British Columbia Hansard — Thursday, June 14, 1979 — Night Sitting (32nd Parliament, 1st Session)
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British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1979 Legislative Session: ist Session, 32nd Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1979
Night Sitting
[ Page
151 ]
CONTENTS
Routine proceedings
British Columbia Resources Investment Corporation Amendment Act, 1979 (Bill
12). Second reading.
Mr. Stupich –– 151
Hon. Mr. Bennett –– 154
Social Services Tax Amendment Act, 1979 (Bill 3). Committee stage.
section 3.
Mrs. Wallace –– 157
Report and third reading –– 158
Corporation Capital Tax Amendment Act, 1979 (Bill 5). Committee stage.
Report and third reading –– 158
Pari Mutual Betting Tax Amendment Act, 1979 (Bill 6). Committee stage.
Report and third reading –– 158
Revenue Surplus 1977-78 Appropriation Act, 1979 (Bill 7). Second reading.
Mr. Howard –– 158
Mr. Nicolson –– 161
Mr. Stupich –– 162
Mr. Brummet –– 163
Mr. Cocke –– 164
Mrs. Wallace –– 166
Hon. Mr. McGeer –– 166
THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1979
The House met at 8 p.m.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. GARDOM: Mr. Speaker, I ask leave to proceed to public bills and orders.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Adjourned debate on second reading of Bill 12.
BRITISH COLUMBIA
RESOURCES INVESTMENT CORPORATION
AMENDMENT ACT, 1979
(continued)
MR. STUPICH:
Can I just for a moment, Mr. Speaker, repeat one of the statements that
I was dealing with near the 6 o'clock hour? That was the one in which
the Premier said: "This is the start of a trend."
Although
I didn't get into the figures then, I will now, particularly for the
benefit, as I say, of those who are avidly awaiting Hansard ,
and also, perhaps, for some of the new members who weren't here and
don't realize. Looking at public accounts for the fiscal year ended
March 31, 1978, an excellent source — the latest ones available — and
looking at some of the assets that were transferred, Westcoast
Transmission cost the government $25,456,750 and was sold to BCRIC
for $37,363, 66, an increase of some 50 percent; Plateau Mills cost
the government $7.66 million and was sold to BCRIC for $9 million;
Canadian Cellulose cost the government $1,825,000 and was sold to
BCRIC for $64 million.
No, Mr. Speaker, it's not the start
of a trend, because the government just doesn't have any other good
assets to give away to the people who are getting this bargain, when
they are getting BCRIC shares for $6 a share, and will not have any
such assets until such time as the NDP is re-elected and can start
acquiring assets in the name of the people again.
Mr. Speaker, I wonder what is so wrong with this idea of common....
HON. MR. WOLFE: Which ones are you going to take over?
MR. STUPICH:
Mr. Speaker, I'm glad the Attorney-General (Hon. Mr. Gardom) is out
because I'm obviously going to be more than the ten minutes that I told
him if I am going to be encouraged to answer questions such as: which
ones are you going to take over? We took none over other than by
dealing with the owners in a personal way. We made deals with them,
dealt with them in the open market. In the case of Plateau Mills — in
spite of what the hon. member for Omineca (Mr. Kempf) has to say — we
negotiated with the owner and agreed to pay the same price that he had
agreed to accept.
Mr. Speaker, what is so wrong with this idea of common ownership that the government
says they're hanging this whole thing on their commitment to individual
ownership versus common ownership? And I'd just like to go back in history
a little bit on this. There is a poem, "The Deserted Village," by
Oliver Goldsmith, and I'll deal briefly with this.
AN HON. MEMBER: All of it?
MR. STUPICH:
No, not all of it. It's quite a long poem, and he apologizes in the
introduction to the poem for it being so long. It's a story that goes
back to the time some five or six hundred years ago when the villagers
owned the land in common. And it was a great scheme. It worked fine for
the villagers, but it didn't work all that well for the wealthy
landowners. And so the government, serving the interests of the wealthy
landowners, thought it would be a great idea to expropriate the common
land. Well, the villagers didn't like that very much, and it was the
Peasants' Revolt that changed the government's mind about that
particular attempt to do away with common ownership. So then the
government came up with a smarter idea. They thought, rather than
simply expropriating the land and causing all that trouble, they would
divide the common land among the peasants so that each one of them
might have his own little share — too small to do anything with, but
nevertheless each one would have his own little share — and then
proceeded to buy those little bits of land away from those individual
landowners. And the land more and more became concentrated in the hands
of just a few.
Mr. Speaker, it's because of that concern
that we're opposed to this whole BCRIC principle. Sure, it's all very
well to divide all of these assets that were built up by the NDP
administration among all the people and say, "Isn't it great; everybody
had a little bit of that common land, and then to say to them, "All you
have to do now is sell it and you've got the money." And they got the
money; they spent that little bit of money and then they had nothing,
no access to the common land. The land that they had left was not
sufficient to live on in the absence of their share of the common land,
and so the villagers deserted the countryside and moved to the cities.
They had nothing. It was great for the landowners, great for the
wealthy. And that's our concern.
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH:
Mr. Speaker, he says I'm making it up. Well, I wasn't going to read it,
but I will — a little bit of Goldsmith's "The Deserted Village":
But now the sounds of population fail.
No cheerful murmurs fluctuate in the gale.
No busy steps the grass-grown footway tread.
But all the blooming blush of life has fled.
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH: The Premier encouraged me to read this. I hope he's listening. Maybe he doesn't have much more time to read poetry than I have.
No more the manner's news, the barber's tale.
No more the woodman's ballad shall prevail.
No more the smith his dusty brow shall clear,
Relax his ponderous strength and lean to hear.
Yes, let the rich deride the proud disdain
The simple blessings of the lowly train.
[ Page 152 ]
To me more dear congenial to my heart
One native charm than all the gloss of art.
Ye friends of truth, ye statesmen who survey
The rich man's joys increase the poor's decay.
'Tis yours to judge how wide the limits stand.
Those
assets were producing revenues that were available to the people of the
province on the basis of their individual need as determined by
government ministers in providing government services. Those assets are
now being taken away from those people. They say: "Here's your five
shares. Go out and sell them. Collect $30 if you can, or more or less
or whatever." That's the end of it. No more will you share in the
benefits produced in the profits of these enterprises, because these
enterprises are going to be more and more concentrated in the hands of
a few. That's one of the reasons we opposed this BCRIC legislation.
Control of it certainly will disappear into the hands of a few; there's
no doubt about that.
The Premier knows. He has investments.
He told us he put them into a blind trust. He hasn't told us what he is
going to do with his BCRIC shares. But he knows, as a shareholder of
all those companies, that it's common practice when the time comes for
the annual meeting, if the company is going to have an annual meeting,
to send out a notice inviting the shareholders to sign the proxy and
give the president of the company, or some such officer, the
opportunity to vote on their behalf. The president gets all these votes.
The
Premier knows that the directors of BCRIC are going to do exactly the
same thing. They're going to send out all those proxies to the people
who own the shares and invite them to sign the proxies. A lot of people
do it automatically. There's a self-addressed stamped envelope, so it's
very easy to reply to that kind of an invitation for a proxy. People
send their proxies in, and the same directors appointed by the Premier
will perpetuate themselves in office by that device, even if they are
obliged to vote in an annual meeting. Control will undoubtedly pass
into the hands of a few. But the legislation before us now does provide
some measure of distribution of the shareholdings throughout the
population.
We opposed the BCRIC legislation two years ago,
and we would oppose it today if there were some way of doing away with
it, but there isn't. All we're dealing with now is some changes to that
legislation. Some of the changes we can support, some of them we will
oppose, and some of them we will amend. But the main principle of this
bill is to say to the people of British Columbia that the 151 million
shares that the government has will not all be allotted to friends of
the government per se — only 1 percent each. But the cabinet may say 2
percent tomorrow or it might say 10 percent. Without this legislation
the government was holding 151 million shares that it could dispose of
in any way that it wanted to. With this legislation it's clear how they
are going to be disposed of. They are going to be disposed of by
allotting possibly 12 million shares on the free issue and other shares
by purchase.
So because of that change, because it is
providing a means for the people of the province to, at least
temporarily, acquire some measure of ownership in this, and hoping that
won't be concentrated into the hands of too few between the time of now
and the next election, we support the amendments before us tonight to
the BCRIC legislation we opposed two years ago. Because it does provide
for some measure of widespread ownership, temporarily.
HON. MR. GARDOM: You wouldn't buy it.
MR STUPICH:
I'm not sure if the Attorney-General is saying: "You wouldn't buy it if
you didn't support it." I'm not sure I'd pay income tax, and I don't
always support that. To make it clear to the Attorney-General we
opposed the BCRIC legislation two years ago, I can go through my whole
speech and tell him why. We opposed it because we felt it was taking
ownership of all these resources, and the access to the income, out of
the hands of the many and putting it into the hands of the few,
potentially. That's one reason. Also, contrary to what the Premier said
when he said people don't have a vote, they do have a vote at election
time. The way it is right now, they might not have a vote if you never
held an annual meeting.
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH:
The Premier keeps asking about Yugoslavia. Although my father came from
that part of the world before there ever was such a nation, he left
there in 1897. There was no Yugoslavia then; it was part of the
Austro-Hungarian empire. I don't know that much about Yugoslavia. He
keeps asking questions about it. Perhaps he's been there, and perhaps
he can answer the questions.
In any case I gave the two
reasons why we are opposed to BCRIC. It was transferring ownership,
potentially, to a few. The legislation before us now does nothing to
stop those things from happening in the long run, but in the short run
it does give to the many the opportunity to acquire some degree of
ownership. I hope they take advantage of that opportunity, and I hope,
along with the Premier, that they do keep those shares so that they
will have some access, through some means or other, to the control of
those assets. This is one of the things that could happen. We've got a
group of directors appointed by the Premier, and his supporters. What's
to stop those directors from running BCRIC to their own personal
advantage? Even the Premier has said
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH: The shareholders! Your five free shares. Are you going to have any influence on that?
