British Columbia Committee Hansard (Blues) — Thursday, April 7, 2022 p.m. — Number 185 (HTML) (42nd Parliament, 3rd Session)
20220407pm-CommitteeA-Blues
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
Third Session, 42nd Parliament
(2022) OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Thursday, April 7, 2022
Afternoon Sitting
Issue No. 185
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Orders of the Day
Committee of the Whole House
Bill 13 — Passenger Transportation Amendment Act, 2022 (continued)
B. Stewart
Hon. R. Fleming
Reporting of Bills
Bill 13 — Passenger Transportation Amendment Act, 2022
Committee of the Whole House
Bill 14 — Wildlife Amendment Act, 2022 (continued)
J. Rustad
Hon. K. Conroy
Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room
Committee of Supply
Estimates: Ministry of Citizens’ Services (continued)
B. Banman
Hon. L. Beare
A. Olsen
S. Furstenau
Estimates: Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation
Hon. B. Ralston
T. Shypitka
S. Furstenau
A. Olsen
THURSDAY, APRIL 7, 2022
The House met at 1:02 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Orders of the Day
Hon. L. Beare: In this House, I call continued Committee of the Whole, Bill 13, Passenger
Transportation Amendment Act.
In the Douglas Fir Room,
Section A, I call continued Committee of Supply,
estimates of the Ministry of Citizens’ Services and, if they complete, followed
by the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 13 — PASSENGER TRANSPORTATION
AMENDMENT ACT, 2022
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section
B) on Bill 13;
N. Letnick in the chair.
The committee met at 1:05 p.m.
On clause 1 as amended (continued) .
B. Stewart: Thank you, Mr. Chair. It’s nice to see you don the robes again and
be back as Chair in the House here. I’m sure that will help in terms of
the questioning I want to go to on Bill 13.
I just want to elaborate a little bit more…. Prior to us breaking
for lunch…. There were the five regional areas that the Passenger
Transportation Board has segregated where ride-hailing is in British
Columbia. He mentioned, I think it was called, Lucky to Go and KABU that
are approved in the southern Interior.
I wonder, for the record, if he could just give us the approved
ride-hailing services in each of the five regions of the province. If
they’re in the five regions, does that mean — like the southern
Interior, which I understand probably includes Kamloops all the way
south — that Uber, which is in Kamloops, can come to Vernon, or
Penticton or any of the other places?
The Chair: Member for Nanaimo-North Cowichan, you wish to say
something.
D. Routley: I seek leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
Introductions by Members
D. Routley: It’s appropriate that the Whip is sitting over here. I know I’m not
supposed to refer to who’s in the chamber or not, but I’m a little bit late
for my duty. That usually accompanies a fine in our world, doesn’t
it?
As I’m being told to hurry up, I’d like the House to help me welcome
two guests from Alberta who I’ve only just met. Emma and Ben Vink from Red
Deer are joining us, and they are here to experience the British Columbia
parliament for the first time.
Please, Members, make them welcome.
Debate Continued
Hon. R. Fleming: To the member, let me answer him. I think he’s most interested in
region 4.
I can read to him the eight approved companies that operate in the
southern Interior region, which is, as I mentioned, region 4: Okanagan,
Kootenay-Boundary, Cariboo. The eight firms are as follows: InOrbis,
KABU, Lucky to Go, ReRyde, Ripe Rides, SAFE Ride Sharing, TappCar and
Uride.
I could go through every region, but it is available on the
website of both the passenger transportation branch and the Passenger
Transportation Board, if the member would like to look it up himself, or
we can read it into the record.
[1:10 p.m.]
B. Stewart: I guess the question to the minister…. These licences — I’m
assuming that’s how the PTB has approved these passenger-directed,
ride-hailing services, etc. If these companies are not operating, not
fulfilling their duty, is there an opportunity for others to replace the
companies that have initially come forward but haven’t actually
initiated services?
