Consumer and Corporate
Affairs, will be in their place, in order that we might engage them in
some kind of productive communication.
Having said that, I just want to say that there are a lot of people
right now who are driving vehicles which are not safe as a result of
the fact that there is no compulsion for them to have those vehicles
tested. I do wish that the whole question be proceeded with very
quickly so that we can get it ironed out as quickly as possible. I
cannot support the bill as it stands.
[10:30]
HON. A. FRASER: Mr. Speaker, we've had a little more than
three hours of fairly good discussion on this important bill. I've
listened to it all and it has been much appreciated. The purpose of the
bill is to privatize the function of motor vehicle inspection, and of
course, coupled with that, the downsizing of government.
A lot of debate has gone on regarding cost, and now that the
excellent superintendent of motor vehicles has retired, I want to say
on his behalf that he advises me he was misquoted when he told the
press an increase of 50 cents would look after the actual cost. I don't
think we should get into a lot of that discussion, but that increase is
a long, long way from recovering the cost. It would take about three
times that amount to recover the actual costs of inspecting vehicles in
the stations that we operated for a long time.
Referring to the opposition, there are requirements here that aren't
in many bills. A standing committee of the Legislature has been set up,
and certainly a lot of the things they are asking should come out then.
The committee has already met; as a matter of fact, there is a notice
on my desk that they meet again shortly. It's a good place to air
further things.
Another item came up in the debate: what was the status of the motor vehicle
inspection stations related to the real estate side? I would just say that we
are leaving those. Our landlord is B.C. Buildings Corporation, and I imagine
they will be looking for tenants, or a sale, or whatever. But the situation
regarding where the stations were is the responsibility of the landlord of the
provincial government, B.C. Buildings Corporation.
In talking about these testing stations, a lot of our province
didn't have any testing at all. I want to refer to a remark made by the
member for Prince Rupert (Mr. Lea). Again, he's talking about reports
that exist. I don't know whether or not the report exists that he's
asking for, Mr. Speaker, but it probably does. We get scads and scads
of reports. Maybe our ministry has got this, but I think he's really
referring to an ICBC report. They've got a staff there writing reports
five-a-minute. We can't keep up with all those. They've apparently got
all kinds of time and money to do these things. I can assure you that I
haven't seen the report.
I would make the observation that I have, seen reports regarding
mechanical failures and accidents. Apparently about 7 percent of
accidents occur through mechanical failure. When I say that, I would
remind this Legislature that it is the individual car owner's and
operator's responsibility, regardless of the inspection stations, that
their vehicle be kept in proper mechanical order at all times. That is
part of the Motor Vehicle Act and always has been. So don't think for a
minute that the individual motorists are on their own because we
haven't got testing stations. They still have the responsibility to
look after their vehicles; if they don't they will be caught by the
authorities while out on the streets and highways of the province.
In view of the fact that it is going to committee, Mr. Speaker, I move the bill be now read a second time.
Motion approved on the following division:
YEAS — 25
McCarthy
Nielsen
Gardom
Smith
Phillips
A. Fraser
Davis
Kempf
Brummet
McClelland
Heinrich
Hewitt
Richmond
Ritchie
Michael
Pelton
Johnston
R. Fraser
Campbell
Strachan
Veitch
Segarty
Ree
Reid
Reynolds
[ Page 2828 ]
NAYS — 13
Howard
Cocke
Dailly
Stupich
Lea
Sanford
Gabelmann
Skelly
D'Arcy
Brown
Lockstead
Wallace
Mitchell
Division ordered to be recorded in the Journals of the House.
Bill 23, Motor Vehicle Amendment Act, 1983, read a second time and
referred to a Committee of the Whole House for consideration at the
next sitting of the House after today.
The House in Committee of Supply; Mr. Strachan in the chair.
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF INDUSTRY
AND SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT
On vote 52: minister's office, $158,426.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: Mr. Chairman and colleagues in this great
Legislature, I'm very happy to be able to present my estimates to this
Legislature for approval.
Before we get into the nitty-gritty of dollars and cents and where
they will be spent, I would like to spend a few moments talking about
the economy of British Columbia, how it fits into the Canadian scene;
indeed, how it fits into the worldwide scene. In order to do that, Mr.
Chairman, first of all I want to talk for a short time about
international trade from a British Columbia perspective. I think that
it is very appropriate that my estimates should be before the House
this week, because this week — from October 16 to 22 — has been set
aside in Canada as International Trade Week. So I think it's very
appropriate that I have the opportunity to discuss international trade
in this particular forum.
As you know, I and other provincial ministers responsible for
international trade quickly endorsed the month of October as Export
Month. The British Columbia government, through my ministry, has
mounted a full range of export promotional activities during this
month, which include seminars, trade missions and an export award
program. Export awards in recognition of exceptional performance were
presented to five British Columbia companies by Lieutenant-Governor
Rogers and myself in a special ceremony at Government House on October
The five recipients of the British Columbia export awards were
selected first of all from the resource industries, manufacturing
industries and the high-technology industries in our province and from
those who export industrial services and those in the engineering
sectors, which we sometimes refer to as invisible exports.
Conair Aviation Ltd. received the award for the industrial service
export; Conair Aviation, Mr. Chairman, is an Abbotsford-based service
and manufacturing company involved in aerial forest fire control,
reconditioning aircraft and manufacturing specialized equipment in
conjunction with these aircraft. Their equipment has been exported
extensively to the United States, France, the Middle East, Mexico and
Europe. I would suggest that there are other very worthy companies in
the industrial service export business, but Conair happened to be the
one that received the reward this year.
We hope that this will be an ongoing service so that other industries will be fighting for this coveted award.
[10:45]
International Submarine Engineering Ltd. received the
high-technology export award. International Submarine Engineering, Mr.