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members. The level of noise in the room is intolerable.
MR. STUPICH: There is absolutely nothing to stop those directors from
establishing other corporations — quite apart from BCRIC — that will
deal with BCRIC, to the advantage of the other corporations and to the
disadvantage of BCRIC. If the Premier had said the government will keep
a watchful eye on this, that the government will maintain enough
control so that it will make sure this company is operated in the
interest of the people of British Columbia, then I would feel happier
about it. But the Premier has said from the beginning, and insists,
that the government will not have that kind of control over BCRIC. He
is urging everyone in the community to go out and get free shares, to
go out and buy more shares, and saying: "We'll be having
[ Page
153 ]
nothing to do with it. We won't be there to protect you in the event
that the people who are running it will likely perpetuate themselves in
office to make sure that they continue to operate that company in the
interests of the people of British Columbia. We want you to buy them.
We are encouraging you to buy them, but once you've bought them we're
going to wash our hands of the whole mess." Mr. Speaker, we can't
support that aspect of it either.
But that's not part of
this legislation. As I say, the one aspect of this legislation that I
can support is that it does make it possible for everybody in the
province to have five free shares, to buy a few more in the hope that
those people will have some influence in that company, and in the hope
that they won't....
Interjection.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please.
MR. STUPICH:
The Attorney-General asks if I am advocating it. I've been doing that
for about 12 minutes this afternoon and all evening, and for five weeks
of an election campaign I've gone around the province and advocated
that people buy them. Once we had gone that far there was no choice.
Once BCRIC had been established, two years ago, once the government had
decided to spend some $20 million or $25 million advertising it, it had
gone too far. Now we have to start picking up the pieces and repairing
the damage. One of the ways in which we can repair the damage of
transferring these assets to BCRIC in the first place is to make sure
that as many British Columbia citizens as possible do participate
through this means, which is not nearly as good, not as effective and
not as good for the people as was our method. One of the methods was
the B.C. Savings and Trust. Remember the B.C. Savings and Trust Report
that we had commissioned? That was delivered to the government in
January 1976, and that has not yet seen the light of day. Remember the
Carruthers report that was commissioned by the coalition government?
That was delivered to the Social Credit government soon after it
arrived in office, but never saw the light of day until the NDP was
elected some 20 years later and found it in the outgoing Provincial
Secretary's garage. I wonder how long we are going to have to wait for
the B.C. Savings and Trust Report.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER:
Hon. members, for the last time I call for order. If there are to be
conferences, I suggest they take place in the corridors. If we don't
wish to listen to the debate, at least we should allow those who wish
to listen to be able to hear.
MR. STUPICH: Had the
Premier really wanted to spread ownership of this out into the
community, rather than keeping it in government hands, there was an
alternative. There was the B.C. Savings and Trust. There was the
report. It must be a good report or you wouldn't have buried it. You
would have let us see it. So it must be a good report with good ideas
in it.
The B.C. Savings and Trust envisaged the government working with individual
people, people who would have the individual right to decide their own level
of savings and of investment as members of credit unions throughout this province.
Surely the Premier is not opposed to credit unions. In credit unions the principle
is....
AN HON. MEMBER: You have to have shares in it.
MR. STUPICH:
Okay, you have shares in the credit union. As a member of a credit
union you know it's one man, one vote, and that's the difference
between that and BCRIC. One man, one vote: that's a good principle.
It's one we could support.
Interjection.
MR. STUPICH:
I'm glad the hon. member for Burnaby-Edmonds (Ms. Brown) isn't here to
hear that question. The Premier asked me what I have against women. I
guess I'll have to try and watch that and say "one person, one vote,"
although when I was giving my history lesson a while ago you'll remember
that originally it was one man, one vote. After some struggle it was
extended to women.
Interjection.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members. I would ask the hon. Minister of Environment (Hon. Mr. Mair) to please restrain himself.
MR. STUPICH:
I'm sure you realize that what I was recommending was that had the
government wanted to spread ownership throughout the community, and
make it available to individuals, the route to go would have been
through B.C. Savings and Trust, in cooperation with the credit unions,
where individual citizens all over the province could have participated
as individual members of their credit unions, where they would have had
a vote as a person, rather than to the amount of money they were able
to put into the acquisition of these shares.
The Minister of
Finance (Hon. Mr. Wolfe), in his budget speech, waxed eloquent about
the importance of this 2 point reduction in income tax, and said.... I
think the figures were that something like 68,000 people are going to
save $65 a year. I may not have the figures quite right, but it was
something like that. If they took that $65 a year, borrowed money to
buy enough shares to vote in BCRIC, in some 10 years — 20 years, I
suppose, with interest — those people would have saved enough to buy
enough shares to have one vote in BCRIC. If they put $5 of that money
into a credit union, they'd have a vote right away.
To our
mind that would have been a better way had the government really wanted
to extend individual ownership in this community to include the assets
that were built up under the NDP administration. They could have been
turned over to some agency such as B.C. Savings and Trust where, in
cooperation with the credit unions, citizens all over the province
would have opportunity to discuss what was happening in that company in
their own local credit union meetings, where there is an opportunity
for people to attend meetings, where you don't have to worry about too
many coming, where they would have had votes according to themselves as
persons, not according to their ability to accumulate $65 a year and
over a period of some 10 or 20 years buy a voting share in BCRIC.
[ Page 154 ]
Had
the Premier really wanted to extend ownership, as I say, it could have
been done by that means, rather than creating this corporation which,
to a greater and greater extent, is going to fall into the hands of
fewer and fewer people, and be controlled by fewer and fewer people.
The case rests.
MR. SPEAKER: The Premier closes debate.
HON. MR. BENNETT: I
appreciated very much the debate today, because we've seen some very
unusual positions taken. We've had some very unusual lessons in
business and democracy from the members of the New Democratic Party.
One of the new members, the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard), recycled
from the federal field, has come back to British Columbia to teach us
something we didn't know, because it's a basic principle of companies
that the directors are not responsible to anyone else but the
shareholders of that company. Their responsibility is to the
shareholders, and somehow, in a convoluted way, he tried to say that by
being responsible to the company the shareholders own, they somehow
weren't being responsible to the very people who owned it. He said that
in times when there are cycles, if they couldn't pay a dividend, they
should have stripped the company and broke it to pay dividends and have
the company go down the drain, and that would have been responsible to
the very people who own it. That was the essence of his argument. I
find it hard to believe.
I know that many of the members
over there have spoken tongue in cheek, but what surprised me was that
he was serious. He was serious when he was speaking. I've had a lot of
fun listening to the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Barrett). He's
always interesting to listen to, and I said at the start of the session
that I hoped we could all resist the temptation not to refight the
election we just went through in 1979. And you were right; he didn't
fight it. He fought the elections of 1975, of 1972, of 1969 and 1966,
and in speeches we are all familiar with. Apparently the emotional
wounds from having been defeated twice are still there.
When
they say we were giving away the assets the NDP have built up,
obviously they are incorrect. I can remember going out on the election
campaign — and I hate to bring it up — and one of the young people the
New Democratic Party get.... They brainwash them and they give them the
slogans. He came to one of my rallies and he asked me a question. He
said: "Why are you selling off the oil and the gas lands that the NDP
bought?" I said: "They didn't buy them." He said: "Yes, they did. I was
told by the party that the NDP bought those oil and gas lands."
say those oil and gas lands are a heritage of all British Columbians.
They weren't bought by the NDP. They are there and, yes, they are the
major assets of BCRIC, the major assets to supplement those other
logically private sector corporations that should belong in the hands
of people. Yes, they're part of the assets.
But that myth
that they would spread and try to brainwash the young people of this
province into believing.... I could hardly believe it. Obviously I spent
some time with the young fellow, and he was a very disillusioned young
man when I was through talking to him because they set him up. They
sent him out to heckle at these meetings and they sent him out with
information that wasn't correct.
What the British Columbia
Resources Investment Corporation has is assets that belong to the
people, assets that they will now have in individual ownership, Mr.
Speaker. That's what it is all about — encouraging individual
ownership, getting experience in individual ownership, not so that the
ownership of the BCRIC shares, whether they receive just the five free
shares or get this chance to get in on the ground floor for additional
shares will encourage them in the future, but to show them the way in
which they can participate in our society.
It's not enough
for the member for Nanaimo (Mr. Stupich) who, before supper, said he
talked to someone from Yugoslavia and the person said he was very happy
with that country, in which they had commonality of ownership. He was
questioning the statement I made about what private ownership is worth.
I say it's priceless if you ask someone who has had it taken away.
Now
obviously he's talking to the wrong people. He should talk to people
who have experienced both the opportunity for individual ownership and
have been forced to live under a system in which no ownership is
allowed to individuals at all. Then they've had a chance to measure the
two systems, the two sets of opportunities, if you could call one of
them that, and the fact that when you own, you are truly free. You are
not a captive of the government. You do not depend on government. You
are not then fearful of government, because when the government becomes
your only answer, you don't think like a free person. You think, and if
you have the opportunity to vote, you vote out of fear.
It's
the independence of ownership that makes people truly free, that gives
them the right of dissent, that gives them the right to make a point
against the government and stand up without fear that what they have
may be taken away because the government doesn't like it. Their very
being and their very existence and their support and their jobs are not
threatened, because they can stand up because they have the security of
individual ownership. It may not just be the business and industry; it
may be their home, it may be their land, it may be their farm. But
above all, that makes them free.
