British Columbia Hansard — Tuesday, July 10, 1979 — Afternoon Sitting (32nd Parliament, 1st Session)
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British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1979 Legislative Session: ist Session, 32nd Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
TUESDAY, JULY 10, 1979
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
627 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Oral questions.
Lottery grant to Saltspring Golf Club. Mrs. Dailly –– 627
Proposed methanol plant. Mr. Howard –– 627
Televising of Summer and Winter Games. Mr. Barnes –– 628
Public access to Penticton leasehold. Mr. Macdonald –– 628
Hospital admission procedures for prison inmates. Ms. Brown –– 629
Closure of Highway 37. Mr. Passarell –– 629
Medical Amendment Act, 1979 (Bill 15). Second reading.
Hon. Mr. McClelland –– 629
Mr. Cocke –– 630
Hon. Mr. McClelland –– 632
New Westminster Development Act, 1979 (Bill 21). Second reading.
Hon. Mr. Vander Zalm –– 633
Mr. Cocke –– 633
Hon. Mr. Vander Zalm –– 634
Education Statutes Amendment Act, 1979 (Bill 18). Second reading.
Hon. Mr. McGeer –– 634
Mr. Lauk –– 634
Mr. Cocke –– 639
Ms. Sanford –– 640
Mr. Hyndman –– 641
Hon. Mr. McGeer –– 641
Division on second reading –– 643
Committee of Supply: Ministry of Environment estimates.
On vote 89.
Hon. Mr. Mair –– 644
Mr. Skelly –– 645
Hon. Mr. Mair –– 648
Presenting Reports
Special Committee of Selection, second report.
Hon. Mr. Curtis –– 651
Appendix –– 652
TUESDAY, JULY 10, 1979
The House met at 2 p.m.
Prayers.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Mr. Speaker, I
would like to draw your attention to the fact that we have some very
special visitors in the gallery today, and that means everyone who is
in the gallery. But I would like you to recognize especially John and
Katherine Emmerson of Vancouver East who are with us today. We are
pleased to welcome them.
MR. KEMPF: It is my great
pleasure to introduce several guests in the gallery this afternoon.
Some are from my constituency of Omineca. With us this afternoon are
Mr. Larry Hope and his daughters Yvonne, Anne and Dale. Larry and
family hail from Burns Lake in my constituency. Also in the gallery is
Miss Jackie Fox, her mother Kitty, and her aunt Elsie Redford. They are
from England and Jackie lives in Fraser Lake in that great constituency
of Omineca. Last but certainly not least, for the first time in the
four years that I have sat in this House, with us in the gallery this
afternoon are my son Brian and his wife, my daughter-in-law, Janet.
They hail from Terrace in that great constituency of Skeena, and I
would like the House to make all these people very welcome.
MR. BARNES: Mr. Speaker, I wonder if that member for Omineca is trying to steal my thunder. His introductions are getting a little long.
I'd
like to ask the House to join me in welcoming several members from the
Amalgamated Transit Union executive: Harry Singh, Jim Davie and Bob
Bedford.
HON. MR. WATERLAND: Mr. Speaker, in the
gallery today are two professional foresters who during the years 1977
and 1979 worked many thousands of hours helping the government to
develop dual forest and range legislation. I would ask the House to
please welcome Bob Wood, the former chairman of FPAC, as we called it,
and Wes Cheston, a member of that committee.
MR. SEGARTY:
Mr. Speaker, in your gallery this afternoon is the mayor of Fernie, His
Worship Vern Uphill. Vern is the son of the legendary Tom Uphill, who
served the constituency of Kootenay in this Legislature for 41 years.
I'd like the House to welcome Mr. Uphill and the delegation from Fernie.
MR. BRUMMET:
Today I'd like the House to welcome two constituents from my riding, Ed
and Elsie Doyscher. Also with us today are Mayor Pat Walsh and Alderman
Beth Todrick of that fastest-growing city in British Columbia, Fort St.
John. I'd like the House to make them welcome.
MR. HYNDMAN:
Mr. Speaker, it's often observed in this chamber that people from
Ottawa just don't pay attention to what this chamber is doing. I'm
happy today to advise the House that in the gallery are two genuine
citizens of Ottawa, Ontario. Would you welcome Robert Hyndman and
Bridie Hyndman?
Oral Questions
LOTTERY GRANT TO
SALTSPRING GOLF CLUB
MRS. DAILLY: Mr. Speaker, I have
a question for the hon. Provincial Secretary. Were the members of the
Saltspring Island Recreation Commission consulted before a $75,000
lottery grant was given to the Saltspring Island Golf and Country Club
for an irrigation system?
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Speaker, I don't believe they were as an entity; individuals with the recreation commission may have been consulted.
MRS. DAILLY:
I have a supplementary. As the recreation commission has indicated
through the press that they were quite astounded when this money was
apportioned to this golf club without their knowledge, and as they
stated in the press that the money could much better have gone to a
swimming pool which would benefit the majority of the citizens and not
a few, I wonder if the minister would reconsider this grant.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
Mr. Speaker, the answer is no. The problem is that we have heard from
the recreation commission, or members thereof, only through the press
and not directly.
MRS. DAILLY: I have a
supplementary. Once again according to the press, I understand you will
be hearing from them. I was wondering, as the minister seems to be
ready to not change the appointment of this grant, if he could tell us
if he was responsible for the decision.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
Mr. Speaker, the question is really with respect to government policy,
and as a member of the government, I was responsible for the decision.
MRS. DAILLY: I have a final supplementary, Mr. Speaker. Is the minister then saying that he alone made the decision in this particular case?
HON. MR. CURTIS: No, I did not say that, Mr. Speaker.
PROPOSED METHANOL PLANT
MR. HOWARD:
Mr. Speaker, I would like to direct a question — and I do so with a
certain degree of respect — to the greatest Economic Development
minister this province has ever had, certainly since I've been here.
would like to ask the minister if he could tell the House whether or
not he or his ministry has had any discussions with a company called
Ocelot Industries Ltd., a company proposing to build a methanol plant
somewhere in northern B.C. If he has had those discussions, could he
give the House any indication of the results of them?
HON. MR. PHILLIPS:
The answer to the first part of the question from the member for Skeena
is yes. In answer to the second part, no conclusions have been reached,
as I told you during my estimates. Numerous proposals are coming in for
economic development projects everywhere
[ Page
628 ]
in the province. The one on the methanol plant in
Kitimat is only one of several I am expecting to receive in the near
future on similar plants. That's just one of a number of proposals we
will be looking at.
MR. HOWARD: I take it from the answer of the minister that the location is then in fact Kitimat.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: The answer is no. I should have said Kitimat or Prince Rupert.
MR. HOWARD:
After that I'm tempted to withdraw my preliminary to the first
question. I wonder if I could ask the minister whether he has had, or
will have in the near future, any discussions with the municipal
council of the municipality of Kitimat to discuss this question.
HON. MR. PHILLIPS: The answer is yes.
MR. HOWARD: When?
HON. MR. PHILLIPS:
I'll have to check my itinerary, but it seems to me it's on my
itinerary. We're very busy during the House session, but it seems to me
I told them they could come down, now that my estimates were over, and
that I would — the same as I do for everybody who comes to Victoria to
see me — make every effort possible to give them a good hearing.
TELEVISING OF SUMMER
AND WINTER GAMES
MR. BARNES: I would like to address
a question to the Provincial Secretary and thank him for his
cooperation in answering questions last week respecting the B.C. Summer
and Winter Games. I would like the minister to tell the House which
television company received a contract to cover the games in 1978.
HON. MR. CURTIS: That's a matter of public record which does not need to be asked in this House.
MR. BARNES:
Is he suggesting that a question asked outside the House on public
record cannot be asked again in the House? Is the question out of order?
MR. SPEAKER: The question, if it asks for material which is readily available to the public, is not really in order during question period.
MR. BARNES:
In that event I just want to confirm the information that I had,
because sometimes ministers say they have no knowledge of matters.
Could I ask the minister if he would confirm that the television
station is the BCTV network?
HON. MR. CURTIS: The
hon. member asked questions on this topic last week. I think that it is
not only a matter of public record, but a matter of Hansard record of previous question periods that would answer that question for him.
MR. BARNES: With respect, Mr. Speaker, I don't believe that there
was any mention of the television company. We did discuss the principle of television
company broadcasting without the inclusion of cable channels. However, I'm
asking the minister now if he could indicate the specific company. I have suggested
that if the public records are correct, it would be BCTV, but I would like him
to confirm that because I've a further question I'd like to ask him.
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Speaker, I don't think it's my duty to this House or to that member to confirm what is a matter of public record.
MR. SPEAKER:
Hon. members, maybe I should offer a little guidance here. That which
is public record is not a subject to question in this House. However, I
must add that not every member may be aware what is public record.
Therefore I think that common courtesies might be in order.
MR. BARNES:
Mr. Speaker, I don't think the extent or the duration of the contract
is public record. Could the minister indicate the length of the
contract?
HON. MR. CURTIS: Mr. Speaker, I would have
to take that as notice. I do not have it immediately available to me. I
do not have immediately available the term of any contract which
exists, but I will bring....
MR. NICOLSON: You should — it's a matter of record.
HON. MR. CURTIS:
The question of the company is, I believe, a matter of public record
and was uttered by the member who was asking the question. I want to be
helpful to members on the opposite side, but I can't assist him with
the precise term of the contract which is in existence. I will obtain
that information and bring it back to the House.
MR. BARNES:
Mr. Speaker, while he is taking this question as notice, could he also
indicate whether the contract is an exclusive contract, and whether
financial exchanges were made one way or the other between the
government through the BCTV? What I'm trying to determine is the extent
of the agreement, whatever it may have been. Could the minister also be
good enough to table the document so that the House can scrutinize it?
That, also, would become public record.
MR. SPEAKER: The minister has the question?
HON. MR. CURTIS: Yes, Mr. Speaker, I have the question. I will attempt to assist the member.
PUBLIC ACCESS TO
PENTICTON LEASEHOLD
MR. MACDONALD: Mr. Speaker, I
have a question for the Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing. I want to
ask the minister why his ministry amended a lease from the government
in favour of the Penticton Fish and Game and Gun Club, covering 244
acres on the West Bench outside of Penticton, to eliminate access to
members of the public using the old wagon trail through that leasehold
into the mountains after that club had unlawfully put up "No
Trespassing" signs on a public road, put up an earth mound blocking
that road — and that's confirmed in letters from
[ Page 629 ]
the
ministry — and, as a matter of fact, shot one of the youngsters who was
using the road with a trail bike in an instance not too long ago. The
government then branded those youngsters as trespassers and changed the
lease denying public access through those lands. Can the minister tell
me why he would take the side of the gun club and shut down the road
after they had already blocked off public access? Why did you do it?
HON. MR. CHABOT: Mr. Speaker, I'I take the question as notice.
HOSPITAL ADMISSION PROCEDURES
FOR PRISON INMATES
MS. BROWN: Mr. Speaker, I'd like
to thank the Attorney-General for showing up today despite the fact
that I alerted him to the fact that I would be asking him a question. I
think he indicated that he's got an answer ready for me. My question
has to do with the incident of a young girl in the Burnaby General
Hospital who was assaulted by a patient who.... The administrator said
the hospital was not alerted to the fact that this patient was a sex
offender, and the Attorney-General has assured me that he has looked
into it and he now has an answer.