Chairman, manufacture remote-control operated vehicles used primarily
in offshore petroleum activity. This Port Moody company employs 120
people and has captured half of the international market for underwater
remote-control operated vehicles. Sales by International Submarine
Engineering are expected to reach $12 million this y ear, of which $11
million are exports.
Seaboard Lumber Sales Co. Ltd. received the award for the resource
industry exports. Seaboard Lumber Sales is one of the world's largest
waterbome exporters of wood products in international markets.
Seaboard, Mr. Chairman, is owned by 20 British Columbia forest
companies and was recognized with an export award as a representative
in the resource industry for substantial involvement in overseas
activity; in particular, for developing new markets in China, Japan and
Algeria. Shipments to these markets have grown from virtually nothing
to more than $100 million per year during the past three years.
Swan Wooster Engineering Co. Ltd. received the engineering export
award. Swan Wooster was established in 1925 and has grown to be one of
British Columbia's largest consulting engineering companies. Swan
Wooster have developed more than 50 percent of all worldwide bulk coal
terminals. Recent projects have included contracts in South Africa, the
United States, Indonesia, Taiwan, Holland, Pakistan and Thailand, and
certainly they have done justice to the good name of British Columbia
in the export to those international markets. As I mentioned a moment
ago, some of the engineering, architectural and high-technology
services we export are referred to as invisible exports, but I want you
to know that export earnings for this year from Swan Wooster alone are
expected to be $10 million for their export of engineering services.
Western Packaging Systems Ltd. won the manufacturing award. Western
Packaging Systems Ltd. was formed six years ago in Richmond by a group
of principals with extensive background in the corrugated packaging
industry. They have penetrated markets in the United States, the United
Kingdom, Western Europe, Australia, Asia, South Africa and Latin
America. Western Packaging machines are used today in 21 countries, and
sales in 1983 are expected to increase by 40 percent over 1982. It's
another typical example, Mr. Chairman, of the type of firms and
commercial enterprises which we have here in British Columbia that are
going into the international marketplace and being competitive.
Perhaps now would be an appropriate time to review with you what we
believe all Canadians should be keenly interested in; that is, our
export performance.
The vitality of British Columbia's economy, the vitality of the
employment levels and the high standard of living enjoyed by our people
are directly and inextricably linked to the ability of our business and
industrial community to export goods and services. Mr. Chairman, I
don't want any member of this Legislature or any person in British
Columbia to forget that.
MS. SANFORD: Who wrote all that?
[ Page
2829 ]
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: I wrote it. Okay?
Canada, together with other developed nations, is becoming
increasingly dependent on international trade to maintain its economic
well-being. One-quarter of world production is now exported. That is
double the proportion of a decade ago. Since the early sixties — 1963
to be specific — exports have grown in real terms about one and a half
times more quickly than world production. Between 1960 and 1980 exports
increased from less than a one-fifth of Canada's output to almost
one-third.
Today, two million Canadians, about 20 percent of the nation's
workforce, are directly employed in producing goods for export. British
Columbia, as one of the premier trading provinces, has a growing
portion of its workforce engaged in producing for the export market. In
addition to resource exports which rely heavily on foreign markets, the
export orientation of our manufacturing sector has consistently been
double that of the rest of Canada. In order to keep these and other
British Columbians gainfully employed on the road to economic recovery,
we must enhance our costcompetitiveness and ensure that the major
driving force, our ability to increase export sales, is encouraged to
the greatest extent possible. This government recognized that a year
and six months ago, when we brought in the first restraint program to
be introduced by any government in any province in Canada. We are proud
that we were able to do that, because other provinces, and indeed the
federal government, shortly followed on our heels.
As we recognized that the recession was going to cut much more
deeply than we had anticipated, we also recognized that further cutback
in government is required. It's required in order that the companies I
have been talking about, in order that the economy of this province,
can be competitive in the international marketplace, because if we are
not competitive in the international marketplace, if our government
does not allow and create a climate whereby industry can be competitive
in the international marketplace, nobody will be enjoying any services
a decade from now. That is a fact of life, and I wish the opposition
would recognize what is happening in the world.
An analysis of British Columbia's export performance over the period
1972 to 1982 shows not only a strong growth from $2.76 billion in 1972
to $8.76 billion in 1982, but important changes in the market shares
and the export mix have occurred. In terms of market, British
Columbia's reliance on the United States market has declined
dramatically: down from 58.5 percent of exports in 1972 to 44.2 percent
in 1982. This shift of market strength is taken up to a large extent in
the growth of Japan's market share from 16.9 percent in 1972 to 24.4
percent in 1982, and a diversification into markets other than the
United States — the EEC and Japan. These nontraditional markets have
grown from 6.8 percent to 13.3 percent of British Columbia's exports.
The shift away from dependence on the U.S. market clearly diverges
from the rest of Canada and underlines the importance to British
Columbia of activity to develop its economic ties with the Pacific Rim.
Certainly this government has set Vancouver, the focus on the Pacific
Rim, into truly taking its place in that marketplace by some of the
encouragement we have given to the federal government to put in a trade
and convention centre, which is being built there right now. I do not
wish to take away from the fact that the federal government is building
that trade and convention centre, as their showplace during Expo 86,
but it was a vision of this government and of the Hon. Grace McCarthy
that set that in motion. Make no mistake about it. That is the type of
vision that we have for British Columbia in the future, growing and
taking an even greater place in the international marketplace.
On a sectoral basis, British Columbia trade interests have also been
changing. For instance, in 1972 lumber accounted for 33 percent of
British Columbia's exports. In 1982, lumber remained the leading export
but accounted for just 21 percent of the total exports. The most
dramatic....
MS. SANFORD: Did you write all that?