Hon. R. Fleming: The member asked questions that are really more properly directed
to the independent Passenger Transportation Board, who is the
decision-maker on issues around licensing. What I can say is that the
PTB regularly reviews the activity or the inactivity of current licence
holders.
I don’t in any way want to speak for the board, but I think we
could well imagine that there is some sensitivity to licence holders
that may have not been active in the market or operating right now
during the pandemic when business volumes were so precipitously
impacted.
I’m sure that in the course of their reviews, they get together
with licence holders and exchange views and are updated on business
plans and the planning for the use of those licences, but I can’t be for
certain. Again, the PTB is the statutory decision–maker in this
regard.
B. Stewart: Well, one of the things that I know I’ve experienced personally
has been…. There has been, coming to the Okanagan, maybe going to
Whistler, coming to Victoria…. The rental car agencies are struggling to
be able to find enough rental vehicles if you’re in the
marketplace.
I recently was away during our break and couldn’t rent a car where
I was located after looking ahead during spring break. It forced me to
have to use alternative methods. I was able to use, in this particular
case, a ride-hailing company. I found it to be extremely efficient. I
knew when it was coming. I knew the licence plate number, the driver’s
name, etc. It all arrived.
To me, it is an improvement in service. I think, more importantly,
that it is up to the minister, who directs the Passenger Transportation
Board, to make certain that there is reasonable access for people that
are visiting here or live here to be able to access these
services.
Now, this bill, Bill 13, is about public safety, making certain
that the drivers have both driving safety checks as well as criminal
record checks. But, I guess, from the standpoint…. We wouldn’t be
talking about this if we didn’t have ride-hailing.
I guess what I’m really driving at is…. There are licensed
companies, and there are unlicensed companies that are also operating
here that he’s aware of. I mentioned it in my remarks at the start. I
guess the thing about it is….
There’s no way of ignoring the fact that ride-hailing is here,
even though in a small way, in British Columbia. The bottom line is that
we’re here to talk about the passenger safety today, and I want to just
kind of know…. There’s a couple of companies that are identified in a
recent news
article that are operating in the Lower Mainland that are
unlicensed.
My point, really, about the issue is…. I want to make certain that
we can make certain that the public is able to get access to safe,
reliable services, whether it’s the taxi industry…. We know that the
taxi industry has highly costly licensing fees, etc. They’ve been given
the opportunity to participate in this, and maybe some of these
companies are participants.
[1:15 p.m.]
I guess my question about this is: how is it that we know…? You
mentioned the Passenger Transportation Board, Minister. I do think that
it’s fair that the public know what the effort is or what the uptake is
in terms of the licences that the Passenger Transportation Board did
issue. We’re talking about the drivers that should be operating for
that. Of the companies that are in existence, are they actively being
used? Is there enough effort going into expanding the service where the
need or demand is required?
Hon. R. Fleming: There are quite a few questions or points that the member raised
just now. He raised the issue of unlicensed ride-hail. We’re certainly
aware of that. Every day, in fact, the passenger transportation branch
of this ministry and the CVSE, working with municipal police and
municipal bylaw enforcements, acting on tips from the public, are
cracking down on those that are operating dangerous and illegal
ride-hails.
I say they’re dangerous for a couple of reasons. Obviously, their
insurance product would not cover that activity. It’s illegal. So the
passenger is putting themselves at risk. The driver is putting
themselves at risk, as well, and tremendous liability, and they’re doing
something illegal.
[1:20 p.m.]
It’s not always easy to track them. These databases and apps that
are downloaded are located offshore, which makes it difficult to
completely shut them down. Through constant efforts in Metro Vancouver —
because that’s where this problem is concentrated — we are making a
difference in addressing this problem.
I think people that participate in that illegal industry now are
going to very quickly realize, with the growth of enforcement, that it
is not worth their time and their professional livelihood, if they ever
want to work in the ground transportation industry, to work in this
black market.