HON. MR. GARDOM:
Mr. Speaker, first of all I'd like to thank the lady member for drawing
it to my attention yesterday. The information that I have received is
this: this was a 17-year-old youth; he was serving an 18-month term for
sexual assault. On July 1 he was stricken with stomach pains severe
enough to impress the correction staff that it was an emergency
situation. The procedure under the circumstances apparently is to first
check with Oakalla to see if a doctor is available; if not, the patient
would be taken to Burnaby General Hospital, and this was done. The boy
was examined, his ailment was diagnosed as acute appendicitis and he
was admitted.
The hospital did not ask about the boy's
background; his escort was not aware of his background; and the staff
member at New Haven who issued the medical absence certificate
releasing him to Burnaby General didn't have his file readily
available. The incident there has been investigated.
Procedures,
hon. member, for sending inmates to hospital are to be changed so that
everyone concerned will be aware of the nature of the offence of any
inmate who is being sent to hospital. I understand charges have not
been laid; that's still under consideration too.
MS. BROWN:
I would like to thank the gentleman minister for his response. I'm
pleased that the procedure is going to be speeded up. This boy was
admitted on Sunday, and the offence didn't happen until Tuesday. Sunday
to Tuesday is a long time, isn't it?
MR. LEVI: A
supplementary to the Attorney-General. Is it not the practice to
categorize offenders through the classification system, so that the
staff would be alerted that the individual is a sex offender and that
he is, presumably, a security risk?
HON. MR. GARDOM: I'I have to take that as notice. I don't wish to give you an imprecise answer; I could, but I don't choose to do that.
CLOSURE OF HIGHWAY 37
MR. PASSARELL:
I have a question to address to the Minister of Labour. Last night
Teamsters Local No. 31 went on strike and closed down Highway 37. Will
the minister dispatch a mediator to Stewart to look into he situation
before more people are affected in that area who need the highway open?
MR. SPEAKER: The question would be in order if it were phrased: "What has the minister done...?"
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. GARDOM: I ask leave to proceed to public bills and orders.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Mr. Speaker, second reading of Bill 15.
MEDICAL AMENDMENT ACT, 1979
HON. MR. McCLELLAND:
The purpose of this bill is to make a number of very minor technical
changes in the Medical Act, most of which have been asked for by the
College of Physicians and Surgeons, and which have been waiting for
about three years to come before this House. The reasons for most of
the changes are pretty self-evident or, at least, apparent from
explanatory notes in the bill.
There are a couple of
amendments, however, on quality control, and I should like to make a
few comments about that. The authority for investigating the skills of
a member is contained in the present
section 48(
a) of the Act. The
wording is imprecise and somewhat impractical. The council of the
college already has the power to investigate the skills and knowledge
of a member. But the amendment that permits the appointment of an
investigating committee for that purpose should prove to be a more
practical and flexible arrangement. The amendment to that
section
should also overcome any delaying tactics on the part of a member under
investigation by allowing the investigating committee to suspend the
member if that member fails to appear before the committee when ordered
to do so. Furthermore, if the findings of the investigating committee
indicate the protection of the public is being jeopardized, the
executive committee of the college is empowered to immediately suspend
the member pending a hearing of the full council. A similar provision
has been made in some other professional Acts in the past couple of
sessions of the House.
Section 21 of the bill is also aimed
at more adequate control. Under the present
section of the Act a
suspended member ceases to be a member of the college. This raises a
bit of an anomaly since that member is then not subject to any further
disciplinary action or competence investigation. The amendment would
continue his status as a member, but prohibit that person from holding
office or voting in college procedures. A new provision in
section 21
of the bill limits suspension to two years, after which the member's
name shall then be erased from the register. Thus an offending member
must either take action within that period to overcome the reasons for
his suspension or else cease to be a member.
[ Page 630 ]
Section
22 of the bill extends liability protection for the college and its
staff. Again, a similar provision has been made available to many
similar organizations in other bills. The liability protection, I must
stress, relates only to the administration of this Act and in no way
covers the practice of medicine. It is for that group of people only.
Section
23 of the bill tidies up and clarifies the lists of professions whose
members, when pursuing their respective professions, are deemed not to
be practising medicine and hence will not be in violation of the
medical Act. Dental technicians and psychologists are added to this
list since they have their own Act now and are changed slightly in
their description under that section.
Section 25 deals with
the penalties to be imposed against an unregistered person upon
conviction of practising medicine. At the present time minimum
penalties are not provided. The maximum penalty for the first offence
was $500, and second $1,000. A third offence brings a mandatory jail
sentence. This amendment brings the penalties into line with those
imposed under the
Summary Convictions Act, again bringing this bill in
line with many other bills passed by the Legislature in the past few
years. In effect, simply by that means, it increases the maximum fine
to $2,000, with the possibility of a jail sentence. In addition, the
amendment provides for a minimum fine of $300 for the first offence and
$500 for a second offence. Other than those measures contained in this
bill which are for the increased protection of the public, the rest of
the amendments are quite technical and quite minor in housekeeping
nature.
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. members, a quick review of
the bill would suggest it is a section-by-section amendment. I do not
find it a single-principle bill and it is therefore a little difficult
to debate in second reading. However, members may wish to attempt it.
MR. COCKE:
I am amazed at your wealth of parliamentary knowledge! When a minister
decides to introduce a bill that has a varying number of principles
within that bill, that's what we're faced with. We can only decide to
debate in principle those areas, as wide as they may be. So we really
are stuck with that situation. I would very much like to suggest we
deal with it
section by section. If we did, then we might miss an
opportunity to speak on the breadth of the basic Act that this is
amending, that we could not otherwise do.
I am not terribly
concerned about many aspects of this bill. I have had a roar of phone
calls, wires, cards — as a matter of fact people were phoning long
after bedtime last night, and very early this morning. Some people are
very concerned about this bill. I am sure the minister has a great deal
more protection from that kind of activity than I have. At the same
time, I am sure he has been confronted by many people who are concerned
about this Act. I would like to talk about some of those areas.
But
before getting to that situation I agree with the minister that this
Act mainly clarifies the wording, and updates the Medical Act. I would
wonder about a portion of this, however, where the minister amends the
present Act to the extent that we are no longer authorizing
Commonwealth reciprocity. I realize there is concern about some of the
minor Commonwealth countries in the teaching of medicine, et cetera.
But it strikes me that in repealing
section 9, we're also taking a look
askance at the United Kingdom trained doctors. I'd like the minister to
have another look at it, because if that's what the college wants, I'm
sure that's what the college can have. It doesn't really affect people
here, but it may affect some first-class doctors coming out to this
country.
I also think that there are some areas of concern
that sort of run counter to what the minister was talking about. He
says that the appointment of an investigating committee stops the
delaying tactics of the person being investigated. I would agree with
that. The only problem is that it also gives the investigating
committee an opportunity to deal unilaterally with a person who is
being charged. It keeps that person away, possibly unfairly, from the
practice of medicine. This is a two-way street. I recognize that the
person must be given 14 days' notice of a report prior to his hearing,
but it doesn't say how long he must be given in order to anticipate
getting to that point. I am concerned about that.
I am very
much in support of
section 22, of course, which protects those people
who work for the college — the registrar, deputy registrar, or whatever
— and who serve on committees investigating a peer or another
practitioner. The reason I support this protective provision is that it
means they do not suffer personal liability. It gives them a right to
write a report without the fear of being sued for having written that
report. I think this is an excellent step forward, and I certainly
support that aspect.
The big bone of contention, of course,
section 23. What we're really doing here is clarifying what is
already in
section 71 of the Act. I see very little change, but that is
a very disappointing aspect as far as I'm concerned.
Mr.
Speaker, let me give you an example of one group that I think by now
should have been considered — acupuncturists. They're not the only
group — I think there are others. In 1973 we set up a committee to
study the whole question of acupuncture. That committee decided that we
should set up some means of judging the practice or the art of
acupuncture. There were pain clinics set up, because the one thing that
was demonstrable in the practice of acupuncture was that it did kill
pain. But I have seen nothing occur since, other than the continuation
of the acupuncture pain clinics to some extent, but certainly no
broadening of them. We should be at a point where we could accurately
test the knowledge and ability of an acupuncturist.
One
might say that talking in terms of acupuncture is like talking in terms
of witchcraft or wizardry. I don't think that's the case. We've all
seen what happened in areas where acupuncture has been recognized.
There's been considerable support, and we certainly know that in China
the practice goes on. Incidentally, I've been in hospitals in China
where they show some tremendous examples of other than pain relief.
Symptoms have been mitigated and illnesses have been modified by the
use of acupuncture. I believe that we should pay serious attention to
these other areas of therapy.
What we've done here is again
provide the College of Physicians and Surgeons with their own Act. We
are amending it and including another couple of groups, but we have
provided them with the protection from other people in the health-care
field. If that's the case, Mr. Speaker, I believe that we should
demonstrate the reason why these people are excluded from the
opportunity to diagnose or treat illnesses. The people that we permit
to practise are
[ Page 631 ]
those
people with their own Act plus the emergency services health group.
Otherwise they're mostly people with their own act, and the
psychologists are a good example. They've been included now; they were
not included before. But, Mr. Speaker, it's because we ourselves lack
interest in some of these other areas that they're being denied access.
were looking for some time at a way to provide an opportunity for
assessment of paramedical people — people who are not included in this
Act — which would lead us to believe that they were competent to
practise. An umbrella act in health care is one thing that we should be
looking at now.
I want to give you an idea what this Act
does. An acupuncturist who has been trained for years — and there are
some very in-depth courses on acupuncture — may not practise in this
province unless he or she practises down some back alley, or at least
in a cloak and dagger way of doing business. On the other hand, a
doctor may go and take four hours of lectures and become a practising
acupuncturist. What absolute nonsense! Doctors all over this province
now are practising the oriental art of acupuncture because they are
clothed in the protection of their own Medical Act. They can pierce the
skin...they can do all these adventuresome things. But, Mr. Speaker, a
person with long training in acupuncture may not practise in this
province and yet would be, in my view, much more proficient than a
doctor — no matter how smart, no matter how intelligent — who went and
listened to a four-hour lecture on acupuncture and began to practise
the procedure.
So I don't think that the doctors are being
fair, and I don't think that the Minister of Health is being fair when
he permits groups like this to be overlooked entirely by
an Act of the
Legislature. What we're doing here is giving the doctors the right to
say no to anybody other than those who are listed in this Act. That's a
fairly elite group. There are others who are practising, or would like
to be in a position to practise, who should be provided an opportunity
to prove themselves. I'm not saying open the door to charlatans, for
heaven's sake, any more than I would say open the doors to malpractice
in business, malpractice in selling of cars, real estate or whatever.
But I would suggest that there should be some access to a more flexible
and more open system of health care.
Mr. Speaker, I think
there's one other area that should be dealt with and that is this
question of unprofessional prescription practice. What you're saying
here is: "Don't push a drug on behalf of a drug house, don't permit
your name to be used for a commercial venture and don't advertise your
medical practice." Well, I think that this is another area in which I
would go a little bit further. I would suggest that the doctors are in
many cases not giving themselves enough time to study what's going on
and are not keeping up with contemporary developments, and that they
take the advice of drug pushers from these pharmaceutical companies. I
really would like to see a little bit better handle on the doctors' own
prescription practice. It's a proven fact in our society that there are
far too many people on tranquilizers. It's the easiest thing to do to
provide someone with a tranquilizer, and then at least, if he's not
feeling well, he doesn't feel so badly about it. But I think that
thalidomide should have taught us a lesson, and I think that the whole
question of administration in terms of prescriptions should be looked
at very carefully. I have been told, for example, that if I go to a
drugstore or go to a doctor, I am going to be told the side effects of
the prescription drugs that I'm to be given. Over the years I have on a
number of occasions received prescriptions — including some in recent
months — and I've yet to go to a drugstore and find out the side
effects. Nor, for that matter, can I find out the conflicting situation
within my body setup by two chemicals that don't mix. So I think there
should be some hardening up in this area.