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: Yes, I wrote it all. If you're unhappy
with me for giving you the facts, I know it's typical of you over there
in the opposition. So would you just be quiet and listen for once? The
information may do you some good and may help to change your thinking,
although I doubt it.
The most dramatic changes have been in the reversal of the
importance of copper concentrates and coal, with copper moving from the
third largest export to the eighth, and the opposite occurring for coal
exports.
If we accept the thesis that trade is fundamental to the economic
prosperity of Canada and British Columbia, what are the major tenets of
the domestic and international environment that must be addressed? I
would suggest to you that they are three: (1) we must have a trade
policy that looks to the future; (2) we must maintain our
competitiveness; and (3) we must be aggressive in the marketplace.
Interjections.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: I would suggest, Mr. Chairman, that the
opposition are just a little bit perturbed by my talking about
international marketing, because if there is any threat to the security
of investment of our manufacturers here, it is the threat that
socialism will return to British Columbia. As Minister of Industry, and
partly responsible for the international marketplace, the first job I
had in 1976 was to travel abroad and to tell the world that British
Columbia was once again interested in selling its products, again
interested in having companies here, again interested in having them
bring their money and establish businesses here and use British
Columbia as a stepping-stone into that great and growing Pacific Rim. I
had to tell them that British Columbia was no longer the Chile of the
north, that our policies had changed, that we welcomed investment, that
we wanted to sell abroad. I have done that, and that is why we have
been so successful in the last eight years in helping our businesses
sell abroad.
I want to talk for just a moment about trade policy. The federal
government document "Canadian Trade Policy for the 1980s" represents an
important step in defining Canada's policies and attitudes towards the
role of trade in Canada's economic development. Prior to the release of
this discussion paper, British Columbia had tabled its views on the
development of a Canadian trade policy at the federal-provincial trade
ministers' conference in Ottawa in September 1982. The federal paper is
important in that it sets out a framework against which future trade
policy actions can be measured. The paper is outward-looking,
reflecting Canada's role as a major trading nation. In this it meets
British Columbia's interests of placing a priority on trade development
as a
[ Page 2830 ]
significant factor affecting both our international
relationships and domestic policies related to investment and
industrial development. By stressing the importance of Canada's
commitment to multilateral trade organizations, such as the general
agreement on tariffs and trade, the paper reinforces the need, on a
global basis, for agreed trade rules.
[11:00]
Importantly, this international approach reflects Canadian export
interests but also ensures that domestic pressures cannot overly affect
Canadian actions and regulations relative to imports. The first clear
test of Canada's new trade policy will be evident in Ottawa's handling
of the recommendations of the automotive task force. If ever there was
a case of self-serving self-interest, it must surely be the report
produced by the automotive executives and the trade union leaders who
represent the auto workers. Recently, Mr. Chairman, the Employers'
Council of British Columbia made the following comment on the matter:
"For a country that depends so heavily on international trade, Canada
has an unenviable international reputation." We are known abroad as a
high-tariff country. Foreigners are convinced that as soon as they
threaten our domestic producers, we will clamp down with quotas,
tariffs and nontariff barriers, even though it means Canadian consumers
will have to pay higher prices at home. This attitude has been
demonstrated recently in the recommendations of the Federal Task Force
on the Canadian Motor Vehicle and Automotive Parts Industry. Adoption
of these recommendations would clearly be perceived internationally as
further confirmation of Canada's protectionist tendencies.
I want to say again that I don't think that the workers in the
lumber industry in British Columbia are interested in trading off jobs
in our lumber manufacturing industries for jobs in Ontario. I have said
time and time again and will continue to say it: had the government
kept their fingers out Of the North American automobile industry, it
would have been able to be competitive. But when you spend 50 percent
of your time as a manager of an automotive company running around and
trying to satisfy bureaucrats' requests, how can you run a competitive
automotive business? I have told Hon. Ed Lumley this many times. I
said: "If you want to help the automotive industry in North America to
be competitive, do away with your regulations and let them be
competitive and don't tell them how to run their business."
I want to say again that British Columbia is not interested in
trading off jobs which will be lost anyway. That is not the way to
protect Canadian industry. I will tell you that we Canadians can be
competitive if you keep government regulations away from us. We have
proven that in the past in many industries, and we will prove it again.
MR. LEA: Name one!
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: I just named one. What do you think about
our lumber industry? It's the most competitive, highly sophisticated
lumber industry that you will find anywhere in the world, second to
none because the lumber industry in British Columbia was given a free
hand and a climate within which to operate.
MR. LEA: When?
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: There's the member for Prince Rupert saying: "When was the government this and when was the government that?"
I want to continue, because the second tenet of an external trade policy has to be competitiveness.
Interjections.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: Now we hear the yacking from the
opposition. You will have lots of time to have your say, because I'm
quite prepared to be here for the next month or two, and I'll be happy
to debate international trading with you at any time if you'll just be
quiet and sit back and listen.
I want to talk for a moment about competitiveness. The decade of the
eighties will be characterized by slower worldwide economic growth and
intense competition on the international scene. British Columbia can,
in our view, continue to perform relatively well in this environment.
We do not face the need to restructure our basic industries to avoid
economic stagnation. British Columbia has internationally competitive
industries that can grow in the eighties and has the opportunity to
develop new, strong industries. The challenge facing the province is to
ensure that its opportunities for economic growth are fully realized.
British Columbia is a highly competitive supplier of many resource and
resource-based products to the world economy, despite increasing
international competition. There are emerging opportunities for further
market expansion and diversification, as witnessed recently by my trip
to Yugoslavia. There are new areas that we must enter into, and there
are new opportunities as long as we become aggressive and competitive.
If we are competitive and if our industries can be competitive, we do
not need to look back. Opportunities in secondary and non-resource
manufacturing will arise from the characteristics of British Columbia's
labour force, the presence of a large resource sector in western Canada
and access to growing Pacific Rim markets and competitive energy
supplies.