I don't believe that the
answer is in, as the member for Nanaimo says, a commonality of
ownership. I don't believe that. I believe that erodes the very
opportunity and the very soul of people. The security of knowing that
you can come to this Legislature and dissent because you feel secure
because back in Nanaimo you have your own home or you have your own
business or you have security that the government, whether it's us or
you over here, cannot somehow, because you disagree, bring about some
retribution that would take away your freedom or affect your life —
that's the very thing we're talking about.
I said that the
BCRIC was brought in because I was concerned that the very system that
we have was not giving the opportunity or extending the opportunity
that we would like to see extended in British Columbia and Canada. I
said that the early hopes and aspirations of the people that settled
this country.... They came to this country from other lands where
ownership may have been denied them because (
a) the government owned
everything, or (
b) they came from a country in which a few wealthy
people or industries owned the land or owned the business, and they
became tenants. I said they came to this country from various systems
to experience and have that opportunity for ownership.
[ Page 155 ]
the early days of this country, the whole trend was towards individual
ownership, and that individual ownership encouraged their initiative
because they knew then that they could bear the fruits of their own
efforts and from their efforts their family and their family's families
could have security. They also had a social conscience because they
said that from our efforts also.... "We're a civilized country. We
shall have government and democracy." And those people were willing to
send, in what we call a form of taxation, money to them to provide a
measure of care and a level of protection for everyone.
That's
what the system is about. You've got to have people out there earning
and working and owning and producing because there's got to be somebody
to pay the taxes. Taxes don't come out of thin air; they come out of
the efforts of our people, our people as individuals, our people
collectively.
I said BCRIC was brought about as one of a
number of measures and not just to deal with a few companies that the
member for Nanaimo said they were willing to use the people's tax
dollars to purchase, but a greater asset, an asset that's always been
there — oil and gas lands, a heritage — and to make it part of a
package that would give the people individual ownership. That's what we
talk about, and that's what BCRIC is all about — letting people who
have lost the knowledge or haven't acquired the knowledge know how they
can participate in our society.
I said it was sad when we
found out that only 60,000 people were participating in equity
ownership through the share market. As I say, although I come from
small business, not everybody can be a small businessman. You can't
have your small bicycle shop, used-goods store, hardware store or
grocery store in this society where you have industry of scale,
particularly resource industries as we have in this province. People
learn special skills, to be part of a larger organization. It doesn't
make them inferior; it makes them stronger, because they have a skill
and they can earn. And they want to earn, but beyond that they must
satisfy their need to own. Yes, they can own their own home; yes, they
can own their own land. We'I make sure that that continues to happen
for the millions who are workers in this province — union, non-union
and others. Their only way to own a piece of the action directly is
through shares. It's distressing that that has been declined.
I've
heard political parties and politicians from all sides of the political
spectrum talk about local ownership, Canadian ownership. It makes great
slogans at election time, but I've never heard them ever offer to
participate in some concrete action such as this that would give the
ownership directly to the people. They're great talkers, great with
slogans, but slogans that don't always tell the truth. Mr. Speaker, I'm
telling you that this single move is but one of many, the same move not
to be repeated, but there will be others that will encourage the people
to own. Because the enemy is not just the corporate giants who make the
mergers and the takeovers. The enemy is also government, which taxes
away more and more of our income, leaving us less and less to invest,
leaving us with only a little to get by on. They're taxing it away and
saying it's good for us, and what an end that spells for the people.
they take away that discretionary income, saying they're doing it to
help people — and that's very hard to argue against — they leave less
and less choices in the hands of individuals, in the way of income, to
start their own small businesses or make their investment. That's what
has been happening: government has been the enemy. Then some
governments and some political parties say the private sector is
letting us down. They're not carrying out the investment; they're not
creating the jobs. How can they when you've taken away all their money?
You take it, and then you blame them and you use that as an excuse to
take more and more, and the end is very, very predictable.
I'I
tell you, Mr. Speaker, we saw the high costs that were brought to this
province when that party was in government for just three years. But
forget them. Look at countries that have had a succession of terms of
governments that have had that high-taxation, government-ownership
policy. You don't just see the problem we're experiencing in Canada
where 40 percent of the gross national product is going for taxation;
you see countries where it's 50 percent or 60 percent of the people's
income, and they're left with less and less. The governments there use
it as an excuse to take more and more, because they say that people
don't show the initiative to respond, and they must respond for them.
It's the chicken and the egg, and somebody has to make the first move.
Somebody
has to stop the trend that was happening, and you can't just lame the
corporations or government. You can't blame the people. Somebody's got
to say to the people: "We'll give you a chance, and we'll show you how,
and we'll let you participate." I don't expect this to happen in a
year, or two years, or three years. This is something that's taken us
almost 100 years to arrive at; hopefully it won't take 400 years to
reverse.
This country started out with a lot of bright
promise, and that promise — a little bit dim — is not yet tarnished. We
still have a great opportunity. The individuals who came here still
haven't lost hope, and the young people particularly are the ones who
stand for the future in this province, and they're the ones who are the
most excited about this share opportunity.
It may be too
late for some. We can't change their thinking. Their minds were made up
years ago; they haven't had a new thought in years. They became
committed to a political system and they closed their minds. But our
young are not that way. They know what they want, and they want
opportunity. They know what they want. They want freedom. They know
what they want, and they want ownership. And do you know what else
they're prepared to do? They're prepared to get out and work for it.
But they're not going to work if everything they do goes to government.
Yet
the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard) tried to tell us that the directors
of companies aren't responsible to their shareholders. I tell you
that's their first responsibility.
You know, I wonder, when
the member for Nanaimo (Mr. Stupich) gets up and talks about the
directors being somehow captive and not working for the shareholders or
something, if the directors of the Nanaimo Commonwealth Holding Society
held a meeting to vote on that famous $80,000 that was paid out to buy
a political seat. That's the political democracy that takes place over
there.
We've got laws in this country that cover companies
that sell securities and issue shares, laws to protect the
shareholders. There are things called minority shareholders' rights and
they'll be protected. This bill gives extra rights and protection to the
shareholders in this corporation.
Interjection.
[ Page 156 ]
HON. MR. BENNETT:
You just listen to me a moment. I listened to you this afternoon and
you were wrong. Now let me help you. Those of you who have been away
from British Columbia for a long time might have forgotten what's gone
on here.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please!
[Mr. Speaker rose.]
MR. SPEAKER:
Order, please! Hon. members, may I take this opportunity — just while
tempers cool a little — to remind all members, particularly new
members, perhaps even some members who have sat in other Houses, that
the procedures in this House may not be exactly the same as those to
which you have become accustomed, and that in this House when the
Speaker stands there are no further interruptions and all members take
their seats immediately.
Interjection.
MR. SPEAKER:
Order, please! And just in case the member most recently elected in
Skeena (Mr. Howard) is not aware of the provisions that are given in
this House for interruptions while the Speaker stands, perhaps I should
read them for him.
I'I not take time just now to give those
instructions. The member may wish, in the light of what happened this
afternoon and again this evening, to read pages 461 through 466 of May,
17th edition.
There's only one way that we can have orderly
debate in this House and that is if order is left in one place, and
that is in the Chair. I trust that we can return now to orderly debate.
The Premier has the floor.
[Mr. Speaker resumed his seat.]
HON. MR. BENNETT: Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker.
Mr.
Speaker, the 1 percent is there to protect the people. It was in the
legislation passed in 1977 — and the fact that people must be Canadian
citizens. It is not the intent in the
section to allow government to
increase that, but rather, should the situation warrant it, decrease it
as a further protection.
There are also protections written
into this legislation, if the members will read it, to protect people
who would try to circumvent the intention of this government. Let me
say again what that intention is. It's to get the broadest possible
distribution to all of our people, to give them an opportunity to own
and not to let anyone take it away.
There have been
suggestions from that side of the floor that somehow someone can take
this away. I tell you they can't take it away if you won't sell. I tell
the people not to sell. I was surprised after we announced the
distribution that some political parties who first opposed it — and
then they were told by their public relations agents that they couldn't
act like socialists, because we might be coming to an election — said
it was too late to do anything about it. Then some of them were
suggesting, almost demanding, of their members: "Get your shares and
turn them over to the political party. Give them to us." They didn't
want the people to have ownership, even after it was extended. They
said: "Give it to the political party. Give it to the NDP." They want
their shares when they are government, and when they are in opposition
they'll take them as a political party. That's the way they think.
That's what they suggested, not just in one association but in a number
of associations around this province.
I want the people to apply for the free shares and purchase others if they can.
live in a society where many people have disposable income. It may be
that you have to cut down going out for dinner or you may take a more
modest holiday. I'm not asking people to put themselves into debt or to
create a hardship on things they need. But there is income that I would
like to see our people harness because they are willing to own a piece
of the future of this province. I don't want them to just talk about it
or listen to those who only know talk and don't know how to deliver.
want the people to be encouraged to divert part of their income,
because investing takes a little bit of guts and courage. It takes a
little bit of sacrifice. I don't want them to follow the siren song of
an easy road that starts off paved and ends up rocks. I want them to
know that they have to show a little responsibility and sacrifice in
making investments. I want them to know that it's easy to yell against
some foreign or other ownership, but that somehow if they don't
participate themselves and show a little sacrifice, that somehow those
who give them the glib talk and the slogans are going to come along as
a government and hand it to them and all of a sudden we'll be in
Valhalla.... It doesn't happen that way.
Ownership is an
experience that shows you responsibility along with the opportunity. The
additional investment will give you a chance to extend some of that
opportunity, but you've got to show that you're willing to make a
little sacrifice. You can't go out. You might have to have a more
modest car. You can't have twin exhausts and chrome tail pipes. You may
not be able to drive a Mercedes Benz like the member for Vancouver
Centre, who hasn't been in the House for the last few days. You may
have to show a little restraint, but the opportunity for investment is
there.