I recognize what
this is about; it's about advertising. But I think we should go beyond
that. We should ask the College of Physicians, when they're doing their
peer group review, to look a lot more closely at this whole question of
prescribing chemicals or prescription drugs.
As far as the
minister was concerned, he suggested that not much has changed in
section 84, which is
section 25 under this bill. I agree. Mind you,
we're talking about minimum fines now instead of maximum fines. For the
first conviction, the old Act said "no more than $500." The new Act
says "no less than $300." For the second conviction it used to be "no
more than $1,000," and now it's "no less than $500." In other words, if
I'm convicted a second time, I could be fined $20,000 or whatever.
Summary convictions don't permit that.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: No,
summary convictions restrict it to $2,000.
MR. COCKE:
Okay. You're right — $3,000. It just escaped me for a second. The third
offence is imprisonment. That was the same under the old Act. But, Mr.
Speaker, we think in terms of someone who is providing a valid service,
or could provide a valid service, such as an acupuncturist, and who
faces a criminal conviction and jail for that practice. He can practise
in Ontario, California and Washington. All around us he can be
licensed. We can test people here.
True, compared to a
medical doctor all he has to do is take a four-day, four-hour lecture
and practise the art of acupuncture which, incidentally, could be very
dangerous because there are some acupuncture procedures that can result
in death. I know that's why the minister is nervous about it; that's
why I was nervous about it at one time. But believe me, there are
people who can be assessed in our society. In our province today there
are people who could be assessed as highly capable and a credit to our
health-care delivery system.
That's all I have to say on a
bill which, as the minister describes it, is — generally speaking —
housekeeping and bringing wording up to date. But I would like to have
seen a little bit more adventure, a little more moving away from the
orthodox, the traditional and getting out and seeing what we can do
about providing a wider latitude. This is a minister, Mr. Speaker, who
should know better than anyone that one should experiment from time to
time. He's taken what everybody else failed with, the heroin treatment
program, and he says that he's going to make it a winner. Well, if he's
that adventuresome, I think that he could be a little bit more
adventuresome on Bill 15.
Yes, we'll support Bill 15. Yes, I
must support Bill 15. But I do wish that the minister could have just
been a little bit more open-minded and accepted some other
recommendations. I wish that the college and the medical profession
would open up their particular eyes with respect to others
[ Page 632 ]
who could very well complement the health care system in this province.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND:
Mr. Speaker, maybe the best of us can only handle one adventure at a
time. I agree with the member's comments — and I won't comment on all
of the things he said — about the suspension of a medical practitioner
perhaps being unfair. That's true; all of these things have the
potential of being unfair. You have to weigh that against the
protection of the public and which is most important. I think in this
instance the protection of the public outweighs the possibility of some
unfair practice by the application of this
section of the bill.
the matter of prescriptions, I agree that this bill could have gone
further, and there are lots of ways in which we could have moved. But
these were a few housekeeping amendments that mainly were asked of us,
and I felt rather than wait for something greater, we put these
amendments in and clean the Act up. They don't deal with some of the
things that the member for New Westminster commented upon. In the
matter of prescription drugs, certainly we're concerned. We've been in
active consultation with our Pharmacare people, the pharmacists
themselves and the medical profession. There is at the present time
negotiation going on between those two professions. They're talking
about ways in which we can bring some greater responsibility and
accountability to the prescribing of those kinds of drugs which are of
concern to all of us in society. I have no doubt that we'I be coming
back before this House before very long to ask for amendments to either
this bill or another bill to deal with some of those serious problems.
I accept that from the member.
We could have become more
adventurous in terms of
section 23, for which I got my share of
protests in my office and on the phone as well, Mr. Member for New
Westminster. I can understand the concern that people may have, but I
do want to say, Mr. Speaker, that this bill makes no changes to what
was here in the past.
MR. MACDONALD: Why do it, then?
HON. MR. McCLELLAND:
Well, this
section makes no changes except to pick up two groups of
people who need to be covered because of changes in their own
professions. It's not fair to keep them shut out, so a minor amendment
to the bill will look after that. It does not expand either the
College's right to police its own profession or others, so in that
regard there is no concern because that law is already before the
people of British Columbia, and it is the law.
Now we were
not ready to consider either a relaxation of that policing power the
College of Physicians and Surgeons has, or an expansion of the groups
who are associated with health provision in one way or another at this
time.
I might say, Mr. Speaker, that the college itself is
feeling increasingly uncomfortable about its role of dealing with
others than their own profession. I think the time is ripe for us to
enter into serious discussions with the college that would allow some
other avenue for the protection of the public, to people who are not
physicians and surgeons, and allow the College of Physicians and
Surgeons to police their own practice.
I feel, Mr. Speaker,
that the college agrees, in broad terms, with that concept today. It
wasn't true a year ago or two years ago or ten years ago, but I believe
that it is true today, and that the college is ready to look at a
different role in that regard.
With respect to
acupuncturists themselves, I know the member for New Westminster is
sincere, because he is correct. While he was Minister of Health the two
pain clinics and the assessment of acupuncture and its role in the
delivery of health services got some impetus. We've continued that.
Acupuncture now may be practised by a medical doctor.
think it is overly simplistic, Mr. Speaker, to suggest that because a
doctor takes a short course in acupuncture, the doctor is not prepared
as well as he should be to practise the so-called profession of
acupuncture. What we forget in that kind of simplistic approach is that
the doctor has spent years and years and years in medical college
learning how to diagnose disease, which is probably the most important
aspect in the delivery of that kind of health care. It's the diagnosis
that's important.
Mr. Speaker, what I am being asked to
consider today is turning over that diagnostic procedure to a group
that has been trained only in acupuncture. I'm not so sure that's a
safe or responsible way for us to go in this province at this time.
Yes, acupuncture has demonstrated very clearly that it is effective in
the treatment of some kinds of pain for varying lengths of time. There
is no doubt any more about that, no doubt whatsoever. That's why the
two pain clinics that we have operating under the auspices of the
government are so successful, and there are waiting lists for them.
That's why medical doctors who have taken additional training in the
practice of acupuncture are also busy providing that kind of service.
But,
Mr. Speaker, if we turn over the essential element of medical
treatment, diagnosis, to a group of people who may not be trained to
give that diagnosis, then I think we may lay upon the public a very
dangerous procedure. I am not prepared to do that at this time, nor is
the government, but we are prepared to have a further look into what we
should be doing in terms of this.
You know, there are times,
Mr. Speaker, when you come almost to the point where you are ready to
recommend that some innovation in providing this kind of service is
accepted by the government. I would just like to relate one quick story
to you about a meeting I had in my office with an acupuncturist about
the same thing we are talking about today. That acupuncturist said to
me that I should immediately recommend to government that freedom of
choice be available to the citizens of British Columbia in terms of the
way in which they could have access to that kind of diagnosis and
treatment.
I asked one question, Mr. Speaker, and that
question was this: "If someone came to you, with your training as a
acupuncturist only, with no medical training of any kind in diagnostic
procedures or in the delivery of traditional medicine, and said, 'I'm
suffering from cancer and I'm worried about it,' what would you do with
that patient?" The answer, unequivocally, was: "I would treat that
patient." Mr. Speaker, that scared the hell out of me; it really did.
So I want to be very careful about this.
I think there will
come a time when there should be some expansion. I would like to do it,
however, in consultation with the college in terms of their whole role
in this nature. And, as I said at the opening of my closing remarks, I
believe the college is ready to have a changing
[ Page
633 ]
role in this regard, and I hope that we can move towards that very quickly.
With that, I move second reading.
Motion approved.
Bill
15, Medical Amendment Act, 1979, read a second time and referred to a
Committee of the Whole House for consideration at the next sitting of
the House after today.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Second reading of Bill 21, Mr. Speaker.
NEW WESTMINSTER
DEVELOPMENT ACT, 1979
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr.
Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to move second reading of Bill 21.
I think it's a very innovative bill, a prototype for all redevelopment
programs in cities wherever redevelopment is required.
The
New Westminster Redevelopment Act can form the basis of revitalizing
many centres, but in particular, of course, it is applicable in this
particular case to the first capital city, the Royal City, a city which
offers great potential but which, unfortunately, has been on the
decline for some time and which we believe will be certainly receiving
a great deal of attention with the special benefits provided through
this bill.
The format for expediting vital development will
provide, as I said earlier, a model in other areas. I know it will be
watched from many quarters with great expectations.
As the
New Westminster core is revitalized and becomes self-supporting with
the help of government guidance and funding, the surrounding areas will
begin to feel substantial spinoffs and market potential for office,
retail and residential uses. However, redevelopment depends on the
steady availability of land at the right time in the right places and
at reasonable prices. Consequently the Act provides the means whereby
the city can enter into an agreement with The First Capital City
Development Company Limited for land assembly.
Finally, the
Act provides for the amendment of the official community plan. The
community development plan will reverse the negative trends which have
plagued New Westminster for 20-odd years. According to the British
Columbia Development Corporation, New Westminster will take on an image
of a city where some of the largest, most innovative developments in
Canada are taking place, and will lose its time-worn image as a place
of slow growth.
I am advised that aggressive international
promotion has already catalysed firm commitments on the part of the
development industry. A great deal of interest is being expressed, and
we certainly feel that through this mechanism it can become a reality
for the city of New Westminster.
I move second reading of Bill 21.
MR. COCKE: It seems to be my lucky day, Mr. Speaker — two in a row.
I just would like to say that they brought it on themselves. I'm glad that
that minister was the one who had to present this bill, because I suspect that
if the decision hadn't made along about January 1976, when they decided
not to put ICBC in downtown New Westminster, with all of the attendant development
that would have occurred at that time, you wouldn't be in the problem or
the situation that we're in now.
But,
Mr. Speaker, it's the old adage. Once you can get the city
establishment, the chamber of commerce and others drinking their own
bathwater that everything is going to be okay on the morrow, then you
get a situation in which delay after delay after delay occurs.
Now
we come up with Bill 21, which will suddenly bring about the
revitalization of our downtown core. It's a bill that is going to be
used as a prototype for other areas. Well, you know, it might not be
bad. It does provide one with a bit of concern because future councils
are locked in with decisions that are made now. There's very, very
little chance, unless a government decides at this level to make
changes, that a new council will have that opportunity.
gives a lot of shortcuts with respect to the rights to develop. Usually
one has to go through a lot of red tape, and if this can cut some of
that red tape, I guess it's good. But at the same time, oftentimes one
has to be very careful, particularly when you're dealing with outside
developers, in ascertaining just what problems they may be creating in
their development.
[Mr. Rogers in the chair.]
The
downtown core of New Westminster is a disaster. It's a disaster as the
result of years and years of total neglect by all levels — and not only
by government. The business community itself didn't realize that people
hate walking up and down a hill with a slope that doesn't particularly
lend itself to shopping, so that redevelopment has never been
considered other than as a marketplace. I hope that when we look at
redevelopment we are going to look at commercial redevelopment. I would
like to see boutiques and some shopping, but basically that's an area
that lends itself to commercial development.