The questions around licensees. They are required to operate when
they’re issued a licence. Obviously, there have been extenuating
circumstances during the pandemic, where it has been completely
uneconomic to operate TNS services in some regions, so they’ve been not
entirely active licensees. They’ve been periodic, episodic.
They’re not required to operate in the entirety of a region, so
some of them pick specific cities to locate themselves in. There was an
application in early to mid-December from Uber to operate in every
region outside of Metro Vancouver. Region 1 — they’re already there, of
course.
The Passenger Transportation Board made an independent decision
not to grant licences at that time, but I think in their explanation —
I’ll try and paraphrase accurately — they said that this is not a
decision permanent, going forward. It’s a decision about the economics
of the ground transportation sector today. They felt that this would
exacerbate income insecurity for people working both in the TNS sector
and the taxi industry to introduce additional services at a time when a
lot of people were not making money and many of them had applied, on the
taxi side, for government pandemic relief grants.
I would say that the application by Uber in the view of the board,
as I understand it, was that it was not never, but not at this time.
It’s just not a good time. There was a commitment, I believe, to review
that and Uber, of course, has the freedom to apply again for licences in
one or all of the regions that they currently are not licenced
in.
Then finally, as the member said, this is a bill about passenger
safety, the bill that we seek to make permanent that has existed in
transitional regulation and would expire, otherwise, this fall. The
reason why we are trying to put this into law is because it was the
product of very thoughtful deliberations and hearings that were
conducted by legislators on both sides of the House when we had an
all-party committee on taxi modernization and the introduction of
TNS.
One of the things we looked at was other jurisdictions that did
not introduce TNS well. There are all kinds of things on the Internet or
60 Minutes , programs like that, and investigative
documentaries about convicted felons literally getting out of prison,
having served time for violence offences, and becoming licensed Uber
drivers because there weren’t criminal background checks. We didn’t want
to have that in British Columbia. We wanted to have an orderly, gradual
introduction of a side-by-side industry where both would
flourish.
Of course, I think we issued the first TNS licences, if I’m not
mistaken, in December of 2019. We all know what came in March 2020: we
hit the pandemic and lockdown, and we’ve been through a rough couple of
years. I think you’re going to see some of the changes.
Certainly, I know the member’s mayor and chamber of commerce and
tourism associations have been writing to the Passenger Transportation
Board, presenting their viewpoint that with the tourism economy set to
come back and looking at all the data around airport arrivals and
departures and things starting to get a little more normal — and
certainly more hopeful — that real-time information, the data that the
Passenger Transportation Board collects and relies on for its statutory
decision–making, will undoubtedly inform decisions that they could be
making as we speak.
I’m not able to direct them as to what they should do. I respect
their autonomy and independence in making good decisions for people who
work and do business in these sectors.
[1:25 p.m.]
B. Stewart: Thank you to the minister for clarifying those points in
answering, or trying to answer, all my questions.
I wanted to just go back to the enforcement
part in this
particular article. It talks about how the PTB gave out 33 fines in
Richmond in 2021, I guess because of the fact that we have the illegal
activities taking place. Could he clarify what the penalty or punitive
actions are? Did they seize the vehicle? Did they impound it or do
anything like that, or is it just a slap on the wrist, a minor fine, and
these continue to operate in the grey area?
He mentioned growth and enforcement. If he could describe what
growth and enforcement…. What exactly is taking place to grow
enforcement?
[1:30 p.m.]
Hon. R. Fleming: Thank you to the member for the question. This is a good area of
discussion, for sure — not entirely related to the bill but, I think, of
interest in terms of how enforcement is being done on the illegal
ride-hailing industry.
It does come with the risks that are described around
underinsurance or non-applicable insurance, cancelled insurance; the
risk of the driver who has not undergone a criminal record check; a
vehicle that is not properly inspected for commercial purposes. All of
those things are what makes this a very risky industry as
well.