I'm encouraging the people to apply for the free
shares, and not to let any slick-talking business talk them out of
them. Don't let any political party bully you out of them. Hold them.
Don't sell them. Don't give them away. They're your stake in the
future. If you're young, and you can only apply for the five shares
now, know that in the future there will be other opportunities to
purchase additional shares. You can have more shares if you continue
buying. There'll be opportunity. There will be a market. And surely,
with such a future as there is with this company and in this province,
there'll be plenty more opportunities for our people.
These
five shares do not take away the right to have dividends. You can get
dividends with your five shares. It was only out of concern for the
very shareholders of the company, the people who are getting the
company, that it was decided that you couldn't, economically, without
costing them a lot of money out of their company that could go for
dividends or expansion, print glossy brochures and annual reports and
meetings and votes. So it was decided, as it has been done in others,
to have a board lot of 100. That means two things. It means their
company runs more economically and they can still get their dividends;
it also
[ Page
157 ]
gives them a goal to shoot for, to increase their shares, an added incentive for investment.
Second-class?
No, for once we're calling them first-class. Second-class is when a
group of people run for office, take the government, tax you and then,
without consulting you, spend your money as they see fit on
investments, saying they know what's good for you.
They talk
about shareholders' meetings. I've got a lot of people who would like
to go to a shareholders' meeting of Hydro or ICBC or any of the other
government Crown corporations in B.C. or Canada, anywhere. I'd like to
see them try and collect their dividends there or have a vote, because
they don't have a vote. At least at an annual meeting they can vote in
these companies because of law. You say they're protected every four
years. Sometimes four years is too long with the wrong sort of
government. There was a great opportunity in the election, and earlier,
for parties of philosophy to get beyond the "you did, you didn't" of
this and that, and talk about philosophy. The member for Nanaimo came
closest when he talked about commonalty of ownership. He talked about
someone who was happy with that type of ownership in Yugoslavia. That's
fine, and he agrees with it. I don't, nor do most people in this
country who came here to get away from it.
If we are going
to give the people a clear choice, then people should be prepared to
stand up and be counted, not only in debate but by their vote. I've
never heard such a thing as I heard today when the member for Victoria
stood in the House, spoke against BCRIC as members of that other party
have, raised all sorts of....
Interjection.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members. The Premier has the floor. Please proceed.
MR. KING: Senator McCarthy will never die as long as you are alive.
HON. MR. BENNETT: You're absolutely brilliant.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please, hon. members. May we proceed with orderly debate, please?
HON. MR. BENNETT:
When you believe in your principles, you can speak about your
principles; you can talk among your friends about your principles. But
the final thing is having the guts to vote your principles. To talk one
way and then say you are afraid to vote is jumping squarely on the
fence and trying to balance there. They said that it was too late so
they couldn't vote against it. Too late! Well, I've got to tell you
that your party does not have a majority in this House, and you can
vote against it. Vote your principles. If that is the way you carry out
votes, I don't expect to see you vote against any of the measures this
government introduces in the next five years.
You are not going to vote against it, because you are afraid. You wouldn't
tell the people during the election where you stood. You wanted to agree with
those who didn't understand it or disagreed with it. You wanted to let those
who believed in it think you wouldn't take it away. But this bill extends
to the people of this province an opportunity they haven't had. It is going
to reverse a trend. It is going to create more ownership. It is going to set
an example.
hope the schools will be encouraged to provide that kind of education.
The member for Burnaby North (Mrs. Dailly) said it is propaganda to
have an educational system that equips our young people to cope in the
society we live in, the society we are in right now. This is a private
enterprise society. Education can be just as distorted by omission.
Yes, I want the young people of this province to know the opportunities
that are here. I don't want them to be lost because they are not
trained or don't have the knowledge to take advantage of society. Lack
of education would make them fodder for those who would sell them on
another system.
I am proud to have introduced this bill. I
am proud to support it. I think the response in this province will be
overwhelming in the years ahead. When we started out, I thought if
people invested just an additional $20 million or $30 million, it would
be an outstanding success. I hope that their confidence will exceed
that $20 million or $30 million of additional investment in their
corporation. It will be their actions; they will be the final arbiter.
They will be the judge who will decide whether this is what they want
for themselves and for British Columbia. Mr. Speaker, the answer
doesn't just lay here where we have a majority; the answer for this
will lay out there with the people. That is where the final judgment
will be made.
Motion approved unanimously on a division.
Division ordered to be recorded in the Journals of the House.
Bill
12, British Columbia Resources Investment Corporation Amendment Act,
1979, read a second time and referred to a Committee of the Whole House
for consideration at the next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Committee on Bill 3, Mr. Speaker.
SOCIAL SERVICES TAX
AMENDMENT ACT, 1979
The House in committee on Bill 3: Mr. Rogers in the chair.
Sections 1 and 2 approved.
section 3.
MRS. WALLACE:
I am very pleased to see the additions that are included in
section 3 —
the vitamins and dietary supplements, and the diabetic and ostomy
supplies. But I'm wondering whether or not we could persuade the
Minister of Finance to include also those supplies used by sufferers of
asthma.
This is a long-term affliction that goes on for
years and years, and those particular products, things like Bronchaid,
for example, that are prescribed by doctors are not exempt from the
tax. I would certainly like to urge the minister to include those items
that asthma sufferers use in this particular section.
HON. MR. WOLFE: I appreciate the member's comments, Mr. Chairman. There are amendments of that type
[ Page 158 ]
that
from time to time can be considered by regulation, I presume. We have
incorporated these amendments in the Act, but I appreciate her
suggestions.
Sections 3 and 4 approved.
Title approved.
HON. MR. WOLFE: Mr. Chairman, I move the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.
Motion approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the Chair.
Bill 3, Social Services Tax Amendment Act, 1979, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.
MR. SPEAKER: When shall the bill be read a third time?
HON. MR. WOLFE: Now, Mr. Speaker.
MR. SPEAKER: And it is
an Act, the Social Services Tax Amendment Act, 1979.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Committee on Bill 5, Mr. Speaker.
CORPORATION CAPITAL TAX
AMENDMENT ACT, 1979
The House in committee on Bill 5; Mr. Rogers in the chair.
Sections 1 to 3 inclusive approved.
Title approved.
HON. MR. WOLFE: Mr. Chairman, I move that the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.
Motion approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Bill 5, Corporation Capital Tax Amendment Act, 1979, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.
MR. SPEAKER:
Hon. members, now that I have caught my breath and collected my
thoughts, may I draw your attention again to Bill 3, which is the
Social Services Tax Amendment Act and ask those in favour to please say "aye."
Motion approved.
Bill 3, Social Services Tax Amendment Act, 1979, read a third time and passed.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Does that mean it's gone down an extra percent? [Laughter.]
Committee on Bill 6.
PARI MUTUAL BETTING TAX
AMENDMENT ACT, 1979
The House in committee on Bill 6; Mr. Rogers in the chair.
Sections 1 and 2 approved.
Title approved.
HON. MR. WOLFE: I move the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.
Motion approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Bill 6, Pari Mutual Betting Tax Amendment Act, 1979, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Adjourned debate on second reading of Bill 7.
REVENUE SURPLUS OF 1977-78
APPROPRIATION ACT, 1979
(continued)
MR. HOWARD:
Just a while ago I had the opportunity to listen to some admonitions
about what the rules say with respect to debate and decorum in debate.
I know there is in the eyes of the general public a sort of a cynical
appreciation of what the Legislature is and how it should conduct its
affairs. It's true that at times the debate runs a little bit beyond
the bounds of normal, respectful conversation and hence gets out of
hand. But normally we all appreciate the cynicism of the general public
about the level of debate in the House, and that is contributed to from
time to time. Probably the most deleterious contribution in that regard
comes when persons at the commencement of their remarks make some
inappropriate comment. In the heat of debate one can probably overlook
it sometimes. But when at the commencement of a conversation or debate
persons make a remark that degrades the level of debate, then it's
worth looking at. In that regard, during the comments of the member for
North Okanagan (Mrs. Jordan) on this particular bill there was a
comment made that I didn't think quite fitted the level of debate we
wanted in this House. I made a note of it.
I really do
think, with respect, that the comment of the member for North Okanagan,
referring to the speech made by a member on this side of the House to
the effect that after she had heard that speech, she then understood
why the hon. member on this side of the House had to put his wife out
to work was inappropriate. I thought that kind of personal remark
really is not germane to the contents of the bill, and certainly not
elevating, or designed to elevate the level of debate in the House.
They were made at the commencement of the hon. member's remarks. It's
that sort of thing that tends to reduce the level of debate in the
[ Page
159 ]
House, regretfully. A personal remark of that nature with the
innuendo behind it that some people might interpret, could easily
generate something in response which we really don't want to see. In
passing, I say it was regretful.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank
you, hon. member. Your remarks, I think, although perhaps not germane
to the bill, will be well received by the House. Perhaps we could now
move to the principle of the bill.
MR. HOWARD: I'm
getting to that stage. I was trying, in a very gentle way, to approach
the question without incurring anybody's wrath on the other side of the
House.
One could comment in passing, although it certainly
wouldn't add to the level of this debate, that perhaps after listening
to the member for North Okanagan, one could appreciate why her husband
likes to see her in the Legislature, because it keeps her out of the
home. But I wouldn't say that. I just mention in passing that that's
the type of comment that is generated by the initial invitation.
Far
be it from me to proceed any further on that, and I'm only looking at
the bill before me which says that there is a revenue surplus somewhere
that needs to be expended and applied towards certain things.
think it's necessary to say that, through you to the Minister of
Finance (Hon. Mr. Wolfe), there are kernels of truth within the budget.