That's why ICBC
would have been such a boon. Instead of that, we are paying an enormous
rent for the head office of ICBC at the Royal Centre, a decision made
by that heady Minister of Education (Hon. Mr. McGeer), who forgot about
his responsibility to save money. Instead, he would not permit the
moving of ICBC's head office to where it rightfully belongs, in a nice
area that was secured for it. Around ICBC a tremendous commercial
development would have built up, and the downtown core would have been
revitalized. Now we're doing it three or four years later by guess and
by gosh.
What's the key to this one? The key to this
development is, again, a tribute to that great Minister of Education.
What are we going to have down there? Douglas College, of all things.
That's sort of his trade-off. I wonder what that's going to do for the
business of our downtown area. I'm concerned about it. I understand
they've allocated 600 parking spots on that hill, underground and above
ground, and that's all for Douglas College. If there are more, that's
something very, very recent. Presently Douglas College is using about
2,000 to 2,500 parking spots where its campus is now located. Does this
mean that the overflow is going all over the downtown area of New
Westminster?
Whether we like it or not, we have lousy
transit and, with the Socreds, it's becoming increasingly bad in the
downtown area of New Westminster. We have no transit terminal, which we
were going to have as part of the old
[ Page 634 ]
ICBC
presentation. No, we've got a level of transit which does not encourage
people to use transit; it encourages them to use their cars. I worry
about what's going to happen to our downtown area. If the minister can
assure me that a good deal of thought is being given to this and to the
other areas of concern being expressed from time to time, then, to some
extent, I'm gratified and relieved. I do worry about that whole area,
and I do worry that people are not really looking at the consequences
of some of the actions taken. To date it's been a big PR job.
You
can say: "Well, the courthouse is going in." The courthouse was going
in. As a matter of fact, it was going to be slightly larger than the
one we have going now. That's all we have to show for it, other than
promises. Promises that come about four years later strike me as being
something one should always be somewhat wary of. I'm somewhat wary of
this whole proposition.
Basically I don't oppose the bill. I
think it's probably a good prototype. As a matter of fact, we had
legislation similar to this in the NDP days. That was wiped out, and
now we're going back piece by piece, I don't really feel I can oppose
this legislation. All I'm saying is that it's too bad it's taken us so
long to get to this point.
Why is it that we're looking at
this bill now when I understood we'd be looking at it a year ago? Did
some problems develop? Douglas College has been put back and put back
and put back so many times.... It is hoped they will get off the ground
in September. They've been ready to break ground for some considerable
time. Let's hope that the other development down there occurs. It is
certainly a better vehicle than what we have at the present time.
City
council supports the bill and most of the people involved in the
downtown core support the bill. I wish them good luck with it. I want
this on the record, Mr. Speaker: all through the time of the
negotiations I have kept my counsel, despite the fact that I have
wondered about all the PR and the lack of action. I am pleased to see
that at long last something is happening. Let's hope something tangible
happens pursuant to this bill being proclaimed.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM:
Mr. Speaker, I am a little disappointed that the member for New
Westminster is not receiving this particular bill with great
enthusiasm. Certainly I concur with the member when he suggests that
public facilities can often provide a great aid to assuring that the
development, in fact, takes place. As he mentioned himself, we are
certainly providing for this through the establishment of a major
educational facility in the downtown core. Also, the courthouse was not
approved until this government approved the courthouse. So to suggest
that perhaps they had something bigger or better in mind, I think, is
not too solid in that there were no plans prior to our approval of them.
The
car parking was mentioned and, of course, I think it should be
recognized that the existing Douglas College facility is on the
outskirts of the New Westminster area near the hospital on Eighth
Avenue. We're looking here at something right in the downtown core
which we hope will see a lot of residential development immediately in
the area as well, so there may not be need for cars such as there is on
the outside.
We have a meeting coming up in several weeks to discuss high-density transit, and that certainly will include New Westminster.
Finally,
we could not have brought it forth last year. This was not completed by
the New Westminster city council until December 1978, and this is a New
Westminster plan. This plan was developed by the city of New
Westminster for New Westminster. It was finally nearly ready in
December 1978 and we've expedited the process. We now have it before
the House.
I move second reading.
Motion approved.
Bill
21, New Westminster Redevelopment Act, 1979, read a second time and
referred to a Committee of the Whole House for consideration at the
next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. McCLELLAND: Second reading of Bill 18, Mr. Speaker.
EDUCATION STATUTES
AMENDMENT ACT, 1979
HON. MR. McGEER: Mr. Speaker,
it's a pleasure to move second reading of Bill 18. It's one of these
bills without principle. Therefore it's difficult for me to address a
broad principle in the bill, except to say that we've got a new concept
here which is, for legislative economy, not to open up every
educational statute every year but to attempt to consolidate those
essential housekeeping measures into one Statutes Amendment Act, and
then at periodic intervals to open up the main bills — there are, I
think, five of them — under the Ministry of Education for major
rewriting. So all that we've done here is to combine those housekeeping
measures that we considered to be of very high priority but of minor
legislative import into this one small bill. If any of the members
opposite have questions about particular sections, I can deal with
those in summarizing the debate, and we'll have an opportunity to
discuss them individually in committee.
MR. LAUK: Mr.
Speaker, I regret very much that the minister, after stating that it's
policy not to open up the education statutes every year, presents first
of all this omnibus bill in its present form, and then speaks only for
a few seconds without outlining, as should be his opportunity, some of
the policy behind the proposed amendments, and further explaining to
the province of British Columbia why he has not made further amendments
as requested by various organizations over the years to the Public
Schools Act.
I intend to deal with the principle of this
bill. The minister indicates that there is no principle. One of the
unfortunate ways in which governments avoid debate on the very
important principles that arise from their ministries from time to time
is to bring in an omnibus bill. This minister has been particularly
culpable in doing just precisely that. He was the minister of omnibus
bills in this chamber for the last parliament, and it seems he's
starting again in this one.
The minister is aware that
various groups have approached him for various amendments from time to
time. The minister, I'm instructed, has stated to these persons: "Well,
we're not going to open the bill this year, but your proposals will be
taken into consideration when we do."
[ Page
635 ]
Not only has he not done so on this occasion in a substantive way,
but he has failed to deal with the bills separately as they should be
dealt with, particularly the Public Schools Act, which requires major
revision.
For many, many reasons — and we have canvassed the
proposed amendments carefully, Mr. Speaker — the opposition will oppose
this bill in second reading. We feel that those proposals made by this
bill, where they are needed, are inadequate and will do more harm than
good, and where they are not needed to the various statutes,
particularly the Public Schools Act and the Independent Schools Support
Act, will do great mischief. It is a sloppily drafted bill, taken on
its face. It solves nothing and it creates grave problems. To run it by
the House as a housekeeping measure in the form of an omnibus bill is
not a forthright and honest way to proceed.
Particularly,
Mr. Speaker, the government has failed to make substantial changes as
proposed by the teachers of this province with respect to those
provisions which affect teachers and that do not, in any way, directly
affect the Ministry of Education's direction of public education in the
province. Some time ago, a very serious brief was presented to the
minister by teachers dealing with
section 129 of the Public Schools
Act. Although this bill tinkers with some of the proposals made in that
brief, it does not in any way take seriously the suggestions made by
the teachers' federation. We must assume in this chamber, Mr. Speaker,
that the federation speaks for most, if not all, teachers with respect
to changes in the Public Schools Act.
The opposition
believes that there must be a balance between the right of boards of
school trustees to secure best deployment of staff and the right of
teachers to fair personnel practice and effective due process for any
such decisions by school boards. It is our view that such a balance no
longer exists, and the proposed bill does nothing to solve that. The
Public Schools Act has been used — by virtue of
section 129, at least —
in avoidance of more appropriate sections of the Act, to achieve
apparently punitive, horizontal or vertical transfers of teaching
personnel. It is inconsistent with the intent of the Public Schools Act
and fair personnel practice, and avoids due process.
Specifically,
there is no requirement that a board state the reasons for the transfer
of a teacher. Secondly, there's a minimum of seven days' notice of a
transfer, which is wholly inadequate. The limit of seven days in which
to seek an interview with the board is also a hardship. The board may
grant an interview at such short notice, or at times when it is not
possible for the teacher to prepare or secure the attendance of an
adviser or counsel. The interview provision leaves the impression of an
appeal process, but there is none. The initial decision of the board to
issue a transfer notice is on the basis of advice. There are no reasons
and there is little likelihood that a board would later act contrary to
that advice or reverse itself. There are many such examples of this
injustice, but it is consistent with the philosophy and policy of this
particular minister to sidestep already-existing rights that have
existed for years for teachers, and treat them as second-class citizens.
The Public Schools Act was designed to protect their interests and their employment
and their tenure, not particularly because of their individual rights — although
that's important — but to protect the public education system from political
interference, both at the provincial and the local level. When appeal procedures
exist in the Public Schools Act to protect those rights and provide due process,
to see the ministry allow both themselves and school boards to sidestep those
rights by the transfer procedures in
section 129 is reprehensible and a denial
of natural justice.
These
points were brought to the attention of the minister some time ago, yet
no protection has been incorporated in this new bill for such teachers.
The proposals by the Teachers' Federation were reasonable, and they
were fair. They did not involve extra cost, although negligible
bureaucratic costs always occur to the education budget. I conclude the
minister has once again shown arrogance — and a disregard for
individual rights.
I suppose he feels that the people of
this province will side with him against teachers no matter what he
does. But let me remind you. Mr. Speaker, and the minister that the
people of this province believe in what is fair. They believe people
should be provided those tenets of natural justice they wish for
themselves. Evidently the minister does not. He has turned a blind eye
to the suggestions made by the Teachers' Federation with respect to
transfer provisions.
Let me recall for the minister some of
the suggestions that were made. The current provisions of the Public
Schools Act place the tenure of all teachers in unreasonable jeopardy
with little, if any, hope of a fair hearing or redress. Transfer on
seven days' notice, with no right of effective appeal, can cost a
teacher additional travel costs, loss of present position, demotion,
loss of salary and other benefits, reduction in pension, and can result
in a totally unfair or inappropriate assignment.
The Public
Schools Act may be used to avoid disciplinary provisions elsewhere in
the Act, thereby preventing use of appeal provisions. That's exactly
what has happened.
Essentially, the Public Schools Act
places all teachers assigned to positions as principals. vice —
principals, head teachers, and other supervisory personnel, in the
unreasonable jeopardy of losing their positions on seven days' notice,
without due process. That is hardly the kind of tenure to encourage
strong and effective leadership in our high schools and elementary
schools by supervisory staff, and it hardly provides that degree of
protection necessary so that teachers and supervisory personnel will
not be intimidated by the political exigencies of local school boards
or the Ministry of Education.
It encourages the less
straightforward ministers of the future and school boards. It
encourages patronage and political interference in our high schools and
public schools. It is a dictatorial and arbitrary use of power. The
minister, again showing back-of-the-hand treatment to teachers in this
particular case, shows, by that arrogance, contempt for the public
education system in B.C.
It is consistent, I regret to say,
with his entire history as Minister of Education. The minister seems
bent on doing anything he can to undermine the morale and the integrity
of the public education system. He has travelled the length and breadth
of the province, announcing to taxpayers that the public education
system is not worthy of their support, that teachers are not diligent,
are greedy and selfish. He has gone throughout the length and breadth
of the province....