But all of this will be for nought unless Canadians — government,
business and labour — recognize that the world does not owe us a
living. I want to tell you that we think we're big players in the
international game, but British Columbia accounts for only 8.5 percent
of the world's lumber production. Anybody in British Columbia, be he a
worker in a mill, labour union man or a executive in the lumber
industry, who thinks the world is beating a path to our doorstep to buy
our products is misguided. We must be out there merchandising. We as
government must maintain an atmosphere and climate in which those
industries can indeed be competitive, and we must assist those
industries to find new markets, as we have done in the last eight years.
You would think, to hear the opposition and others who have biased
interests in our society, that the world was beating a path to our door
to buy our coal. British Columbia's portion of world coal production is
4 percent. As I have said in this Legislature before, by bringing in
northeast coal we now become a larger player, mainly in the Pacific
Rim. The larger a player we are, the more control we have over our
destiny. But some people can't seem to understand that. We thought we
were pretty big players in copper production. British Columbia's share
of world copper production is 3.5 percent. Our portion of world pulp
production is 9 percent. So I want to tell you once again, Mr.
Chairman, and I want to tell all British Columbians, that anybody who
is so misguided as to think that the world is beating a path to our
[ Page
2831 ]
doorstep to buy our resources is indeed misguided.
As I said before, international trade is growing by leaps and bounds.
We must keep our industries competitive, and we must be aggressive in
the marketplace. All of this will be for nought, as I said before,
unless government, business and labour organizations recognize that the
world is not beating a path to our door and that the world, indeed,
does not owe us a living. We must strive to maintain our
competitiveness in world markets. This requires continued restraint in
government spending. It requires responsibility in labour-management
discussions and a commitment in our people to commercial and industrial
efficiency.
I want to talk for just a moment about marketing. The government of
British Columbia recognizes the pre-eminent position of the private
sector in the marketing of our goods and services abroad. But we also
recognize that government can play a key role in creating a favourable
climate in the international marketplace for the province's industry.
Increasingly, governments around the world are heavily involved in
promoting the sale of their goods and services in the international
arena. We must recognize that the actions of the government are
compatible with and complementary to the efforts of the private sector
and those of the federal government. I want to tell you that in the
travels that we do in the international marketplace we work very
closely with our Canadian embassies and their trade commissioners and
their staff. We have had excellent cooperation with those people in
those embassies. As a matter of fact, they welcome us and want us to
assist them in the job they are trying to do for Canada and for British
Columbia.
While the United States, Japan and western Europe will continue to
be our major markets, industrial restructuring in the world will
increase the importance of the non-traditional markets to British
Columbia. This means that we must become more active in the markets of
the Pacific Rim, in Latin America and indeed in eastern Europe. It also
means that competitive export financing must be available to Canadian
industry and that our whole approach to trade must be expanded to
encompass and deal with counter trade and barter.
I hope that I have, in some small way, put the economy of British
Columbia into perspective. We can get down to discussing the
nitty-gritty details of my estimates, but I did want to put the economy
of British Columbia into perspective.
As you know, Mr. Chairman, money will flow to a secure environment:
it will flow to an area where it is welcomed by the government of the
day and where there is an opportunity for a return on that investment.
That is the responsibility of the government.
Having said that, I will take my place and be quite happy to listen
to the lectures which I know I am going to get from the opposition. I
will be most happy to try to answer any questions they may have with
regard to my detailed estimates. I want to say that it has been a
pleasure and an opportunity to be able to take my place in the
Legislature here this morning, and I look forward to further debate.
MR. LEA: Well, things are changing. It is the first time in
11 years that I have witnessed the minister read his speech, which is
quite a change. It must mean that the minister intends to be a bit more
thoughtful than he has been in the past. There were little excursions
of huff and puff, but mainly he was reading from a prepared text about
the economy of British Columbia.
I'd like to say first that these estimates are a sham. We are in the
seventh month of the current fiscal year before we even get around to
discussing the estimates. The normal procedure in the British
parliamentary system is that before the government starts spending the
money, the members of the legislature or parliament have an opportunity
to discuss the spending estimates — before they go into effect, not
seven months later. So when the minister talks about discussing the
details of his estimates in terms of spending there is not much point.
Sevemwelfths of the money is already spent, and we know for a fact that
the estimates are incorrect anyway, because every ministry's estimates
are incorrect. We know that the revenue applied to the budget is
underestimated and we know that the expenditures are overestimated.
That isn't the opinion just of the official opposition; that isn't
the opinion just of the New Democratic Party or of British Columbians
or other Canadians. It's a recognized fact internationally, and more
especially in the money markets of the world. This minister and his
ministry stand condemned, not by the opposition or by political
parties, but by the very people that this minister tries to kowtow to
all the time. Our credit rating in this province has been downgraded
from a triple-A to a double-A. Standard and Poor of New York, one of
the biggest bonding agencies in the world, says it is downgrading our
credit rating in this province mainly because there has been a lack of
diversification in our economy, not brought around by the Social Credit
government. This minister and his government have been condemned by the
bond-marketing agencies of New York, both Moody's and Standard and
Poor. We have been condemned as a province that has not diversified its
economy, to the point where lending agencies are looking at our
province with a bit more of a wary eye, asking whether it is a good or
bad place to invest. They're saying: "It's not as safe to invest here
any more. That's why we're going to charge a little more interest on
the money we lend to British Columbia. They have not diversified their
economy, and the future doesn't look good."