Those truths, to a certain extent, are reflected and carried forward
into the bill that's before us. But those truths, so-called, need to be
examined and we need to say: "How did this surplus come about that this
bill seeks to deal with in part?"
I only put these forward
in order to balance the question. It is a known fact, Mr. Speaker —
admitted, I think, by the Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Wolfe), and
others in the cabinet as well — that there did exist and there still
exists in this province funds called "special purpose funds." These are
moneys set aside for particular and for special purposes. Some of those
funds were set aside under the premiership of the late Mr. Bennett.
Some of those funds were set aside by the Premier of this province
during the time that the NDP was in government. And some of those funds
called "special purpose funds" were closed out to the extent of $40
million by the present Minister of Finance. These special purpose funds
were established for particular purposes — "rainy day funds," the late
Mr. Bennett used to call them. Those rainy day funds, those special
purpose funds, came into existence out of revenue surpluses of
preceding budgets and preceding governments, including the government
headed by the first member for Vancouver East (Mr. Barrett). Forty
millions of dollars those revenue surplus funds moved from the capital
asset side of the ledger to the income side of the ledger, and were
called, for the second time, revenue surplus. But those funds were, in
fact, not revenue surplus — not of this government, certainly. They
were a revenue surplus that came from somebody else's proper management
of the fiscal affairs of this province.
I think for a
Minister of Finance — maybe that is why he uses the phrase "sunshine
budget" — to have taken the revenue surplus of previous
administrations, closed them out, moved them over and called them a
revenue surplus that he was responsible for.... If he were in private
business he might well be in jail for that kind of activity. A terrible
state of affairs.
HON. MR. GARDOM: Order, Mr. Speaker.
MR. HOWARD: If he were; but he wasn't.
MR. SPEAKER: Order, please. Would the hon. member please withdraw the phrase "and he should be in jail"?
MR. HOWARD:
Well, Mr. Speaker, out of respect for the Chair and your position as
Speaker, I would not want to say anything that offends the decorum and
the structure of this House, and I will gladly withdraw that phrase —
no matter how true it is.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, sir.
HON. MR. GARDOM: That's skating pretty close.
MR. HOWARD: But I withdraw it.
I'I
say that the Minister of Finance did, in fact, take funds that were put
in a savings account by somebody else's fiscal management, close the
savings account out and put them in as a current account, and took all
the glory and the credit for it. I don't know what word I can use to
describe that sort of political dishonesty. If I can’t say political
dishonesty, I'll withdraw that as well, Mr. Speaker. I see you getting
sensitive about it. I see that I can do nothing in this House but
applaud the Minister of Finance, and then maybe things will be
appropriate.
Mr. Speaker, in addition to that the Minister
of Finance and his government took some capital assets that the people
of this province had paid for out of revenue surpluses of previous
administrations, or paid for out of income of previous administrations
that had been budgeted for, took a capital asset in the form of three
ferries, and sold them to eastern financial interests. He took the $48
million that came from the sale of those capital assets, put it onto
the revenue side of the account and said: "Aren't we great fiscal
managers? We are creating a surplus."
That, Mr. Speaker,
with great respect, does not show the true picture of the fiscal
activities of this government. In fact one of the companies to whom
they sold one or more of these three ferries — I don't know how many
they sold to which company — was not in the shipping business, not in
the transportation business, and didn't know anything at all about the
production side of the economy of this province. It was a stockbroker
by name of McLeod Young Weir, Ltd., so the record shows.
Perhaps
that points out truthfully what the member for Nanaimo (Mr. Stupich)
has said on many, many occasions. This was a bit of connivance between
the present government and eastern financial interests to ensure that
those eastern financial interests got a tax advantage out of the
federal government.
That's how part of the revenue surplus
that we're dealing with here came about. The sum of $88 million came
from the capital asset side and was transferred to revenue. This is the
revenue surplus, and some of that surplus came out of the revenue
surplus created by previous administrations. It's like people who have
a house and operate on a month-to-month basis, as most people do.
They've got so much income this month and I have to expend so much
money to keep alive, pay the grocery bill, the rent and all those sorts
of things. In one particular month they find out
[ Page 160 ]
that
their television set has blown its master tube, and they need another
one. In order to pay for the new television set, they sell the kitchen
stove, take the money from the kitchen stove that they've sold, add
that money to their income for that month, and they buy a new
television set. They say: "Hey, man, ain't we doing well! We got a new
television set and it's a colour television set this time. Of course we
won't be able to cook our meals for another month or two until we can
sell something else in order to buy a kitchen stove." That's the kind
of process that's been going on here with these capital assets.
Let's
look at what the revenue surpluses were supposed to have been. They
were identified so many times in budgets that I think the Minister of
Finance knows full well what they are. He won't mind if I repeat them
now. In the fiscal year ending March 31, 1977, there was a supposed
revenue surplus of $76 million and in the fiscal year March 31, 1978,
there was a revenue surplus of $140 million. The 1979 estimate — we
haven't got the accounts for the March 31, 1979, fiscal year yet — is
$145 million. This is a total of $361 million for that three-year
period. That's partly what this bill is dealing with.
think we should look at the other side of the ledger, the income side,
and see what it has contributed. Apart from the sale of these two
capital assets that were the closing out of the special purposes fund
and the sale of two ferries for the tax advantage of eastern financial
interests, there was some income generated by the B.C. Petroleum
Corporation.
The B.C. Petroleum Corporation, for the
edification of those who may not have examined it closely, is one of
those horrible socialist ideas. It's one of those terrible things that
the NDP government engaged in. It was condemned the length and the
breadth of this land by the gentlemen opposite, not the least of whom
was the Premier.
In the fiscal year 1976, B.C. Petroleum
Corporation, a socialist venture — I shiver at the word when I mention
it — generated $198 million. In 1977 fiscal year it generated $149
million. In 1978 it generated $170 million and in 1979 an estimated
$195 million. From that one socialist venture alone the provincial
government has had an income of over $712 million since 1975. I take
that $712 million to be approximately accurate because it includes $195
million estimated for this past fiscal year.
I assume the
government estimates its income accurately: $712 million from a
socialist venture which the Socreds didn't like, didn't want, condemned
as intrusive, and engaged in the type of debate, Mr. Speaker, that I'm
sure, had you been the Speaker at the time, you would have ruled out of
order.
Now we look at what the surplus was in that period of
time. The revenue surplus which the minister claims to exist is $361
million. The difference between the amount of money generated by the
B.C. Petroleum Corporation and the amount of revenue surplus that the
government claims exists was $351 million extra. In other words,
putting it all together, if this government had not been saved by a
terrible, horrible socialist concept we would have had an accumulated
deficit under this government of $439 million. You would have been $400
million in the hole. Saved by socialists! Saved by a beautiful concept!
HON. MR. CHABOT: Rubbish!
MR. HOWARD:
I would say to my friend the Minister of Lands, Parks and Housing that
his declarations from his seat are probably the most appropriate ones
he has made so far in this House since I've been here. If he wants to
continue to transgress upon the rules of the House by so doing, that's
his business. If he wants to engage in the debate on the bill, I'm sure
he'll take the occasion to do that.
All of this is in the
face of the heaviest level of taxation that this province has seen. All
of this is in the face of an increase from 5 percent to 7 percent in
the sales tax, an increase in the corporation tax, an increase in the
personal income tax, an increase in the ferry rates and an increase in
everything else in those first years of office to try to save them.
would appreciate it if one individual, the Minister of Finance, who is
telling us about the truths in the budget and the truths in this bill,
would also tell us that kind of truth. Namely, the truth is that his
government and his fiscal management, so-called, is the result of
closing out capital assets that were not his doing in the first place,
classifying them as revenue, and also taking all he could get out of
the B.C. Petroleum Corporation, a corporation which he condemned but
which he embraced when he found that it had saved him.
I'd
also like to mention a little bit about one of the purposes of this
bill in its precise terms, which is to apply an amount of some $26
million to the reduction of the direct provincial debt. The direct
provincial debt came about.... I'm not going to get into the argument
as to how or why it came about, or anything of that sort; that becomes
rather specious at this time. I think the truth has been laid on the
table on many occasions by the member for Nanaimo (Mr. Stupich) earlier
today, and yesterday by my colleague next to me from New Westminster
(Mr. Cocke), showing that there really wasn't any need to borrow that
money, that it was cooking the books.
AN HON. MEMBER: What do you know?
MR. HOWARD:
I know the rules of this House, which don't permit you to interrupt in
the fashion that you're interrupting. I learned that one today.
want to deal with this thing called debt, and we're going to reduce a
part of it by this bill. The fact of the matter is that the money has
already been spent. The debt has been reduced by that $26 million, and
this is just sort of saying: let's approve what we've done. I know that
much.
MR. RITCHIE: Are you going to vote for it?
MR. HOWARD: Am I going to vote for what?
AN HON. MEMBER: This bill.
MR. HOWARD:
I don't know why it is that all I hear today from members opposite is
they want to know how I'm going to vote. They seem so impatient.
Perhaps they'll wait until the vote comes, and then they'll discover that
fact. I don't know why there's such sensitivity about how one is going
to vote.
I'd ask the honourable gentleman, perhaps if I
could put a proposition forward at the committee stage, how he would
vote on it. That's important, because it deals with a debt.
[ Page 161 ]
few days ago the Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. McClelland), in dealing
with this question of debt, made some references, said that we have a
deficit, we have a debt, and we're paying $20 million a year interest
to service that debt. Wasn't that terrible, because that $20 million,
so the Minister of Health told us, was sufficient to pay for the entire
Pharmacare program for this province, or the entire ambulance service
for this province, intimating that if we didn't have to pay interest on
the debt, then we could provide these other social services, or so he
said. And those are his words, if anybody wants to read them in Hansard .