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please.
Hon. member, I have looked at several of the sections of this Act, and
I find it difficult to fit the discussion you're currently conducting
under second reading. It would seem to me that your line of
[ Page 636 ]
debate might be better placed in the estimates of the minister rather than in second reading of this bill.
MR. LAUK:
I know, Mr. Speaker, that you've obviously considered the bill at
length, as I have over several hours, and that you can make that
judgment. However, I disagree with it.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon. member, do you challenge the Chair?
MR. LAUK: I'm asking you a question.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. LAUK: Mr. Speaker, you have your rights; I have mine.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. LAUK: The Speaker is not entitled to intimidate a member while he's giving a speech on the principle of the bill.
[Deputy Speaker rose.]
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Hon. member, you were asked to relate to the bill, and you chose to
challenge the Chair. I would like to know on what grounds you wish to
challenge the Chair, if indeed you do wish to challenge the Chair. If
you do not wish to challenge the Chair, then I would suggest that you
proceed with debate which is in order under this bill.
[Deputy Speaker resumed his seat.]
MR. LAUK:
Mr. Speaker pointed out to me that he could not see how my line of
debate was relevant to the principle of this bill. I'm without further
explanation. The bill opens up the Public Schools Act for amendment;
precisely it deals with tenure in terms of employment and contracts and
finances — and that's precisely what I'm talking about.
DEPUTY SPEAKER . Hon. member, if you were to peruse the Blues when they
come out, you would find that your line of discussion wasn't quite dealing
with that; it was dealing with the activities of the minister as they pertain
to school teachers, and I find no reference to that in this bill. We are in
second reading, and you, hon. member, are very well aware of the rules. Under
second reading the debate can be very wide-ranging; however, your line of debate
would be much better conducted under the minister's estimates. If you wish
to continue with debate in second reading — clause by clause or in general discussion
of this bill — that's quite in order.
MR. LAUK:
Perhaps I'm not able to express myself with that degree of clarity that
would lead to Mr. Speaker's understanding of what I'm saying, and I
apologize for that. But earlier in my speech I related the minister's
role in undermining the public education system of this province to the
provisions of this bill related to the Public Schools Act which
undermine the role and the tenure of the teacher and the supervisory
personnel of various schools in the province. I'm arguing in this
chamber in second reading that the philosophy behind such a move has
been consistent throughout the term of office — both in the last
parliament and in this — of the current Minister of Education. If we
can't discuss the policy or underlying philosophy with respect to the
proposed amendments in second reading, then we can discuss nothing in
second reading.
Mr. Speaker, the role of the minister has been quite clear: to centralize authority
in Victoria on the one hand, and to place the cost burden of education at the
local taxpayer level. He has consistently done that for two parliaments — or
one, and starting this one. These amendments enhance that philosophy once again.
The minister, as I have said, has clearly indicated to the various organizations
interested in public education that by design the legislative process, either
in this chamber or in cabinet, centralizes bureaucratic and complete and dictatorial
control of public education in his office. Yet he avoids the financial consequence
for the local taxpayers of his sometimes very ill-advised decisions. This bill
is full of amendments, which he is trying to be sneak through this House, that
will support that philosophy.
Mr.
Speaker, what specifically has he done up to this point? He has allowed
local school boards to use the transfer provisions of
section 129 of
the Public Schools Act to completely circumvent the appeal procedures
of the Public Schools Act. But most school boards operate with a sense
of natural justice and it's not a problem. Some school boards do not so
operate and will, for their own political reasons and reasons of
philosophy and policy in education, transfer teachers without appeal
and without due process as a punitive measure. That, in fact,
undermines the education system, in that teachers must look over their
shoulders now at what the ministry wants them to do and what the school
board wants them to do in terms of teaching in the classroom and in
terms of being a principal or vice principal. They are subject to that
control without a fair hearing.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
The
Public Schools Act, as I say, may be used to force teachers currently
assigned to positions to accept limited term contracts which
automatically terminate.
It is interesting to note also that
as recently as 1975, teachers appointed to positions as principals,
vice principals, head teachers and other supervisory personnel enjoyed
the same protection of tenure with respect to that appointment as all
other teachers with respect to their appointments. The introduction of
the
section at that time retroactively destroyed that tenure, and now
the provisions and applications of
section 129 effectively eliminate
any tenure for such positions. One must look at those amendments to
consider intelligently the amendments that are now proposed — the
so-called housekeeping or tidying-up bill — in order to understand the
very sinister philosophy of this minister to undermine the morale and
the integrity of the public education system.
Before leaving
that point, I heard someone say what due process means and how it is
now being encroached upon by the provisions of this bill. Every
teacher, principal, vice-principal, headmaster, whoever, has the right
to be informed in writing of allegations and grounds for any
[ Page 637 ]
transfer,
dismissal or demotion or whatever. Everyone has the right to full
access to the evidence in each and every case. Everyone has the right
to defend himself and be defended by a representative of his choice.
Adequate time must be given to the teacher for the preparation of his
defence. He has the right to be informed in writing of the decisions
reached and the reasons for them. There is the right to appeal to
clearly designated competent authorities who are separate and apart
from those who have brought the allegation. Those are basic human
rights — basic natural rights and we protect them very dearly and
carefully for the public service in Victoria. What's wrong with
protecting those rights for teachers in the public education system?
The tinkering of this bill does nothing to solve that serious problem
because it is not consistent with the minister's philosophy that
teachers have no rights.
With respect to the proposed
amendments to the B.C. Educational Institutions Capital Financing
Authority Act, what we see here is a very serious problem arising. When
we debated the Independent Schools Support Act there was some
discussion about capital financing of independent schools. This is a
principle that has never been debated in this House and it is a
principle that the opposition, up until this point, thought would never
be before this House. No government has proposed to provide public
money for capital cost financing of private schools. That has never
been publicly proposed by this government or this minister. Yet these
amendments will by law allow the possibility of this government, in the
secrecy of the cabinet room, to provide public money for the
capital-cost projects of private schools. Yet, Mr. Speaker, that
principle has never been debated, and that policy has never been put
forward by the government. If it is not their policy, then it should
clearly say so in the bill, and appropriate amendments should be made
to protect the public purse from further encroachments by this
government for capital-cost expenditures on private schools.
I'I
deal with it in committee in detail and show you how legally the
cabinet can make that decision without bringing it before the House.
They can designate independent schools as institutions entitled to have
their capital-cost indebtedness guaranteed by this government and by
the public purse. That is what the amendment calls for. The opposition
is totally opposed to that principle, and it is another basic and very
fundamental reason why we will oppose this bill on principle in second
reading. Surely to goodness, Mr. Speaker, the minister's policy should
be clearly announced before legislation is brought to the House. It
should not be couched with a cloak of the omnibus bill, sneaked into
the House and passed as an omnibus bill without discussing that
important principle. The people of this province are not generally
opposed to dealing fairly with families that send their children to
independent schools. That's not a basic issue in the province. But what
is a fundamental issue is that aid to independent schools should not
undermine the public education system. It should not deplete the public
purse at the expense of the public education system and those children
who go to the public schools. But slowly and surely — in an almost
Machiavellian way — these chess moves by a very intelligent minister
are being brought before the House session after session enabling the
cabinet to operate without debate in this chamber on principles that
could go unforeseen.
To expand on that — and I know the
phrase causes you great concern — the public financing authority Act
for educational institutions was intended by this chamber to deal only
with post-secondary education. That Act, as it stands, could be used
only to provide guaranteeing of indebtedness to public secondary
educational institutions. The Public Schools Act dealt with the
financing of secondary and elementary public schools, together with its
complementary statutes.
By the new arrival of aid to
independent schools, and this new established relationship of the
public purse with independent schools, the proposed amendment enables
the government to designate private schools under that financial
authority. When they do, the cabinet, without further debate by the
Legislature, without any reference to the public whatsoever, can commit
the public treasury to guarantee capital cost financing for private
schools throughout the province.
It is not sufficient for
the minister, in dealing with a statute, to say: "We don't intend
that." He's not going to be here forever, or he may change his mind.
But the law has to be clear, and it is not. It can only be assumed that
a person as knowledgeable about legislation as the minister fully
intends to have that power given up and delegated by this House to the
cabinet. We are opposed to that.
Another point to support
our opposition to this bill is that for some time now local school
boards appointed and hired superintendents. The cost, depending upon
what era we are talking about, was borne by both the ministry and the
local school district. Now we see the cost of the payment for
superintendents shifting away from the provincial ministry to the local
taxpayer.
The amendments now proposed restrict the right
school boards historically have had to appoint their own
superintendents in many cases to a list provided to them from the
Ministry of Education. This is totally consistent with this minister's
philosophy. His philosophy in the last parliament, from 1975 until
today, has been consistent. I've got to give him full marks for that.
He has no interest in giving any power to local school boards and
districts. He wishes to centralize that power of the public education
system entirely at his desk. But he wishes to pay for nothing.
Costs
of the superintendents are now entirely on the homeowner, but their
appointment rests entirely with the minister. This cosmetic nonsense
about providing an approved list to local school boards, from which
they may appoint or hire a superintendent, is nothing more or less than
cosmetic nonsense, and it no longer succeeds in disguising the
minister's true intent of undermining school board integrity and
decentralization of authority within the educational system.
This
minister is moving against the tide, Mr. Speaker, and to do so he
obviously finds a certain amount of subterfuge necessary. The tide is
decentralization of the educational system. The opinion of educators
throughout Canada and North America is that where major mistakes have
been made in education it has been because of a monolithic central
control over education that does not reflect the needs of the community
and the aspirations of the community in the education of our young
people. It is arbitrary; it is dictatorial; but, as I say, it is
consistent with this minister's philosophy.
The third point is very troublesome indeed, That is the provision whereby the Independent Schools Support Act
[ Page 638 ]
will
be amended to allow an authority under that Act to transfer its
accreditation to another authority. To explain that further, it was
debated in this Legislature under the Independent Schools Act that no
private school could apply for public funding unless it had operated as
a private school for at least five years. That was one of the
provisions allowing them to receive public funding.
Now we
find an amendment that will allow an authority which has had
accreditation for five years to sell that to some other authority.
Wherever that situation has arisen in our economic system in British
Columbia, it has led to the most outrageous economic speculation. I ask
Mr. Speaker to consider this trading of accreditation in public
schools, under the Independent Schools Support Act, as one would see
the trading of taxi licences in the city of Vancouver. Do you know that
it costs about $65,000 to buy a taxicab in the city of Vancouver?
You're not paying for the car. I don't know of any car valued at
$65,000, particularly one that would be used in the streets of the city
of Vancouver. You're paying for the licence to operate a taxicab within
the city of Vancouver. The five-year accreditation provision is a very
important provision. If we allow the trading of that accreditation as a
licence to be bought and sold by whatever authority sets itself up to
do so, an economic value will be placed on that accreditation or
licence and will be trading in an economic way the right to receive
public funds for aid to independent schools. If the minister didn't
intend that — he's had almost a year to consider these amendments —
what on earth is he doing in his office? In the minister's office, what
is the civil service doing? Don't they read these amendments? Don't
they have legal advice? Don't they consider all the possibilities?
The
minister's cavalier attitude towards the drafting of these amendments
is repugnant to the opposition, particularly in the case I mentioned,
which is a classic example of sloppy draftsmanship which has
characterized his ministry since 1975. That amendment can't possibly go
through. I'm well aware of the anomalous situation the minister is
trying to correct, but he's done so in an ill-considered way and in a
sloppy fashion. Again, because of that, we're opposed to this bill.