It's only possible in response to do what the minister has done: to
talk in a general way about what this government has or has not done in
terms of economic development. In terms of discussing the estimates
specifically, they are a sham, and any debate of a specific nature on
these estimates would also, by necessity, have to be a sham. The
estimates are not correct, and have been proven so, and it would make a
sham of us, on this side of the House, to debate the estimates in
detail. It would make a sham of these proceedings, this Legislature and
of British Columbia. We all know that these estimates we are debating
are incorrect, and even at that they're old shams, because we're seven
months into the year when we start discussing the spending priorities
of the government for the coming year. If that isn't sham I don't know
what is.
[11:15]
I'd now like to deal with some of the points that the minister has
raised. First of all, he talks about us being an exporting province,
and that's true. But he speaks of it as being a desirable end.
According to the minister it would be good if we exported everything we
produce. One of the problems with our economy is that it is an almost
completely exporting province. Almost everything we produce in this
province we export. Almost everything we consume we import. If there is
one single factor that makes a geographical jurisdiction vulnerable to
the international marketplace in its downturn it is the fact that we
are an almost completely open
[ Page 2832 ]
economy. That is a point of vulnerability in the
international marketplace, not a point of strength. We are always the
first to feel a downturn and the last to feel an upturn, because of the
open economy that has been fostered by this government.
Diversification of the economy. The minister talked about us being
able to compete in the international marketplace for those things that
we have traditionally produced, and about our ability to be able to
compete in the world marketplace with those things that we see on the
horizon, as means of production. He talked about high tech.
AN HON. MEMBER: Did he?
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
MR. LEA: He mentioned it in passing.
Mr. Chairman, I don't think it would take too much research to find
out that we have allowed our natural resources to be exploited, and the
profits from those resources to be invested in other parts of the
world, to come on stream in competition against us. We have allowed
major resource companies to take their profits out of this jurisdiction
into others and set up plants competing with ourselves. There has been
no effort by this government to redirect the profits from resource
industries back into the resource economy of British Columbia, and for
that they have to stand condemned, along with their Liberal partners in
Ottawa, who've allowed the same thing to happen. We have more economic
slippage out of this province from our resource industries than is
healthy, by any stretch of the imagination. In coal, lumber and fishing
— in fact, in all of the major resource areas in this province — we
have allowed economic slippage to completely devastate investment back
into our own economy. This minister and his government have not done
one thing to stop that economic slippage out of our province. In fact,
they haven't even raised the topic. The minister didn't even raise the
topic in his opening address when talking about the economy of this
province.
The minister talked about education. We agree that we do have an
invisible commodity to export. That invisible commodity, though, is the
product of a well-educated society. Without a well-educated society, we
will have no invisible products to export. Yes, we have an opportunity
to be an exporter of technology and an exporter of knowledge around the
world. It looks good. But in order to have that invisible commodity to
export, we have to have an educational system to match it. How can the
minister stand up and say that we're heading in the right direction in
that area when even the research money going to the pulp and paper
industry in this province for this year is not going to happen? We're
pulling money out of research, not putting it in. UBC president George
Pedersen has condemned this government for its lack of money into the
post-secondary educational system. Out of that system will come the
invisible exports that the minister talks about so proudly. At one end
he and his government talk about exporting; at the other end they are
taking away the means of producing the invisible commodities. He stands
condemned by his own government's educational policies.
Mr. Chairman, there are models for good, healthy, resource
economies. Let's take a look at the front an backward linkages in an
economy. Those are the linkages where, on the one hand, you add wealth
to your raw resources before exporting to the world economy or into the
international marketplace, and on the other hand, the economy produces
for the needs of your own industry. We are sadly lacking in both the
front and backward linkages. We do precious little to add wealth to our
commodities before we ship them out to the international marketplace.
We do even less in supplying the needs of our own industry. For
example, how much machinery, goods and services that the forest
industry uses do we produce right here in British Columbia? Not much.
It's the same in the fishing industry, mining industry and farming
industry. We are sadly lacking in producing the needs of our own
industry. We are sadly lacking in adding wealth to our resources before
we ship them out. If this minister was really serious about
diversifying our economy, he would have looked long and hard at the
need for research in this province. If we are going to compete in the
international marketplace, we have to find new products as well as new
markets.
How can we compete with new pulp mills coming on stream from
countries where they pay the workers $1.50 a month and all they can
eat? How can we compete with new high-tech industries when the people
who are producing the same product in other countries are paying ten
cents an hour? Do we want to compete based on those wage schedules? Or
do we want to compete with a highly educated workforce bringing out new
products, where we can compete in the world marketplace through our
high technology? We cannot compete with labour rates of ten cents an
hour, nor do we want to. No one in this Legislature and no one in this
province wants the people who work in our industries to live at the
same standard of living that Jamaicans who work in the bauxite mines in
Jamaica have to live at, or the high-tech industries in Manila and
Singapore. Who wants our people to live at the standard of living that
the workers in those industries have to live at? But those are the
industries that, by necessity, we are having to compete with if we
stick to the old....
I'd like to use the forest industry as an example. For years we have
assumed — incorrectly, but I guess that's in retrospect — that we could
manage our forest base in such a way that we could meet any insatiable
demand that was put upon it; in other words, that through reforestation
and all of the modern forestry techniques we could somehow have new
growth coming on stream that would meet the demands of a raw resource
economy. We're finding out now that that is not true. If people in this
province were to know the state of our forest industry, I don't think
they would sleep for a week or possibly a month. We are in real
trouble. When you take a look at the projections from this minister's
own government, you see that we have a falldown rate such that only
half the annual allowable cut that we're cutting now will be available
in a short 20 to 30 years from now. That is a frightening prospect.
We're also finding out that we're having other problems. We're finding out that the reforestation program itself.... There
are indications that this new wood — the second growth — is going to
have approximately 20 percent less cellulose content, which means that
the wood we're going to be producing in the future will not be the same
high quality, and therefore cannot be put to the same use as the wood
that was there that we've already cut. That's a problem we have to deal
with.