Now
let's look at what this debt question is, and how the Minister of
Health and the Minister of Finance made a decision contrary to and
against the interests of the general public in this province with
respect to the question of debt.
At one time we had this
sort of debt broken down into these categories: we had a $50 million
debt carrying a 9.25 percent interest rate; we had $100 million
carrying an 8 percent interest rate; we had $11,447,790 carrying an 8
percent interest; we had two treasury bills issued, each in the amount
of $50 million, each carrying 8 percent. That was the total. There were
interest payments on that debt, Mr. Speaker, of $21.5 million. The
total of the debt was, $261,447,790. That's the debt that was
incurred in 1976 by this government. It incurred the debt. It borrowed
the money, and it borrowed the money at those interest rates, so says
the public accounts.
Then on May 1, 1978, the government
took all that debt, closed it out, and borrowed the same amount of
money at 9-1/8 percent. In other words, they paid off money that they
borrowed at 8 percent and borrowed the same amount of money at 9-1/8
percent. Is that good business for the general public of this province?
Not very likely, because I'll tell you what it cost, Mr. Speaker. It
cost the taxpayers of this province, by that sort of stupidity, an
extra $2.3 million a year in interest, just because you paid it off at
8 percent and borrowed the same amount at 9-1/8 percent.
Why?
You had the money in the kitty to pay the debt off, so we were told.
You had all this budgetary surplus around, sitting there. But they were
not content to save the taxpayers of this province those amounts of
interest payments. They would sooner roll the money over, borrow it at
a higher interest rate, and charge the taxpayers of this province an
extra $2.3 million a year, just so they could continue to perpetuate on
the books of this province the myth that somebody got them into
trouble. That's all it was, political immorality, a move of a political
nature to soak the poor taxpayers of the province $2.3 million a year
in order to pay for it. That, Mr. Speaker, is what this stupidity of
debt reduction is all about.
They are now in the process of
saying: "We are going to pay off that debt in ten annual equal
payments, so that at the — end of ten years we will have eliminated the
debt." Mr. Speaker, under the terms of acquiring that additional debt
at 9-1/8 percent, the government reserved the option to pay it off at
any time, and it would seem to me that a government that is so
concerned about debt and fiscal management and wasting the taxpayers'
money would be better served by paying that debt off and getting it off
the books than they are to carry on in the way that they are carrying
on. It would not be political, but it would sure as blazes....
MR. SPEAKER: Hon. member, the time provided for under the standing orders has elapsed.
I see the member for North Okanagan (Mrs. Jordan), but she has already spoken in this debate.
MRS. JORDAN:
On a point of order, the hon. member who has just taken his seat opened
his debate with reference to a comment that I made in my address
yesterday, referring to the hon. member for Prince Rupert (Mr. Lea). I
would say, Mr. Speaker, that at the time I certainly had no intention
of any subtle undertones of the comment — it fitted in, I think, with
the debate — nor did I feel at the time that the hon. member for Prince
Rupert took any offence. Frequently he and many members on this side of
the House have jostled in debate in this House and in conversations
outside the House. Nonetheless, I listened very carefully to the
member's comments. My reputation in this House is very important to me
and to my family and to our party. And I felt quite concerned, and was
certainly prepared to stand up in this House and withdraw, should that
have been necessary. And I still am.
But I would say, Mr.
Speaker, that after listening to the further comments made by that
member during his address and the subsequent rebukes by the Speaker to
that member regarding those comments, and after reviewing the Blues
where he had a most severe rebuke in previous debate, I would just say
that, had I in any way offended the member from Prince Rupert, I would
cheerfully withdraw — I have a very high regard for him. But I do feel
the credibility of that member's statements is very much in question.
MR. SPEAKER: Thank you, hon. member.
reviewing the standing orders I only see provision for one way in which
a member may speak twice in a debate, and that is by reply. One of the
provisions is to make a correction in a statement which has been
attributed to an offended member. I would wish that we could adhere to
those two provisions and two provisions only; otherwise we will get
into a lot of statements strictly on the basis of asking for a point of
order. I would warn against this kind of procedure in the House.
[Mr. Rogers in the chair.]
MR. NICOLSON:
Mr. Speaker, it's the second time, I suppose, that we've had a bill of
this type proportioning revenue surpluses. And the member who has just
taken his place has quite adequately outlined the manner in which these
surpluses were accrued. What I would like to talk about however, is the
priorities for redistribution.
Mr. Speaker, a little bit of
a malaise is setting into this government. There seems to be an
infectious disease called "liberalism" spreading because the
legislation is starting to get a little bit like what the federal
Liberals used to do. The federal Liberals used to bring out a terrific
program. They would bring it out for one year and then, by the time
anyone found out about the program, they pulled it back, and then
they'd push it out somewhere else, and by the time people learned how
to apply for it and take advantage of it they pulled it back.
Last
year in this similar bill, which was called Bill 5, there was a
provision for water improvement districts to get some financial
assistance. And I know that in my riding about four or five of the
water improvement districts did take advantage of it, and yet they were
not really the most
[ Page 162 ]
needy ones, because the ones that were most in need were not really prepared and ready to take advantage of it.
we're looking at the way in which we should be apportioning the
distribution of this surplus for things such as were included in Bill 5
last year, such as an intensified forest management program. For some
of the other similar things which are held over from last year — the
students' summer employment program — the extra amount is included in
here, and for the accelerated highways construction program, which was
also included in last year's bill.
But one very notable
omission — and I think a very regrettable omission — is any provision
for water improvement districts, which last year was taken up by some.
There have been water improvement districts who have not had any
promises made but have been led to believe that this would probably
come forward again this year because the program had been successful.
And with this very late sitting of the Legislature, I can assure the
minister that there will be in my riding alone — and, I know, in the
ridings of the member for Kootenay (Mr. Segarty) and the Minister of
Lands, Parks and Housing (Hon. Mr. Chabot) in Columbia River; I know
because they are in the same regional water rights district,
administered from the Nelson office — a great number of water
improvement districts which had very high expectations. So I would
wonder if the minister has some other piece of legislation coming down
in a day or two, and if this thing was not perhaps an oversight. But
perhaps something very special is considered. I really wonder, and I
would hope that, when he sums up in debate in second reading.... I
would wonder why such a successful and useful program — and one which
also generated jobs — is being discounted, because it is something that
is very much needed.
It is a service that improves not only
the availability of water, but there are health aspects and many other
things inherent in the upgrading of these systems. For that reason I
was very disappointed to see this omission. I see the member has out,
maybe, last year's budget speech. I would hope there is some inclusion
there.
MR. STUPICH: I notice the minister saying in
an aside that all the remarks from this side of the House were wrong.
I'd like to start by saying that the bill is a snare and a delusion
from beginning to end, and invite him to respond to the specific
questions and criticisms of the legislation before us.
First
of all, that payment of revenue surplus, 1977-78. The members who were
in the House in the previous Legislature will know that the surplus was
deliberately built up and added to in the following year so that the
government would have massive sums to give away during the course of an
election campaign; and give them away they certainly did. We'll have
more to say about that at a later date.
To get on with the
specific items included in
section 1, the first an amount not exceeding
$26,100,000 to reduce the provincial unmatured debt of $261,447,790,
the hon. member for Skeena (Mr. Howard) did dwell on this to some
extent. I'd like to make a few points about it.
The first
one is to refer to remarks of the hon. Minister of Health (Hon. Mr.
McClelland) speaking on June 8. I referred to this earlier but I didn't
have the quotation; now I have it. "How come they're paying interest if
there was no debt? How come they're paying enough interest to pay for
our entire Pharmacare program, our entire ambulance service for a
year?" He's wondering how come the government is paying interest if
there's no debt. Let's look at the public accounts and see whether we
can find some reason for the government paying interest when we have
said the debt was built up by the present administration.
Looking
at the public accounts for the year March 31, 1977, we did pay interest
on debt, interest in the amount of $15,606,747, money that would have
covered a lot of government programs. Not entirely, perhaps, but it
would certainly have helped. Interestingly enough, in that same year
income from government short-term investments exceeded that expense
figure. The income figure for that year was $16,494,886. Obviously we
must have had more money on deposit than we had in the so-called debt,
or the income would not have exceeded the expense. At least, that's the
inference I draw from that.
For the year ended March 31,
1978, the figures were even more different. Expense, yes; truly there
was money paid out on borrowed money — expense of $22,507,492. Again,
a lot of money, and it seems a shame to waste it on dead-weight debt if
that's, indeed, what we were doing. At the same time, as we were paying
$22 million out, we were taking in from short-term deposits $34,896,363.
Looking at the latest figures we have available, to the
end of January 1979 — that's for a period of ten months — in that
period we still had this expense, this interest on this dead-weight
debt in the amount of $13,788,016. But in that same period interest
from short-term deposits were $41,873,547.
There can be
only one reason for borrowing money and investing it in short-term
deposits, and that is that if you are getting more interest on the
short-term deposits, then you're paying on the money you've borrowed.
Now if that indeed was the case, if the Minister of Finance was clever
enough to find some place from where he could borrow money at a rate
cheaper than he is getting by putting that money into short-term bank
deposits, then I would suggest that rather than borrow a quarter of a
billion dollars he should have borrowed $40 billion, or $400 billion,
and we wouldn't need any other taxes. Let's just borrow money at this
cheap rate the Minister of Finance has found from somewhere or other
and invest it in short-term bank deposits, and make all kinds of money.
The
alternative to that proposition is that he is, indeed, paying more to
maintain this fiction of the government debt than he is getting on the
short-term deposits, and he's doing the people of the province a
disservice in so doing.