Also, it’s predatory upon those who have gone through a rigorous
licensing process, people who possess a class 4 licence, who purchase
the proper insurance product, who are required to adhere to a strict
passenger safety regime. For all of those reasons, we are trying to
crack down on enforcement.
We do have a fine regime that, compared to many other fines, is
actually quite a steep fine tariff on those that are caught — $1,150
fine per offence. I think the member will know, looking at all types of
offences that fall under a fine-and-penalty schedule, that is
significant.
We operate and do on-the-spot vehicle inspections, which often
lead to vehicles being towed from the scene of where they are pulled
over and dealt with by police or bylaw enforcement or whoever may be
part of that targeted campaign on the vehicle. We have, as I say,
coordinated resources between municipal government, their bylaw
services, municipal police departments and our officers in the
CVSE.
By working together with major agencies and institutions as well,
we have had awareness campaigns and also led to getting vehicles out of
service, out of operating, in this illegal industry.
YVR International Airport is with one of those that has helped
with the enforcement and education strategy that we have deployed. There
are some other issues that we are working on with legal services —
requesting voluntary assistance from Google and Apple to remove these
offshore illegal apps from being downloadable. We’ll continue to work on
that and hope to get full compliance and cooperation from big tech firms
like that, that have the platform that supports this illegal
industry.
B. Stewart: Just in terms of the rationale for looking at this. Clearly the
minister agrees that these illegal operators are…. Certainly the
vehicles haven’t, maybe, met the inspection standards. The drivers may
not have the necessary licensing. Certainly, they’re operating
illegally.
The fine, he says, is $1,150. But he used a term earlier that said
that growth in enforcement…. Am I to understand that growth in
enforcement is through an extension of asking municipalities, bylaw,
YVR, the ones that he just cited? Or are there specifically targeted
enforcement measures by PTB or the commercial vehicle safety inspection
branch?
Hon. R. Fleming: By coordinating between various agencies and levels of government
and enforcing with our shared jurisdiction over this illegal industry,
we’ve made it a priority. We’ve learned a lot of things about how it
operates, so the enforcement gets more sophisticated as it
goes.
I think, in answer to the member’s question, it’s through
coordination, through dedicating resources towards cracking down on
illegal ride-hailing, that we have seen a growth of
enforcement.
[1:35 p.m.]
B. Stewart: Thank you to the minister. To clarify, then, that means that there
is no further hiring of people to enforce this. This is through the
coordination, as the minister has described, and working with other
partners on this.
He mentioned about the surge, if you want to call it, in temporary
operating permits. That’s one of the things that we’re talking about
here. I’m wondering if he could describe the size and the nature of the
temporary operating permits — whether it’s around demand, whether it’s
certain times of the year — in terms of how many of these temporary
operating permits or operators are out there that we’re gathering under
Bill 13, in terms of the enhanced safety precautions and checks that are
being brought in today.
The Chair: While the minister is thinking of his answer, welcome to the
family up in the gallery. For those two young people, we’re debating
a little bill which, if it becomes law, will change how
transportation is conducted in our province. So on one side, you
have the critic for Transportation, asking very hard questions of
the minister, who is providing very good answers back to the
critic.
Thank you for coming and watching.
Hon. R. Fleming: I’ll give a little bit of data on temporary operating permits
issued. In the last pre-pandemic, sort of normal year we have, there
were 42 temporary operating permits issued that increased the fleet size
of taxi service. That dropped the following year, when we were in the
throes of the early stages of the pandemic, to five. It recovered
somewhat, although not much, in 2021, to 14 being issued.
Peak season and the need for temporary operating permits is,
again, made by the independent Passenger Transportation Board. They look
at data. They look at the application on its merits and the
estimated demand that they anticipate.
Factors like the cruise ship season coming back this month would
be one of the things that they would likely look at, the region and what
Christmas tourism looks like. They determine what peak season and
upticks in demand are going to look like and respond to the applicants
for a temporary operating permit on that basis.