If we are going to survive in the international marketplace, if
we're going to survive at all in the style that we've become accustomed
to, we in this province have to do the kinds of things that other
countries have done before. I point specifically to Japan and West
Germany, where before they
[ Page 2833 ]
went out building up new production, they found out
exactly what it was they had to produce. What is it that we can produce
in this province, taking into account the natural resources that we
have — the energy availability, the educational system, our economic
resources for capital? What can we produce in this province with which
we can go out into the world and compete in the international
marketplace? Add wealth to our resources before we ship them out; take
the pressure off our finite and non-renewable resources by adding
wealth before we ship them out. Our future depends on adding wealth to
those resources before we put them in the international marketplace.
Our future is not shipping more and more of the raw resources out. That
is a mug's game in the final analysis.
Mr. Chairman, the minister talks about the international marketplace and its
view of us. I had the opportunity to talk with an American senator. He said:
"What are you people doing in your province — in your country? Why are
you shipping out all your resources raw? Why are you not doing the kind of research
that's needed to make yourself a closed economy? Why do you insist on being
an open economy that's completely vulnerable to the international marketplace?"
He said: "We in the rest of the world are going to take it and laugh at
you. But why do you people put yourself in that position?" I think it's
a good question. Why do we insist in this province that the only way to go is
an open economy?
I'd like to deal briefly with a bit of our history. Whenever in this
province we needed new economy, either to raise our standard of living
or because of an increasing population, what have we done? Mr.
Chairman, all we have done is ever widen the extraction process in this
province: one more valley to take the trees out of, more fishing, allow
the quotas to go up. That's our history. Whenever we needed new economy
we did nothing more than expand the extraction process. Since the
Second World War this hasn't served us badly in terms of being able to
keep our economy up with the times, to supply jobs for new population
or to extend our standard of living, but it's over. It wasn't the
correct way to go in the beginning, but it is now compounding and we're
really in trouble.
[11:30]
The minister stands up and says everything is rosy if we'll just practise
restraint; if we just practise restraint, we're going to export more of
our raw resources. I ask the minister: where is the end of that? Is there an
end to that? Will we end up like other jurisdictions that finally take their
renewable resources and make them finite? We aren't the first jurisdiction
blessed with good forests. Look at Cyprus! Years and years ago Cyprus was
blessed with some of the best wood in the world, but because they went in there
and practised the same kind of resource management as we have practised in British
Columbia, today Cyprus is bankrupt in terms of forestry. We can look to history
and see where other resource economies have gone the wrong way, but we also
have the opportunity to look at some other jurisdictions who have made at least
some attempt to go the other way.
When it comes right down to it, our real resource will be an
educated, concerned, sensitive population, and this government is
taking measures to make sure that we do not have that sensitive,
concerned, educated population. On the one hand they are talking about
the need for invisible exports, which only come about through a highly
technical, highly educated people, and on the other hand they are
cutting back the funding that would allow our educational system to
supply the very people who could give us those invisible exports. They
can't have it both ways, Mr. Chairman.
Northeast coal is another example of what I consider to be stupidity
— not the project itself, but the fact that the private sector is going
to be investing approximately $1.6 billion into northeast coal, and the
public sector — that's us, the taxpayers — is going to be investing
approximately $1.3 billion. I would assume that a dollar is a dollar,
and if the private sector is expecting a certain rate of return on its
investment, is it too much to ask that the taxpayers of this province
get the same kind of return on their invested dollar? There is no doubt
in my mind that if we as taxpayers are putting up that kind of
investment, then as taxpayers we should get, and should demand, an
equity position in northeast coal that is in relationship to the amount
of money we've invested in it. Nothing else makes sense.
The government stands up and says: "Oh, we do get a return. We get a
return out of all the spinoff benefits. There are going to be people
working in northeast coal and they'll make a paycheque; they'll pay tax
out of their paycheque; they'll purchase in the rest of the economy.
And the coal companies will make a profit, and the province and its
provincial coffers will have money coming in by taxing the profits from
the coal companies." I've got news for the government. If all the
investment in northeast coal had been from the private sector, we would
still have had those returns. They would still have been available to
us. If the private sector had invested the full $3 billion themselves,
the returns that the government is talking about would still have been
returns coming into the coffers through jobs and spinoff economies. We
would have had those.
The government got itself into a bit of a bind by taking the policy
that they did. They built a rail line, and on that rail line, to pay
themselves back for the investment — because they had to borrow the
money to build the line — they're going to charge a surtax of $3 on
each tonne of coal that comes out of there on that line. The minister
himself admits that the original contracts are not enough to pay it
off; he says there'll be future development, and as that future
development happens, because of the spur line, there are going to be
some spinoffs coming from future contracts. We'll concede that, but
look at the bind the government has got itself in because they did not
take an equity position in northeast coal. We now have a conflict of
interest between the taxpayer dollar investment and the private dollar
investment, because the Japanese steel industry is negotiating the
downward price of coal and the downward tonnage of coal all over the
world. Northeast coal is not going to escape that.
I would also like to say that we on this side of the House — and I'm
sure everybody in the province — wishes northeast coal every success,
because if it fails we are going to have to pick it up. It is going to
be the taxpayers of this province who have to pick up northeast coal if
it fails.
The conflict of interest is this: if the price of coal is lowered
and the tonnage remains the same, then the coal companies are going to
be hit. But if the tonnage comes down and the price remains the same,
it is the public sector that is going to be hit. If the tonnage goes
down it means there aren't as many tonnes that we can charge the $3
surtax on, but we do owe the money and the money has to be paid. If the
tonnage comes down, then the people of this province are going to have
to pick up the difference between the tonnages. But if we had taken an
equity position in northeast coal for our
[ Page 2834 ]
invested dollar, then it would't have mattered
whether it was the tonnage or the price. What we lost on one end we
could have picked up on the other, because we would have been coowners
with the private sector. Now we have a conflict of interest in
northeast coal, and the conflict of interest boils down to this: if
there is a reduction in tonnage or price it means that one side has to
lose and the other side has to win. We had an opportunity to make sure
we could share the losses and the winnings and take the conflict of
interest out of the financial arrangements of northeast coal.