Section b: the hypocrisy of the
homeowner grant. Every year but one during which the NDP was in office
there was a general increase of homeowner grant. The first year in
which this present administration increased the homeowner grant was the
year when they were going into an election campaign. The increase was
announced the day before they called the election. They waited all that
time, and during the whole of that period they piled additional loads
of taxes on local taxpayers. They shifted the load of education
increasingly to the local taxpayers, kept piling it on year after year,
and then at the end of that term when they were ready to call the
election — the day before they called the election — they announced
that all of a sudden we were able to make an increase in the homeowner
grant.
Now we know how long we're going to have to wait for the next one at that rate, Mr. Speaker. And we know that
[ Page 163 ]
the
day the increase in the homeowner grant is once again announced by this
administration will be the day before they call the election. That's
their pattern: to increase taxes, pile taxes and costs on people, then
when you're ready to call the election, take it all off at once.
The
next point is an amount not exceeding $25 million-plus for an
accelerated highway construction program. Well, this is one area where
they really do spend the money, Mr. Speaker; we've got to admit that.
The financial statements for the ten months ending January 31, 1979,
where we had estimated $157 million for capital for highways for the
whole year.... In ten months they had spent in excess of $200 million
and now an extra $25 million-odd for highways. Nobody's really against
highway building; at least nobody is against it when it applies to
their own riding specifically. We can all oppose it in general terms
when it's going to other ridings, but we all want more spent on our own
districts, that's true.
But I wonder why we have to starve
such programs — and I dealt with this in some detail in the previous
debate — as health programs as we have done; why we have to starve the
human resource programs as we have done, as evidenced by the ten-month
statement; why we have to starve the recreation programs as we have
done, as is evidenced by this same ten-month statement; why we have to
starve the reforestation programs, as is dealt with in the ten-month
statement in two areas.
In a previous debate I mentioned how
estimates have been underspent in this matter of reforestation. Last
year we had a surplus allocation budget. You will remember that one of
the parts of that was $10 million for reforestation. We spent only $6.5
million of it.
They are starving programs that are very important in the province. The salmonid enhancement program was starved.
The Fort Nelson extension is the next item on the list — $14 million for the
purpose of the Fort Nelson extension. Well, you remember the story about the
Fort Nelson extension, Mr. Speaker. You will remember the royal commission report
that was commissioned by the government to tell them what they wanted to be
told about the BCR. Then the report came down and said that they should cancel
or close the Fort Nelson extension. The government wiffle-waffled on that for
about three months and then when it decided it was time to have an election,
the Premier announced that they would not close the Fort Nelson extension. Well,
we're waiting for him to arrive at some new conclusion about the Fort Nelson
extension. But in the meantime, let's throw $14 million into this program
to show that we're using up that money that we took away from the people
in previous periods.
The
next one is forest management. I mentioned that earlier, but the
earlier part was with reference to the estimates. This
part is with
reference to the special program, and I pointed out that the program is
being seriously underspent in the previous year.
Accelerated
recreational facilities, point (g) — $5.5 million was provided for this
kind of program last year but we didn't spend it. We spent $2.7 million
in ten months. Are we really going to spend this?
Mr.
Speaker, it looks like a good program. But I think the members on the
government side of the House, in voting for this particular bill before
us right now, should realize that what they're voting for is to start
building up the kitty for the next election program, that the Minister
of Finance doesn't really intend to spend the $140 million that is
mentioned in this bill, that the evidence before us from previous
periods is that the government won't spend it, and in this bill they
even say so. Because when you turn the page and read page 2, you will
see that the government is already opening the door to the possibility
of this money not being spent and to it being set aside for the next
election period. I'll read
section 2: "Any part of the money
appropriated by this Act that may be unexpended at the end of the
fiscal year ending March 31, 1980, shall not be expended after that
date." It doesn't go on to say, but it might as well go on to say that
it will be saved until the next election campaign when we will throw it
all into this campaign that will once again attempt to bribe the people
with their own money to vote the government back into office.
an aside, the Minister of Agriculture (Hon. Mr. Hewitt) said, when the
hon. member for Prince Rupert (Mr. Lea) was speaking, with reference to
the election campaign: "But the voters didn't throw us out of office."
Well, Mr. Speaker, if the government continues in the way in which it
has continued and if they lose as many seats in the next campaign as
they lost in the last one, then they will be thrown out of office the
next time. So I suggest they change their ways, that they not continue
to take money away from the people right up until the day before they
are ready to call the election and then try to hand it all back in the
period of a short election campaign. It worked, but barely. Next time
it might not work even barely.
MR. BRUMMET: I am just
going by the concluding remarks of the member for Nanaimo, who was
saying that obviously the government does not intend to spend any of
this money or a great deal of this money. I find, as I go through the
list that he spelled out, it hard to fathom where he gets that type of
opinion. I don't think there is any problem in spending $26 million to
reduce debt. It should be fairly easy to write a cheque, or whatever
methods are used.
MR. BARBER: They use a shovel.
MR. BRUMMET: I imagine the hon. member is going to use his shovel; he is leaving us.
suspect there would be no difficulty in using the $55 million allotted
for the homeowner grant. The people of the province will certainly
appreciate that. As for accelerated highway construction, the
implication is that there is an amount with no intention of using it.
If it is available, I think that the backbenchers would ask for more. I
don't think the government would have any problem spending more, and I
am sure there are some members on the other side of the House who would
ask for more.
We have had some comments about spending $14
million to upgrade the Fort Nelson railway line. There is a report that
says that it shouldn't be done, or something. But let's put it in, I
think the member said, just to show that we have this money to spend. I
don't think any member of the opposition party would, in an election
campaign or at any time in the Fort Nelson area, ever make that comment
that it's really not worthwhile. The BCR line, despite that report, or
whatever other reports come out, is a good investment. There is a great
deal of revenue coming from
[ Page 164 ]
the north, and that line is necessary and is certainly a good investment.
we can keep a halter on Mr. Kinnaird, so that the workers will
continue, there should be no problem in spending the forest management
money. There will be no problem at all in spending the money for job
experience programs for young people and for recreational facilities.
MR. BARBER: Don't be sensitive.
MR. BRUMMET:
I don't have any reason to be sensitive on my behalf. Since these
members have done this, again showing the type of people that they are,
since....
Interjection.
MR. BRUMMET: Yes,
I am upset, but not upset on my own behalf. I am upset because right
from the first day of this House the hon. member for Prince Rupert (Mr.
Lea) has waged an attack on Mr. Ed Smith. He has taken shots at Mr. Ed
Smith, for what reasons I don't know. There have been numerous
comments, snide remarks and vicious attacks from members of the
opposition. I think the past records will show that while Ed Smith was
in this House, the opposition did everything possible to destroy him.
And they did that, Mr. Speaker, for....
Interjections.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Order, please. Hon. members, we're on second reading of Bill 7. We have
had a little latitude in the debate here, but we really should be
discussing the principle of the Revenue Surplus of 1977-78
Appropriation Act, 1979. I'd ask the member for North Peace River to
keep his debate within the scope of second reading of this bill.
MR. BRUMMET:
Thank you, Mr. Speaker. It was in the discussion of the Fort Nelson
line that Mr. Smith's name was raised, and for political expediency
again. And why it has to be continually raised.... The man was defeated
in a democratic process and I don't think he needs to be maligned any
further by the opposition.
However, I would like to say this
on behalf of our area, since other bills here are looking after
building programs — and I'm speaking of the recreational facilities
program, and Bills 8 and 9 look after special building programs for the
metropolitan areas. Hopefully this $5 million will go to help our area.
I would appreciate it if anything can be done to expedite approvals
because we do have a short building season up there.
Mr.
Speaker, I certainly can support this bill. I can see that this is a
good use of this money and a good investment for the people of this
province, despite what the opposition members say.
MR. COCKE: And wild applause was heard throughout the precincts.
Mr. Speaker, "We want Ed," was a simple comment over here, and that is maligning poor old Ed?
MR. BRUMMET: I'm talking about the other remark.
MR. COCKE: That member is super-sensitive, and I suspect a little guilt is flowing through his veins. Tough beans!
MR. BRUMMET: Do you want Ed after what you did to him?
MR. COCKE: After what we did to him! He probably had a hand in it, and the member for North Peace River did the coup de grace.
I will get back to the principle of the bill.
DEPUTY SPEAKER:
Hon. members, there was a time for the throne and budget speeches; we
have just disposed of those two. Perhaps now we can proceed to second
reading of the bill.
MR. COCKE: Having dealt with the
principal from North Peace River.... And it was a great favour to the
students when he came down here. I'm not suggesting, however, that it's
going to be a great favour to the whole province.
Mr.
Speaker, will they spend it? That is what the member for Nanaimo (Mr.
Stupich) was asking. He gave some specifics. Then he went on to say
that at the end of the bill there's a little bit of a
section that says
that any inappropriate money at the end of the time must not be spent
after the time limit on the bill. Naturally they put that in there, we
suspect, because history tells us that they don't always spend it. The
money that they don't spend will be there for another surplus another
day.
MR. RITCHIE: Good management.
MR. COCKE:
Good management! Now I want to deal with management. Some of the best
management that I saw.... I've said this before in this House: probably
one of the greatest disappointments to me was the behaviour of our
Minister of Finance during his early period in that portfolio. It was
not only that discredited budget that he brought in in 1976, a budget
that had to be reprinted and revised, a budget that had no precedent
ever in this Legislature, in all of the history of this province. Never
has a budget had to be reprinted because it was so scurrilous a
document and untrue that it could not be distributed across the world.
I was really disappointed because I have had a long acquaintanceship
with that Minister of Finance.
I recall vividly hospitals
surreptitiously phoning members of the opposition saying, "Hey, we've
got manna from heaven," during that period. They got unexpected money.