B. Stewart: Just to follow up on that, clause 1 of Bill 13 talks about the
temporary operating permit operators or the holder of those operators
having to go through these. I’m just wondering. Based on the temporary
review, how many of these temporary operating permit holders have gone
through the record checks that are being brought into force
here?
[1:40 p.m.]
Hon. R. Fleming: The record checks that are referred to in this bill came into
effect and became practice in about September 2019. Every temporary
operating permit applied for since that date has had a criminal and
driver record check. In fact, every driver in the industry since that
date on a regular licence or a TOP has undergone those background
checks.
That’s really the essence of this bill. We want to continue that.
We’ve been doing it for close on three years now. It’s a good practice.
It’s one that the legislative committee recommended. It was in the bill
that we adopted in 2019 and is one that we want to have made permanent
should this bill be passed in this legislative sitting.
B. Stewart: Further on clause 1, of the record check reviews, reviewing people
that have been perhaps turned down, how many have been overturned?What
was the reason that they were overturned and were able to be given a
temporary operating permit?
Hon. R. Fleming: I have some data around these appeals, from 2019 to March 31,
2022. To last week, 144 record review check appeals have been conducted,
of which 51 were approved, 36 were denied, and 35 were withdrawn. There
are 22 that are currently in processing or where has been no decision
rendered as of this date.
The ones that are overturned and allow a person to become licensed
are ones where the offence — or whatever shows up on the record check
and is flagged — is an offence that’s totally unrelated to the passenger
safety objectives of the ministry and to the operation of a passenger
vehicle.
[1:45 p.m.]
B. Stewart: Again on clause 1, about the timeline. If I am an operator and I
submit, am turned down by the PTB through this record-check process and
have an appeal, how long does it normally take for that appeal to be
heard and reviewed?
Hon. R. Fleming: Thank you to the member.
If somebody is deemed ineligible because they’ve committed an
offence and the record check triggers that, and it sees that this person
holds a commercial licence of this nature, they have 30 days, upon
notification, to apply to the passenger transportation branch. They can
do that by email, by mail or in person. It’s really in their hands, in
some cases, in that early stage, about how quickly they may wish to have
reconsideration. They could do it in one day if they wanted, but they
have up to 30 days.
I’m advised that typically, once the documentation and the
application is made, it takes approximately one to two months for a
decision to be rendered. It does depend on how much volume they’re
considering and maybe the complexity and circumstances of the material
they’re reviewing, but that’s normal business practice. Somewhere
between 30 to 75 or 90 days is, I think, typical.
Clause 1 as amended approved.
Clause 2 approved.
On clause 3.
B. Stewart: In terms of the information about the appeal process, I wondered.
Can the minister provide an example of what would be considered
“…uncertain whether the person has record that includes a prescribed
matter”?
Hon. R. Fleming: “Prescribed matter” is defined, outlined and referred to in the
act and in the regulations. Some examples: assault charges, maybe
accumulation of excessive speeding tickets that go against the
regulations to hold this kind of a licence. Those sorts of things are a
prescribed matter.
B. Stewart: Further on that particular matter, in the case of an individual,
the person has a record that includes a prescribed matter, and the
person believes that the matter is unrelated to the person’s work or
intended work as a driver.
[1:50 p.m.]
I guess to be clear, is it laid out that the people that are
applying for this would know exactly what are the prescribed matters?
They can find that out easily, and it’s easy to identify.
Hon. R. Fleming: When somebody is denied their licence, they are directed to the
passenger transportation branch. We have the information about
prescribed matters and are able to provide that. It’s also available
electronically on websites that the notification to the licensee who has
lost their licence is directed to.
Clauses 3 and 4 approved.
On clause 5.
B. Stewart: In clause 5,
section 59.4, I just want to clarify what kind of
timelines are being considered.