The
other amendment that causes us great concern in substance — but we can
see it as reasonable — opens up the whole question of financial aid to
independent schools. The proposed amendment allows the minister, under
that Act, to designate more up-to-date figures for calculating the
grant that will go to a particular independent school. Prior to the
passage of this bill.... The figures on which the ministry calculates
its grant to independent schools are described as "those published" or
"most recently published" by the ministry. Sometimes they are two years
out of date. It is appropriate, then, to have those figures current, so
that the grant to independent schools will reflect the current
operating cost per pupil in the school district in question. If one
accepts the Independent Schools Support Act, that is not reprehensible
to us; that is fair. But it is an appropriate time to canvas what has
happened.
We have had a full year to see the Independent
Schools Support Act in operation. What has it done? Through the
Independent Schools Support Act, the ministry has a provision whereby
each pupil in an independent school will receive an amount equal to the
operating cost per pupil in the public education system in the school
district in which that independent school is situated. In other words,
whatever the public education system provides in costs to a pupil, 25
percent of that will go to each pupil in the independent school system
for those independent schools that qualify under the Act. What has that
led to? Is it fair? Should we support this amendment?
suggest to you that it is not fair, because the figures are calculated
on the total cost per pupil in the public education system, including
those costs provided by the taxpayer at the homeowner level. The
provincial purse, which has a much broader base of taxation, provides a
greater amount per pupil to the independent school student. In School
District 39 in the city of Vancouver I think there are approximately
60,000 students in the public education system. They received
$7,123,543 from the provincial government in the last operating year.
In other words, that is the provincial contribution towards 60,000
students in the school district of Vancouver. Private school pupils
number about 5,100. They receive $2,724,617. In other words,
nine-tenths of the students in the city of Vancouver receive two-thirds
of the provincial contribution towards education costs, and less than
one-tenth of the students in that jurisdiction receive one-third of the
total provincial contribution.
Now I ask you to consider
that in the light of what everybody in this province should consider to
be fair. We all pay taxes; we all have the same burdens. Whether I have
children in school, whether I have somebody in the hospital, or whether
I have had anybody use an ambulance, I pay my share of taxes. I do not
expect because I do not have children in school to pay less than my
neighbour who may have children in school, or to receive some special
privilege that another citizen does not receive. The question of
privilege is so much a part of the philosophy of this minister. The
privilege of one-tenth of the students of the city of Vancouver to
receive one-third of the provincial education budget for that school
district is not fair. People know it's not fair. They know it's
inequitable and it's discriminatory against those of us who do not have
children in the independent schools system.
Now the minister
may argue that those persons who have children in independent schools
pay homeowner taxes too, and this is a way of getting some of that
money out. That would only be an adequate and fair argument if some
relief were given to the homeowner by further provincial contribution
to the independent school system. What this does is create two serious
problems. There's the dollar and cents problem — 60,000 students in the
city of Vancouver are getting the short end of the stick. The second
problem — and perhaps it's even the greater in the longer run — is an
undermining again of the authority of the local community to create its
own priorities for the expenditure of tax moneys for educational
purposes. It is no decision of the local school board in the city of
Vancouver to provide that unequal amount of money to the students
involved. It was purely the decision of the Ministry of Education to
use those figures based on the total taxation rather than only on the
provincial contribution. It's created a very serious unfairness in the
application of those funds available for education.
I have
pleaded with this minister to provide provincial funds for almost
There's not a drop in the bucket, not a penny, not a token from the
[ Page 639 ]
second
language to achieve an education in the city of Vancouver. Is there any
money from the province? No. Yet one-tenth of the students of that
jurisdiction receive one-third of the money.
Let's not argue
that it's the principle of aid to independent schools; that argument's
over. I argue equity; I argue fairness. And it's not fair to take the
elitist attitude that because someone has sent his child to a separate
school, an independent school, they should receive more of a share of
the provincial contribution towards education costs. It's simply not
fair.
Mr. Speaker, there are many other provisions of this
Act that I'm sure my colleagues wish to raise and point out to the
chamber in the hopes that the minister will withdraw these offensive
provisions, in the hope that the minister will take a closer look at
those briefs that have been presented to him, painstakingly arrived at
through research at the community level, and not just wave his hand or
look up at the ceiling as he always does and not listen to debate in
this chamber. Be a considerate minister, someone who'll be remembered
as a person who was fully supportive of the public education system,
and yet showed courage in providing aid to independent schools. But to
show courage and independence in that sense, and back-of-the-hand
treatment to the already existing public education system, makes his
actions notorious and will make his memory infamous.
There
are many people who do not have children in the public education system
or do not have children in school at all who do not resent paying their
taxes. And there are many people who have their children in the public
education system who do not resent public aid to independent schools,
but they are 100 percent opposed to a formula which prefers the
privileged view over the many.
The other serious point that
should be made.... For the time being, Mr. Speaker, I will put these
figures on the record, because we've now had a year of aid to
independent schools, and we now can see what's happened. Many parochial
schools have received grants. Many schools of various denominations and
philosophies have received grants consistent with the Act, but there
are some schools that I think should be pointed out, and I don't think
it's unfair for me to draw attention in this chamber to some of those
schools.
St. George's School has 592 pupils. It's an
all-boys school in the city of Vancouver. It is well known that it is
not a school that espouses the principles of trade unionism or social
democracy.
AN HON. MEMBER: What school is supposed to?
MR. LAUK:
These remarks are being made, Mr. Minister, in a satirical way. I'm
hoping you can apply Education 101, that you got a C-minus in, and try
and grasp the satirical content.
With 592 students, the
total provincial contribution to that school was $301,000. That school
has recently purchased property from another private school for
expansion at a capital cost expenditure of several hundred thousand
dollars.
Shawnigan Lake has 160 students and $81,000. So as
not to be accused of any sectarian division, let me mention Vancouver
College — 786 students, $400,000.
These are schools
which have primarily — apart from the exceptions that really prove the
rule that are raised on the other side from time to time — as their
occupants students whose families could well afford private education
without welfare. It is an unreasonable argument to use as examples the
independent elementary schools throughout the province to usher in aid
to these schools for students whose families can well afford private
education. Indeed, in the case of some of them are families which have
received great benefit from the legislative program of the SocialCredit government, particularly in the form of taxation reform a la Socred.
Mr.
Speaker, I think it's appropriate, and I've taken this much time to
catalogue very carefully the various provisions of this statute that
collectively have drawn this opposition together in opposing this bill
in principle and second reading.
MR. COCKE: It's hard
to resist following my fine colleague, who made a marvelous
presentation. I want to deal with one particular area, and that's the
area where one can purchase a right to immediate financial assistance
by purchasing an authority. When the minister first introduced the bill
on independent schools some time ago, there was some grave concern
about proliferation, and I can sure see the opportunity for
proliferation here.
What, for example, constitutes an
independent school? You see, you can acquire an independent school from
an authority. That doesn't necessarily mean that the authority gives up
their independent school, in my view. If I am wrong, I would sure like
to be assured.
I believe, Mr. Speaker, this gives a
marvelous opportunity for proliferation. They could multiply like the
amoeba. I can see, too, that some groups could come in, purchase a
school from an authority, and before you know it, lo and behold, we
have the Moonies operating an independent school in British Columbia.
Why do I say that? Because there's no ministerial discretion here. It
just says that
section 5 is amended. There is nothing there that would
indicate to me any safeguards whatsoever. Won't that minister be a
surprised minister if suddenly he finds the Moonies have purchased St.
George's School? They probably have the money. We know that St.
George's is wealthy, and we know, incidentally, Mr. Member for
Vancouver Centre, that they haven't reduced their rate. They still
charge $5,000 per student per year.
Despite the minister's
great help, what they've done actually is seen to it that they have an
opportunity to get into an expanded real estate proposition. But I
believe that this aspect of this Act is dangerous. It does what the
minister possibly even planned to do in the first place — let
proliferation reign.
So now they don't have to do their
five-year stint to prove themselves. All they have to do is go out and
purchase from an authority, an independent school. What might that be?
Let's say we have a very large independent school with 200 or 300
students. A portion of that independent school could be an independent
school with all the attendant good fortune in that school, and
immediately receive financial aid.
The safeguard before was
that any school going into business, such as the Moonies, would have to
have at least five years to show that they were worthy of financial
support. There would be that possibility. Now suddenly
[ Page 640 ]
we're in a position where an authority can sell an independent school to whoever the taker might be.
Mr.
Speaker, the member for Vancouver Centre says that we create, when we
do this sort of thing, an opportunity to make money on these kinds of
transactions. He says it's like selling a taxi licence or like selling
an egg quota or a milk quota and all these other marvelous things by
which governments over the years have managed to assist people in
getting rich.
Aside from that, though — I'm getting a little
more serious — I believe that this is the minister's way of assisting
with the proliferation of independent schools. He rather hinted to us
that he wanted to help all those poor folks out there who had, over the
years, been supporting their children, paying the shot and also paying
their taxes.
Now, Mr. Speaker, he's suggesting we're going
to make it easy for people to get into the business. I really don't
think that it's a good idea. As a matter of fact, I think that this
subverts the whole question. I think we really have to do a lot of
thinking in terms of independent schools, particularly with that rather
weird finding of a human rights committee that met just the other day.
I really think that that has some very serious consequences for this
province if that is the kind of thing that is going to happen around
the independent schools situation.
Mr. Speaker, why doesn't
the minister get up and announce that he is going to take this aspect
out of a rather bad bill? It's interesting that practically all the
major departments of governments are now introducing their own omnibus
bills. In the old days there used to be one statute law amendment Act.
That was from the A-G and that included everybody's bits and pieces.
Now
the major portfolios come along with their own statute law amendment
Act. That's, of course, a description of a potpourri. What you can do
in that kind of a bill is lose some very, very important changes and
hope that people will overlook them. This, as far as I am concerned, is
a major change and should have been a bill in its own right. If for no
other reason, I can see no support for this bill because of that one
statute amendment.
MS. SANFORD: The member for
Vancouver Centre (Mr. Lauk) is quite correct in mentioning the
minister's constant moves towards the centralization of authority under
his control here in Victoria. He is continually assuming all of these
powers unto himself and yet at the same time he is attempting to give
the impression that he is giving the local school districts more
autonomy. At least he is attempting that in this particular statute
that we have before us this afternoon.
The Minister of
Education in the NDP administration, the member for Burnaby North (Mrs.
Dailly), led the way in permitting local school districts to appoint
their own school superintendents. She started by allowing those school
districts with 20,000 or more students to appoint their own
superintendents — not from any lists that she provided but rather at
the discretion of those particular school districts. Since that initial
move was made by the former Minister of Education, there has been a
great deal of pressure from school districts throughout the province to
enable them to appoint their own district superintendents, even if they
had fewer than 20,000 students within their school district. The
minister here has indicated that school districts will be able to
appoint — by regulation and if they have a given number of students
within their school districts — their own school superintendents. But
it is from his list. We have 75 school districts in the province and
the number of people who are on the list will be somewhere around 80 to
85. How much choice will the school districts have if there are 75
school districts and only about 80 or 85 people from which to choose?