But finally on northeast coal, Mr. Chairman, to me the worst thing
is that we taxpayers have put a lot of money into northeast coal. We
have invested a lot of money. It seems to me that as one of the largest
investors into northeast coal the government should at least have the
decency to put the details on the table so we know whether our money
has been invested wisely. The government is so fond of saying that they
have no money of their own; that the only money they have is taxpayers'
money. That's right. And don't you think the taxpayers have an absolute
right to know how the government invested their money? But the
government says: "The taxpayers will know in due course." You can bet
your last dollar that the private sector investors know everything
about that agreement. The only ones who are left out are the taxpayers
who invested, and they have very scanty detail.
Mr. Chairman, in the conclusion of my time I would just like to
re-emphasize that this minister not only stands condemned by the
opposition, he not only stands condemned by the performance of the
economy — higher unemployment than the rest of Canada, higher
bankruptcies than the rest of Canada, not only personally but in the
small business sector.... The facts stand for themselves. This minister
is a failure. And don't take our word for it. Take the words of the
biggest investment houses in New York City. They have lowered our
rating in the credit system because this minister has failed. They say
that the main reason that they lowered our credit rating is that this
economy has not been diversified by this government. Can there be a
bigger indictment of failure? The official opposition, the facts and
the biggest financial institutions in the world have all condemned this
minister.
For that reason I intend to move a motion of non-confidence in this
minister. I move that vote 52 be amended by reducing the amount from
$158,426 to $158,425. This is the traditional method — moving the
minister's salary down by $1 — to show that we have no confidence in
this minister, no confidence in his record and no confidence in his
view of the future.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: Mr. Chairman, it would seem that I stand
before you a condemned minister. But I would like to take just a few
moments to talk about some of the things that were said by my official
critic. I was sometimes wondering whether we were in the estimates of
the Minister of Education or the estimates of the Minister of Finance.
I was in London ten days ago where we sold $100 million worth of
bonds in the Euromarket. They went faster than they had ever done
before, because the bankers of the world know what this government is
doing to help keep this province lean. Don't stand there and tell me
that because some New York bankers have downrated our credit rating,
we're not going to be able to sell our bonds in the international
marketplace, because it's just not true. The international banks know
what we are doing in British Columbia, and because we didn't go out and
raise taxes like the NDP wanted us to, they've downrated our credit a
little. But they're out there gobbling up the bonds every time we put
them on the market. The proof of the pudding is in the eating. That's
what is out there in the real world. We're not being condemned; we're
being blessed, because we're a government of courage and vision to do
the things we're doing.
I want to answer the member's question about keeping everybody in
the dark on northeast coal. He asked me a question in the House a
number of days ago, and I told him to go to the library. Evidently he
couldn't find the door. Well, it's just out there opposite the entrance
to the Legislative Assembly. You go into the library, take a long
corridor and go up and ask the ladies, who are there to serve the
members of the Legislature, for the comprehensive agreement. It's one
of the most comprehensive agreements ever put together in any resource
development anywhere in North America. It lays down every detail of the
investment to the last spike — who will pay for what and what
guarantees there are. I would recommend to the member that he go to the
library and take a took, and if he doesn't want to go to this library,
I would suggest that he go to the library in Prince Rupert or the
University of Victoria or UBC. We have that comprehensive agreement,
which, as I say, is a very thick document, outlining every detail of
the comprehensive agreement which was worked out between the coal
companies, the railroad, the Ministry of Transportation and Highways,
the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and every department in government.
It is the most comprehensive agreement of resource development that has
ever been put together in the history of Canada. And the member has the
audacity to stand in this Legislature and imply that we are trying to
keep the citizens of this province in the dark. It's all laid out
there. The trouble is, Mr. Member, you don't want to read it, because
you realize that we have put together the best deal ever in any
resource development.
[11:45]
I didn't hear him say too much about the British Columbia Railway — the
success story of this decade as far as Crown corporations go. When this government
took over the British Columbia Railway and became responsible for its operations,
it had lost $22 million the previous year. Why? Because of political interference.
I don't know where the expresident of that railway is, but I know he is
somewhere hanging his head in shame. But from a loss of $22 million in 1975
to a profit of $18.6 million last year in one of the roughest years in our economy
since the Dirty Thirties.... Why? Because we kept the political sticky fingers
of politicians out of it and let it be run by an independent board of directors.
I want to tell you the people working for that railroad today are proud of working
for the British Columbia Railway owned by the people of British Columbia. It
is looked on as being one of the most efficiently run railways anywhere in the
world. I want to tell you that because of decisions made by a previous government
it has the best communications system anywhere in the world, and because of
a decision of this little government it will bring in 50KV technology which
will be the first in North America. And we will sell that technology to the
rest of the world and to the Canadian National and to the Canadian Pacific,
because we should electrify all our railroads in North America.