They're not getting any unexpected money now, my friend, not a nickel
they don't expect, because they're begging for money and they're not
even getting the money they should get. But at that time they got
millions. So did the schools. And when did this all occur? It occurred
between December 1975 and April 1976, the end of that fiscal year. You
had four months to cook the books, and you did a beautiful job — they
trained him well as a chartered accountant — up to that point. But
beyond that, I got very, very discouraged.
Yes, that
provincial unmatured debt, that $261 million, Socred manufactured
debt, has to be paid. But let's remember who manufactured that debt. It
was manufactured by that Minister of Finance, by that Premier, and all
of the accomplices in the cabinet at the time. That's what
[ Page 165 ]
happened.
It's very easy going when you've got four months to do it. You put your
feet up on the desk and you do a little brainstorming: "We'll shuffle a
little here, we'll shuffle a little there, and we'll manufacture anything
we want." They started out with $700 million, but they couldn't make
that stick. They finally brought it down to a manageable sum they
thought they could make stick.
Unfortunately — yes, unfortunately — they sold a lot of people in this province that bill of goods.
Interjection.
MR. COCKE:
Yes, they have been found out. Forty-six percent this time said: "We're
not buying that anymore." Forty-six percent this time said: "Nonsense!
We're not going to believe that manufactured material from that
government."
Those first few months were disappointing for
so many reasons, not the least of which was that we saw so many
turncoats. We didn't know what was happening over there. We saw,
suddenly, Social Crediters that just a few months before had been
raving Liberals and Conservatives; suddenly they became something new
and fresh.
They're having trouble now, a great deal of
trouble, trouble within the ranks, they call it. We've noticed how the
Premier has been very nervous since coming back. We've noticed him
continually looking around, feeling his back to find out whether or not
there is that little stiletto in there. He knows he can trust the
minister from the South Peace (Hon. Mr. Phillips), but that's about all
that's there.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, please. Hon. member, this may be very interesting, but perhaps you can relate it to the bill, please.
MR. COCKE:
I'm describing a group who had the capacity to do what they did between
December 1975 and April 1976. They showed great ability, and that's
where they created that large debt.
Mr. Speaker, I suggest
that revenue surplus — and we've got two of these bills before us, or
two that are almost identical except for different purposes — is the
kind of situation that continues to bring us back to those old
irrelevant arguments, those old arguments that they've even used to
convince some people to run for that party. I suggest that something
better could be expected front that group. They have had extreme
difficulty — and I don't know what they're going to do in the future —
holding things together. As the member for Skeena (Mr. Howard) said,
had it not been for the Petroleum Corporation, they would have been
down the tube.
AN HON. MEMBER: Rubbish!
MR. COCKE:
It's right, not rubbish. Straighten out the tobacco in your mouth. As
far as you're concerned, Mr. Minister, you know well enough that if I
say rubbish, you can get up and argue on the floor of this House, but
you haven't got one single argument to raise and that's why you haven't
got up to raise it.
Mr. Minister of Finance, you can just
settle yourself back in your chair until we're quite ready to give you
the floor. I noted this afternoon that your colleague beside you made
mention of the fact that there was some hurry to get out of this place.
I'm in no hurry and I hope you aren't either. I love Victoria,
particularly in the summer.
Mr. Speaker, let's talk about
the future just for a second, and revenue surplus. I wonder how they're
going to raise revenue surplus when they've got nothing more to sell.
They can't sell any more ferries: the federal government took care of
that. They can't move the Ministry of Public Works into a Crown
corporation, which they did in order to avoid that aspect of the budget.
Interjection.
MR. COCKE:
I doubt if they can move the hospitals to a Crown corporation, but if
they could, that Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. McClelland) would do it.
He would do anything to get out of the mess he is in.
With
the Buildings Corporation, what they did is put themselves into a bind.
What do you do for encores now that you've pretty well moved everything
out that you can? How do you get by the next three or four years, you
bunch of magicians?
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
suggest, Mr. Speaker. that the magicians' day is over. They are now
going to have to be, for the first time since they've been government,
fiscally responsible, and to date we haven't seen it. Now, that you're
brought up sharp, the only thing you can do is to squeeze priority
areas like health.
Interjection.
MR. COCKE:
Sure, because you haven't got anything else to sell; you haven't got
anything else to move into a Crown corporation. So now you have to
answer for the budget that you have before you.
Mr.
Speaker, they're in a very tight spot indeed. I hope in talking about
these revenue surplus situations, that somebody other than the Minister
of Finance gets up from that side of the House — one of those
back-bench cabinet ministers who has been indicating rubbish — and puts
forward an argument. If they have got something to say, they should say
it on the floor of the House rather than try to get Hansard to record
"rubbish."
Interjection.
MR. COCKE: Hansard has difficulty with that, Mr. Minister.
Mr.
Speaker, if they haven't sold it, if they haven't given it away, it
doesn't exist. We've seen this ever since they've been there, and I
suggest they've got nothing left to cover their tracks. From here on in
we'll have no more surpluses, nor will we have any more manufactured
debt.
AN HON. MEMBER: They still have a couple of trains to sell.
MR. COCKE: They can't do that, Mr. Member. No, Pierre Trudeau told them they couldn't sell any more than three.
MR. BARBER: Maybe they can sell SeaBus to Gray line.
[ Page 166 ]
MR. COCKE: Yes, they can sell SeaBus to some outfit in Seattle.
But,
Mr. Speaker, I'll tell you that as far as I am concerned, I'm very, very
dissatisfied with the way that we have to debate this kind of bill.
First they give themselves a pat on the back and then they talk about
this debt, this manufactured debt. And it's just a bunch of rubbish.
MRS. WALLACE:
We've heard some interesting debate tonight, and some very revealing
debate, I think, on how we arrived at this surplus and whether or not
this surplus will be spent. But I want to turn to a slightly different
aspect of the bill, Mr. Speaker.
We have a bill to
supposedly spend $140 million on various projects, and I am concerned
not only that that probably won't all be spent, but I'm particularly
concerned by the fact that only $10 million of that $140 million is
allocated to support our major industry in this province, which is in
dire straits. Any authority that you turn to, be it management, the
workers in the industry, or the professionals, you find that there are
grave concerns for the future of our forest industry in British
Columbia. When we have a $140 million surplus, and this government
somehow sees fit to allocate only $10 million of that towards the
rejuvenation of our forest industry, it leaves me very concerned about
the priorities of this government.
We have a shrinking
timber supply. We have had statistics provided which indicate that
we've had great increases, but what they don't tell us is that those
increases have been based on years when there have been great frost
damage or something like that. And then there appears to be a great
increase in the reforestation. I don't care how great those increases
have been or how much more money we have put into the forest industry,
we are still a long way behind in our reforestation program.
There
are other areas that we could be involved in to encourage the viability
of the forest industry here in British Columbia. It's not just
reforestation. We need to do that, yes, and we need to expand it much,
much more than we are at present. We're talking about 52 million acres
in Canada, and we have 50 percent of the forest industry here in B.C.,
but we're behind. We've fallen behind radically. The B.C. Forest
Service says that based on their estimates we're 82 percent of where we
should be. The private companies that are concerned indicate that we're
much lower than that — something like 45 percent of where we should be
in reforestation.
In addition to reforestation we should be
getting involved in other types of development in the forest industry,
and I mentioned it earlier in another debate in this House this year.
The knowledge and the technology that we have here relative to further
processing of our forest product is something that we should be
exploiting. We have the waste. We are wasting a tremendous amount of
our forest resource. I am not going to bore the House at this hour of
the night with the statistics, but we must give more consideration to
our forest industry if it is to continue to be a viable industry. When
I see that only 14 percent of this bill is allocated to our major
resource industry, I have some very grave concerns about the priorities
of this government.
I suggest that we should not only be
spending a lot more on reforestation and other related forest
industries, we should be looking much farther down the road. To suggest
that we are not going to spend all I of this money, that there is going
to be some of it left to be put away in a reserve somewhere, is a very,
very unfortunate approach.
Reforestation is not a popular
political issue because it is a long-term thing. You don't get the
benefits from it for many, many years. But if we don't start thinking a
little bit more about economics and a little bit less about politics in
this province, we are going to be down the tube completely. I am very
concerned about the small amount of money that is allocated in this
bill for reforestation.
HON. MR. McGEER: I wasn't
going to enter this debate until I heard the member for New Westminster
suggest that the Social Credit government, of all things, had been
guilty of financial incompetency. I can remember 1975 when we took over
after three years of careless spending and financial incompetency by
the man who is now the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Barrett), the man
who complains bitterly about our Premier. The member for New
Westminster talks about the former Premier of the province in very
glowing terms. I never heard him say those things when the Premier
before him sat in that chair. It seems just a little strange that the
Leader of the Opposition should be accusing our Premier and this
Minister of Finance of incompetency after their record in office.
Yes,
it's perfectly true, Mr. Speaker, that the present government paid an
awful price politically for correcting the errors of that incompetent
group when they were government. I heard the member for New Westminster
stand up this evening and talk about the 46 percent of the people who
voted for the NDP this time as if they were on the threshold of
government. I can tell you that they've reached high tide. We've paid
the political price over here of correcting their errors. Now in the
future we inherit our own financial competency and good management.
This
province is taking off, Mr. Speaker, as a result of that. This province
is going to move so rapidly in the next four years that that group over
there will be shrunk so small we'I hardly notice them after the next
election. Enjoy your high tide over there while you can.
AN HON. MEMBER: Call it the ebb tide.
HON. MR. McGEER: They're on the ebb now, and the debate over here proves it.
Well,
Mr. Speaker, the hour is late and the members are tired, so I move
adjournment of this debate until the next sitting of the House when we
can carry on with this interesting theme.
Motion approved.
Hon. Mr. Gardom moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 10:59 p.m.
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