The
school boards, I think, in a number of cases will say: "There is no way
that we want to follow what the minister is providing us in this
particular amendment to the legislation. We don't want to pay the full
shot for hiring the superintendents. We don't want to pay for all of
the benefits that are currently paid for by the provincial government,
because we don't really have the choice after all. The minister is
making the choice for us and is simply providing us a list." I would
not be surprised if a number of school districts in the province
indicated that this was not good enough, and that the Minister of
Education still controls it from right here in Victoria.
The
legislation provides for the appointment of superintendents according
to the regulations that are set up by the Ministry of Education. I
would like to ask the minister whether or not the specifications have
been drawn up by order-in-council to indicate to the school districts
what size school district will be permitted to appoint its own
superintendents. The figure that has been bandied about is 4,000, and
I'm not sure if that order-in-council has gone through yet, but I
certainly would like the minister....
HON. MR McGEER: Last week.
MS. SANFORD:
It went through last week? All right. That means that those with 4,000
students and more will be able to employ their own superintendents if
they utilize the minister's list, and he makes the choice.
HON. MR. McGEER: No.
MS. SANFORD:
Well, all right. I'd like to have the minister enlighten us on that.
If, in fact, that is not the case, I would be very happy to hear about
that. But, Mr. Speaker, I do feel that the minister has made an error
in bringing in amendments to the Independent Schools Support Act under
this particular statute. He does leave the option open for any group —
no matter what cult, whether it's the Moonies or any other cult — to
come into this province and purchase a private school from an existing
authority, and automatically they can assume the five-year stipulation
for funding purposes. There is nothing to prevent any group coming in
from anywhere in the world, as far as I can see, Mr. Speaker, to
purchase a private school and automatically be entitled to funding. If
they make that purchase, they can then assume the term — according to
the statute here — of the authority they are purchasing from. In other
words, if a school has established that they have been in operation for
five years and are now receiving the funding, they can sell that school
to any other authority and that new authority will assume the five-year
stipulation and automatically be entitled to funding through the
Independent Schools Support Act.
I think it is very
dangerous, Mr. Speaker, and the reference to the Moonies is very timely
at this point. There is so much publicity within this province about
the Moonies and their activities. But I would really like to hear from
the
[ Page 641 ]
minister
how he's going to prevent a cult from coming in and purchasing a school
and then automatically being entitled to funding under the Independent
Schools Support Act.
MR. HYNDMAN: I just want to make
a couple of remarks for the record about the topic of St. George's
School, Mr. Speaker. The member for New Westminster (Mr. Cocke) raised
the topic, and there were a couple of bald inaccuracies in what he had
to say. I think this topic and this debate deserves at least accuracy
in the facts involved. To many it is an emotional topic; it's a very
important topic; and across the country over the years the question of
financial aid to independent schools has provoked at times passionate
and heated debate. It deserves at least contributions of accuracy.
Now
the member for New Westminster, if I heard him correctly, had the
following things to say in singling out St. George's School. He was, I
believe, alleging that, in spite of the financial aid now provided to
independent schools, fees at St. George's have not been reduced. He's
wrong. The fact is that fees at St. George's School have been reduced
as a result of that financial aid, and those reductions appear as a
very clear credit when the regular fee-billing statements are received.
There
is a more important aspect, though, to the snide suggestion by the
member that the application of financial aid to independent schools had
not produced financial benefit to the community. If the member had done
a little of research, he would have found that in addition to fees
being reduced as part of the result of financial aid, a much expanded
scholarship program is being provided to enable students not otherwise
able to consider attending a school like St. George's to consider it.
So in those two very important respects the financial aid program
introduced by the minister is producing very significant benefit to the
community.
Additionally, and considering the member for New
Westminster's oft-spoken concern about the plight of teachers and
teachers' salaries and job opportunities, had he done a little more of
research, he would have found that St. George's — and many other
independent schools — are now able for the first time, as a result of
the minister's policy, to offer salaries competitive with those in the
public school system and, indeed, to offer more occupational
opportunities and more teaching positions for our teachers in British
Columbia.
In those several ways the program of the minister
is producing very direct benefit to the community, and it's just
regrettable, Mr. Speaker, that the member for New Westminster has never
been near St. George's to take a look around at first hand, to observe
what the facts are. If he'd do it, if he took the trouble to research
the facts, it he took the trouble to go to St. George's School, which
in his mind — unresearched — he views as some school for spoiled and
rich kids, he would, I think, be surprised to watch those students and
to observe the broad cross-section of young British Columbians from
every walk of life, from every race, from every colour, from every
creed. For any member of this House to stand and suggest that St.
George's is any narrow preserve of the privileged or the rich is to do
a great disservice to this debate and to fly in the face of fact. The
debate, Mr. Speaker, deserves at least the truth of some research.
Before
I sit down, may I just comment on one other aspect of this wonderful,
unravelling position of the opposition on the question of financial aid
to independent schools. It seems to me that the unfolding saga from the
opposition caucus is something like this. In Act I, Scene 1 the
socialist party comes out strongly against financial aid to independent
schools; and in Scene 2 it in fact marches from this chamber and
refuses to participate in the debate on the legislation. Act II has
only one scene: the 1979 provincial election, in which the official
opposition quietly and privately circulates a letter to the Federation
of Independent School Association that says: "Well, quietly we really
are for the policy, so you can vote for us." We've now, this afternoon,
seen Act III of the policy. The election results are in, and now it
appears that while they were at first against it, but then in a private
letter for it, they are going to be for it only in the case of some
independent schools, and others will be forgotten about. It's rather a
case of selective amnesia, Mr. Speaker.
I think this debate
deserves two things: some decent research, some truth and some facts
from the opposition; and at least some attempt at consistency by the
opposition, as a service to this chamber and the people of British
Columbia.
In sitting down, Mr. Speaker, may I congratulate
the minister for the policy he brought in, and the obvious merit of the
policy seen in practice day by day.
MR. LAUK: Rising
under standing order 42, Mr. Speaker, I wish to state on behalf of the
member for New Westminster (Mr. Cocke) that his remarks were correct as
stated with respect to the reduction of fees to St. George's. He urges
me to suggest to the hon. member for Vancouver South (Mr. Hyndman) that
he visit the school for himself.
Secondly, with respect to
the reference that a letter was circulated during the election
campaign, there was no letter circulated by me, Mr. Speaker, during the
election campaign. That remark is totally inaccurate.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, hon. member.
Under
standing order 42, it is my understanding that we can provide an
opportunity for a member to make corrections in a speech that he
himself made. However, I don't understand how you can make corrections
in a speech that is made by another member in the House.
The hon. Minister of Education closes the debate.
HON. MR. McGEER:
Mr. Speaker, as I undertook to do in moving second reading, I said I
would answer questions that the members opposite might have with
respect to individual sections of this omnibus bill.
Moving
in reverse order, Mr. Speaker, of the points that were raised, the
member for Comox (Ms. Sanford) has got it wrong with respect to changes
that have been made to permit local employment of superintendents. It's
going to achieve precisely the opposite of what she supposes.
the system exists today, only provincial civil servants, with the
exception of the seven districts that have local employment of
superintendents, may be employed as superintendents, and therefore the
Ministry of Education gives to the local area a short list from which
they select.
This bill, and the regulations that have been
passed by order-in-council, will permit a district to have a list as
long as they desire, to make their own selection from anybody
[ Page 642 ]
who
has a teaching certificate in British Columbia, or is eligible for one,
and meets minimum requirements that we have already established as
guidelines. Their list can be as long as the teachers' list in British
Columbia for those who have had a certain amount of administrative
experience as principals, directors of instruction, or what-have-you.
So it expands the opportunities.
Quite the opposite, Mr.
Speaker, to what that unruly constituent of mine, the first member for
Vancouver Centre (Mr. Lauk), suggested with respect to tenure, the
amendments that we have brought in give tenure to teachers. They don't
take away any guarantee, as he suggested. It provides a guarantee, so
that if a superintendent is let go because the local district did not
wish to reappoint the superintendent, we provide that that man is not
turned out on the street, but is given a job as a teacher.
Now
what these amendments to the Public Schools Act must do is to permit,
because of declining enrolment, the reassignment of administrators
whose schools have disappeared from under them to a teaching post in a
district.
We have said — and this is nothing new that has
been brought in through the back door — that we consider, in the
Ministry of Education, as a philosophy if you like, that the teaching
function is the important function for teachers, not the administrative
function. While they may accept an assignment as a principal or as a
superintendent for a period of time, we do not wish to guarantee, at
the taxpayers' expense, an administrative job for life for such a
teacher when there is no job, in fact, for that person to do. Now
surely that's not an unreasonable position to take.
At the
same time, we do guarantee tenure for that person on the presumption
that if a person is a good enough teacher to move up into the
administrative level, then he must have been a superior teacher in the
first place and would be a credit to the classroom because of the
original ability that that man demonstrated in order to get promotion,
and because of the additional experience he has had as a superintendent
in the system.
AN HON. MEMBER: A man or a woman.
HON. MR. McGEER:
Man or woman. As the Attorney-General knows as a lawyer — and heaven
preserve us from their
interpretations — for legal purposes it can
apply to either sex.
MR. MACDONALD: Very few women become administrators.
HON. MR. McGEER: Now several members....
Interjections.
HON. MR. McGEER: May I continue, Mr. Speaker? Several members have raised the subject of independent....
Interjections.
HON. MR. McGEER: There's chatter all the time. You mention lawyers, and you get this gabble in the background.
The
question was raised about how independent school authorities will be
traded like taxi licences. That's what a couple of members meant —
somebody nods and agrees with that. Years ago a former colleague of
mine who used to sit where the member for Atlin (Mr. Passarell) now
sits — I sat right in the corner — described how he got the exclusive
rights to whaling on the west coast of North America. It wasn't
difficult for him to get those rights. It didn't cost him any money
because, as he explained, he had an exclusive right to lose money. This
is what somebody has if they take on an independent school; the right
to lose money. As our legislation points out, the amount of money given
to assist independent schools to keep their doors open is 30 percent of
the cost of operating those schools. The person is invited to provide
the other 70 percent by whatever means. With the cost of operating
schools today running in the public school system in the order of
$2,000 a year, that's an invitation to spend a considerable amount of
money that's well beyond the capability of the citizens of our province
to supply in tuition fees.
This amendment in here is to
provide continuity of the schools. Not everybody can afford to continue
losing money. Quite frankly, there are some situations where, if an
opportunity were not given for another authority to take over the
responsibility for losing money, the school would lose its continuity;
its doors would be closed. The way the legislation is written today,
there is no option in that regard.
Now if somebody were to
do as the member suggested, the Moonies could come in to start their
own cult. So they find a school they can buy, under another
section of
the Act; and the inspector of schools is permitted to lift the licence
of that school. It isn't providing a continuity of the school, which is
the reason for bringing this amendment in, to permit people to lose
money and to keep our independent schools open. So it is again exactly
the opposite of what the members who raised that question suggested in
their line of argument.
It was even suggested by the member
for Vancouver Centre (Mr. Lauk) that another
section of this Act,
applying to the Educational Institutions Capital Financing Authority,
was going to be used to provide capital for independent schools. Had
the member done his research, he would have realized that under
section
1 of this Act, where the educational authorities are designated by
regulation, only those educational institutions which are under the
Colleges and Provincial Institutes Act are eligible for this capital
funding. The form it appears in your statutes today is because the
Educational Institutions Capital Financing Authority Act was passed
before our Colleges and Provincial Institutes Act. Since the time that
financing authority Act was passed by this Legislature, we have created
five new provincial institutes. But, by regulation, only they can
receive assistance under the Educational Institutions Capital Financing
Authority Act. That's the way it's going to remain.