I didn't hear the member say too much about the British Columbia
Railway — a great railway. I didn't hear the member say that a month
ahead of
schedule we will be moving coal out of that great project over
to his constituency where
[ Page 2835 ]
one of the greatest ports in the world under
development anywhere in the world has just been built in the last year
and a half. No, he didn't say anything about that. Not only that, but
because of the vision and the help of this government, the wheat boards
of western Canada are putting the greatest grain development there in
the world to help the grain farmers of western Canada move their grain
into the international marketplace. Had it not been for a decision made
by this little government to provide access long before the deal was
ever put together and to encourage the government of Alberta to put
those grain elevators on Ridley Island, the western farmer would not
have the opportunity and those new service facilities to keep him
competitive in the international marketplace. I don't wish to say
anything more about northeast coal except to say: thank heaven this
government and the Premier of this province had some vision and some
courage. Northeast coal is not put together for 1982 or 1983 or 1984;
it is put together to serve the decades ahead. History will prove it to
be the best investment the people of British Columbia ever made. And
talking about dollars invested, how much of that $1.3 billion being
invested by the taxpayers is coming from Ottawa? You didn't give the
breakdown. This little government invested one dollar and got three
more dollars invested by the federal government and the private sector,
and to me that's a pretty damned good business deal. No, they didn't
talk about that — a port that will serve not only British Columbia but
all of western Canada, and will help to keep us competitive in that
international marketplace.
I want to talk for just a moment about high technology. The member
opposite conveniently forgot that on March 29, 1983, our Minister of
Universities, Science and Communications (Hon. Mr. McGeer) set up the
discovery enterprise program, a fund established to promote
high-technology industries in British Columbia. Listening to the NDP
opposite, you would think all you had to do was go out there and wave a
little magic wand. No, you put in programs and create a climate, which
indeed is happening in British Columbia, as I will point out to you
with specific hard facts in a few moments, Mr. Chairman. But as of June
30, 1983, 19 firms engaged in high technology were assisted under the
small manufacturers' assistance program, which is a portion of the
LIFI' development program brought in by this government two years ago,
when $389,297 was committed and 153 permanent jobs were created. You
might say that's not much, but it is a start. The program is there and
applications are coming in today. Small high-technology manufacturers
are indeed establishing and providing jobs in British Columbia.
Recently we announced some changes to our SMA program. On June 12,
once the 300 applications under that program were processed — certainly
many of them from the riding of the member opposite — the program would
be converted to focus assistance towards high-technology firms. A
funding of $75,000 is being provided to WFAIT — the Western Foundation
for Advanced Industrial Technology — to coordinate a feasibility
assessment of a CADCAM centre for British Columbia. A $50,000 study of
the software industry is underway to determine the greatest business
opportunities for British Columbia's software firms. The factors
pertaining to the growth of the B.C. software industry and the roles of
the federal and provincial governments to ensure a strong B.C. software
section.
It wasn't long ago that a little firm up in Prince George came to me
and said: "We are manufacturing new wiring systems for helicopters."
Imagine that! In that new wiring process, they were developing a
computer that would speak to the pilot and say, "Lower engine heat,"
instead of waiting until the heat was too high and the engine failed.
It has just received an award to rewire helicopters from all over the
world. That's a high-technology industry and the type of thing that
makes the world go round, not necessarily your big, glossy firms. Maybe
I didn't explain it very well, but it's fantastic. You should go and
see it some day.
Mr. Chairman, there is a number of other items that I want to
discuss. I want to talk for just a moment about our lumber industry.
The member seemed to insinuate that all the machinery that we use in
our lumber manufacturing industry in British Columbia is imported.
MR. LEA: Most of it.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: On the contrary. The lumber industry in
British Columbia is not only the most sophisticated lumber
manufacturing industry anywhere in the world, but we manufacture the
equipment used in lumber mills here in British Columbia. Not only that,
we export that machinery to practically every country in the world,
because through our industry.... When I made an announcement that the
cooperative overseas market development project was going to be
refunded, I said to all those assembled, including Jack Munro, that it
wasn't only the lumber industry per se that was benefiting, but indeed,
our manufacturing machinery industry was also benefiting. Through my
ministry, we helped those firms to go out and merchandise their product
everywhere in the world. So we are building the machinery that can be
used anywhere in the world, and we are successful at it. I cannot
understand why the member opposite would stand up and say we're buying
over.... There are some boilers in our pulp mills that certainly are
brought into the country, but by and large.... Take logging trucks. We
have developed and know how to build logging trucks better than anyone
else in the world. We export that technology.
I want to talk for just a few moments about the lumber industry,
because I realize that the member opposite is partly right. About three
weeks ago I was at a strategy session at Whistler put on by the Council
of Forest Industries. I told them: "You can no longer manufacture a
product and go out and try to flog it in the world. You've got to
determine what your market is, and then you must manufacture and sell
into that market." I have pleaded with the industry to add more value
to the lumber products. In that, I accept what the member is saying,
and certainly I will work with COFI.
I think I've answered most of the member's questions, but if I
haven't, if I've missed anything, I d be quite happy to, if the member
would just stand up and tell me.
Amendment negatived on the following division:
NAYS — 24
McCarthy
Nielsen
Gardom
Smith
Phillips
A. Fraser
Davis
Kempf
Brummet
McClelland
Heinrich
Hewitt
Richmond
Ritchie
Michael
Johnston
R. Fraser
Campbell
Strachan
Veitch
Segarty
Ree
Reid
Reynolds
[ Page 2836 ]
YEAS — 17
Howard
Cocke
Dailly
Stupich
Lea
Lauk
Nicolson
Sanford
Gabelmann
D'Arcy
Brown
Hanson
Lockstead
Wallace
Mitchell
Rose
Blencoe
An hon. member requested that leave be asked to record the division in the Journals of the House.
[12:00]
MR. LAUK: On a point of order, Mr. Chairman, the lists were
read in order indicating that the 24 votes were in favour of the
amendment. That's the way the lists were read, and I think it should be
recorded that the minister's salary is reduced; he's lost confidence,
and he should resign forthwith.
Vote 52 approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
The committee, having reported a resolution, was granted leave to sit again.
Division in committee ordered to be recorded in the Journals of the House.
Hon. Mr. Gardom moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 12:04 p.m.
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