MS. SANFORD: What about private schools?
HON. MR. McGEER: There's no provision under this Act for financing private schools.
MS. SANFORD: If they're designated?
HON. MR. McGEER:
No, what's designated — the regulation is there. It's only those
institutions that are under our Colleges and Provincial Institutes Act,
which was passed the year after this Educational Institutions Capital
Financing Authority Act, and where we were designating new institutions
and we had to provide for their capital. Post-secondary institutions
are designated under a different
[ Page 643 ]
Act. The member could have found that out by reading the order-in-council.
think that I've dealt with most of the substantive questions that were
raised under individual sections of this Act, and it only falls to me
now to refer in general to the principles that are involved here and to
the responsibilities of the NDP in researching this Act before they
entered into debate. Every single one of the points raised by the NDP
is wrong. It's been an incorrect
interpretation, and proper researching
of the Act would have led them to the correct conclusions. Only in one
instance — their references to the Independent Schools Act — have their
true colours been revealed. As the second member for Vancouver South
(Hyndman) has stated, again and again we have this double standard
being provided by the NDP. On the one hand, with every single
opportunity they have they speak against this Act and its principles.
Yet every time it comes to vote or they go to the electors, they do
precisely the opposite.
The member for Vancouver Centre (Mr.
Lauk) may have said he issued no letter to independent schools, but
I'll tell you that somebody did. The canvassers that went around in the
Vancouver–Point Grey riding certainly picked up that letter. It was
given to them by the people who were canvassed, and it was signed by
"Gary Lauk." Whoever the Gary Lauk was who signed that letter obviously
wasn't the first member for Vancouver Centre, but it certainly stated
that the Gary Lauk who signed the letter had the authority of the NDP
caucus to assure the people living in that neighbourhood that their
school would be funded. But now, when it comes to guaranteeing that
sort of thing by vote in the Legislature, here is that member speaking
against it and saying that he's going to vote against the particular
amendments that would permit this funding to go on.
What
happened between the time that letter was circulated by the unknown
Gary Lauk and what we have in the manner of debate in this Legislature?
Are there two Gary Lauks, or is there some inconsistency in that party?
If it turned out that the schools that are represented in the area that
my canvassers canvassed and the member for Kootenay (Mr. Segarty)
canvassed are to be supported but other independent schools are not to
be supported, then might we have from the real Gary Lauk and from the
NDP caucus a list of those independent schools in the future that are
to receive funding? Perhaps some that he mentioned today are going to
be cut off the list. Have you got a list of schools whose licences you
will take away, so they'll no longer get funding? When will you bring
in changes to the Act that will include some schools and exclude
others? In the next election will you circulate a letter under somebody
else's signature saying: "We'll really fund these schools. Don't worry
about the things that we say in the Legislature. They're really not
true when it comes to votes."? Or for once will this be a party that
will develop some principles and stick to them? You can ask the NDP to
espouse their principles, to champion them, to speak about them in
their conventions, but, Mr. Speaker, never, never ask the NDP to vote
for their principles. That's asking too much.
I want to go
through all the things that the NDP are opposing when they say they're
against this particular bill. They're against the Crown guaranteeing
the loans of all our public educational authorities. They don't want
the universities, the colleges and the institutes to be able to borrow
money with the guarantee of the Crown. They're against that because
they're opposing this bill. They're against the recommendations that we
get from our corporations that there should be at least seven members
on the board of governors of these colleges and institutes. They're
against that; they don't want us to put that recommendation through.
They're against the requirement in this bill that there be program
advisory committees in each of our educational institutions. This is
something that the faculties of these colleges and institutes have been
demanding. They're against that, Mr. Speaker.
They're
against benefits being granted to the employees of these institutions,
so that not just professionals, but all of the employees of our
colleges and institutes who apply by the fair comparison method will be
entitled to the benefits. They want to leave only the professionals
with the benefits.
I don't want to take up the time of the
Legislature, Mr. Member. When you are caucusing on the bill next time,
and when you come to vote in committee, you can perhaps go over with
that member some of his inconsistencies, so that at least he'll be able
to display his true principles when it comes time to vote on this bill
section by section. He's against the local employment of
superintendents — and so is that NDP caucus, despite the fact that this
has been a request of the B.C. School Trustees Association,
You're
against giving tenure to people who are in all administrative posts in
our public school system. That's what you're doing when you vote
against this bill. You're against teachers who are in the
administrative system and who are receiving the benefits of the
Teachers' Pension Act. And I think we might as well put it on the
record that the NDP is against any educational progress in British
Columbia, because everything that is included in this bill represents
progress in our educational system. They're against it all.
had the member for New Westminster (Mr. Cocke) stating that he would
vote against this bill on the amendments to the Independent Schools
Support Act alone. He would use his power as a legislator to block all
progress in education in British Columbia because of that alone,
because he's so strongly prejudiced against the independent schools.
Yet when it was time for that member and the others in this NDP caucus
to stand up and be counted on the Independent Schools Support Act, they
ran from the Legislature, including the member for New Westminster.
All
I ask from that opposition over there.... They can be for statutes or
they can be against statutes, but we just want them to for once state
their principles clearly and distinctly, to vote for them, to stick
with them, and not to give doubletalk to the people of British Columbia.
I move second reading of Bill 18.
Motion approved on the following division:
YEAS — 30
Waterland
Nielsen
Chabot
McClelland
Williams
Hewitt
Mair
Vander Zalm
Heinrich
Ritchie
Strachan
Brummet
Ree
Segarty
Curtis
McCarthy
Phillips
Gardom
Bennett
Wolfe
McGeer
Fraser
Jordan
Kempf
Davis
Davidson
Smith
Rogers
Mussallem
Hyndman
[ Page 644 ]
NAYS — 20
Macdonald
Stupich
Dailly
Cocke
- Nicolson
Lauk
Hall
Lorimer
Leggatt
Howard
Sanford
Skelly
D'Arcy
Barnes
Brown
Barber
Wallace
Gabelmann
Passarell
King
Division ordered to be recorded in the Journals of the House.
Bill 18, Education Statutes Amendment Act, 1979, read a second time
and referred to a Committee of the Whole House for consideration at the
next sitting of the House after today.
The House in Committee of Supply; Mr. Rogers in the chair.
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT
On vote 89: minister's office, $164,938.
HON. MR. MAIR:
Before going into debate of these estimates I'd like to make one or two
comments, if I may, about the ministry I took over on December 6, 1978.
First of all, I'd like very much to pay tribute to one or two people
who have helped and who continue to help me to understand this rather
complex and very large ministry.
My Gaelic friend Ben Marr,
the deputy minister, has been considerable help to me, including
translating for me in Sweden. It seems to me that the Swedes understood
Scottish as well as I did. He has brought his unique genius to play in
reorganizing this ministry, and without him the government would be
very much the poorer indeed.
Without running into the error
of by praising some appearing to be derogatory of others, I would just
like to refer to four other gentlemen who are assistant deputy
ministers under the new reorganization: Mr. Geoff Simmons, who is the
deputy minister responsible for water basin planning, water allocation,
water supply, et cetera; Mr. Al Murray, who is the assistant deputy
minister for wildlife, fisheries and marine resources, et cetera; Mr.
Bill Venables, well known, I'm sure, to all members of this chamber as
head of the pollution control branch, is assistant deputy minister with
the added responsibility for pesticide control and air and waste
management in the environmental laboratory in Vancouver; and Mr. Earl
Anthony, who used to be the deputy comptroller of the water rights
branch, is now the assistant deputy minister for regional operations
and enforcement responsibilities within the ministry.
Mr.
Chairman, by way of assistance to some members of the committee who may
not be aware of what we're doing in the reorganization of this
ministry, let me very briefly say that we are now in the process of
reorganizing the ministry into eight separate regions. The principal
reason for this is to try to decentralize the administration of the
ministry and to bring its administration much closer to the places
affected.
May I briefly run down the regions that will be
involved, for the members' assistance. They are the Skeena region, with
headquarters in Smithers; Omineca-Peace, with headquarters at Prince
George; Thompson-Nicola, with headquarters at Kamloops; Cariboo, with
temporary headquarters at Kamloops to go eventually to Williams Lake
when the need arises and the volume is such that it becomes a full
region operationally; Okanagan region, with headquarters at Penticton;
Kootenay region, with headquarters at Nelson; Lower Mainland, with
headquarters at New Westminster; and Vancouver Island, with
headquarters at Nanaimo. As I say, Mr. Chairman, the purpose of that
reorganization, of course, is to bring closer to the people affected
the administration of the ministry.
There are one or two
matters which I thought perhaps I should bring to the attention of the
chamber in terms of the philosophy of the government towards the
Ministry of Environment and the one or two basic things we're trying to
accomplish.
First of all, not in terms of priority
necessarily but very important to our ministry, is, I think, something
that is long overdue — that is to upgrade the fish and wildlife branch
to the position that they have long deserved in this province and to
give them the feeling that they really are part of the government and a
large and substantial ministry and not constantly buffeted around from
one place to another. I think to a large degree, over the years, they
have felt themselves very much ignored by the government. I think that
we have gone a long way towards doing that already. That certainly is
something that we wish to continue. We also wish to continue assisting
the fish and wildlife branch in administering what I think is a very
unique and innovative part of the years to come, and that is the
fisheries, in all of its aspects, including the administration of
marine resources.
The Salmonid Enhancement Program, Mr.
Speaker, as you know, is dedicated to doubling the salmonid population
in British Columbia over the next six or seven years. All of these
things, I think, bring a new challenge to Fish and Wildlife, consistent
with them being upgraded and put in a position where they are front and
centre in our ministry.
I think probably the main challenge
that any government is going to face through the Ministry of
Environment, whether it be ourselves or any other party in the future,
heaven forbid, is to try and chart the very difficult course through,
if I may put it this way, the dangerous shoals of development, and at
the same time preserve the environment.
I think we all
recognize that to espouse a no-growth philosophy in British Columbia,
even if one did wish to espouse it, simply does not make any sense. On
the other hand, we have probably the last real frontier in the world
and we have an environment and an out-of-doors which must be preserved.
I think that this involves very difficult decisions which are going to
often be unpopular, but decisions which must be made, and made promptly.
am sure that the members opposite recognize the difficulty of the
decisions that any government must make in this field. There is no
decision that isn't a no-win situation. It doesn't matter what you deal
with, there are very vocal and very often well-financed and very
articulate groups expressing opinions on not just two sides of a
question, but often three or four sides. This is always the situation
in which a decision must be made. I think it is what makes the ministry
so interesting and so challenging.
Mr. Chairman, before I sit down and field questions from the members opposite, I might mention that it has been
[ Page 645 ]
brought
to my attention by the hon. second member for Vancouver East (Mr.
Macdonald) that he may wish to discuss matters relative to my duties as
chairman of the Cabinet Committee on Confederation. I would be very
pleased to do so. I should think that it would probably logically
follow under the travel expenses in the minister's office and I might
say that I have associated with me for those questions the deputy
minister, Mr. Mel Smith, who will come down at the appropriate time.
So,
Mr. Chairman, with those few brief introductory remarks, I am very
pleased to answer whatever questions the members opposite may have.
MR. SKELLY:
As Environment debate leader for the NDP it is my responsibility to
take the other side of the coin on this minister's estimates, and to
examine some of the things that we approve of in what's