Hon. R. Fleming: We’re looking to retain the existing timelines of 30 days. It’s
possible we would extend it if drivers were struggling to meet those
deadlines. These are gig economy workers. They have many occupations,
sometimes, in their lives, and if that was an unreasonable timeline that
was causing them stress and missing these deadlines, it gives us the
flexibility in the future to change those timelines.
That could happen. We have, because of the pandemic, a TNS ground
transportation industry that is a fraction of the size that we
anticipated it would be, because of the economic disruption, because of
the health restrictions and regulations that came into effect, the
number of people working from home. The member knows all the
impacts.
[1:55 p.m.]
We’re going to see, I think, in the future, as we continue to see
the economic recovery, as we continue to see things come back, like
business and conventions and tourism travel and all sorts of things,
including large events and things that are happening now. We’ll be
monitoring that going forward. It gives us the flexibility to see
whether those timelines are the right ones or whether they should be
adjusted.
B. Stewart: Just to the minister, in clause 5, the new
section in 59.4(b)(e),
it talks about the notification requirements. I just want to clarify
what the notification requirements are in this particular
clause.
Hon. R. Fleming: There are two components to notification. One is to the
taxi or TNS licensee, and to the driver, the licence holder who had
their licence denied. So the notification is of the status or the
outcome of the process, whether the decision has been overturned or
upheld.
B. Stewart: Just to be clear. The notification goes out. How is it
delivered?
Hon. R. Fleming: The correspondence is done electronically unless there’s a
preference expressed for a hard copy in the mail.
Clause 5 approved.
On clause 6.
B. Stewart: Just a quick question about, I guess, the fact that we know that
the temporary measures end on September 16. Why is it that this is
coming in by regulation, in terms of having the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council, rather than just the date of September
17?
[2:00 p.m.]
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
Hon. R. Fleming: Great question. A challenging one. I think I’ve got this clear
now.
September 16 is a self-repealing date that’s referenced in the
current regulations. When this bill becomes law and we subsequently make
regulations by order-in-council, that will create the permanency that we
are seeking here with this amendment to the Passenger Transportation
Act. So we have many calendar days, weeks, of opportunity to do
that.
Royal assent will be the next step, and then we’ll follow from
there. That’s, really, the short answer. They’re not really related.
September 16 is the drop-dead date when this clause, this requirement,
would repeal itself.
Clause 6 approved.
Title approved.
Hon. R. Fleming: I move that the committee rise and report the bill complete with
amendment.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 2:03 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Reporting of Bills
BILL 13 — PASSENGER TRANSPORTATION
AMENDMENT ACT,
Bill 13, Passenger Transportation Amendment Act, 2022, reported
complete with amendment, to be considered at the next sitting of the House
after today.
Hon. L. Popham: I now call continued debate on Bill 14.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 14 — WILDLIFE
AMENDMENT ACT,
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section
B) on Bill 14;
S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.
The committee met at 2:05 p.m.
The Chair: We’ll take a short recess while the appropriate parties
assemble themselves here.
The committee recessed from 2:05 p.m. to 2:12 p.m.
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
On clause 1 (continued) .
J. Rustad: I know the member for Saanich North and the Islands had some
interest in having some questions, just before we start moving too far
into the clauses. I’m not sure — of course, this is the disadvantage of
doing remote — if the member is in the chamber or coming into the
chamber. Perhaps we can just canvass a couple of quick little things
before I go on to questions on clause 1 and give the member for Saanich
North and the Islands a chance to get back in.
I also know that the member for Vancouver-Langara was interested
in asking a few additional questions, but I don’t think he’s available
this afternoon to carry on.
Maybe I can start with this. We canvassed a number of things
yesterday associated with wildlife, with the changes on Bill 14 — a
number of opening questions to set the stage for the committee stage on
Bill 14. As the minister has said, the crux of this bill is to utilize
Indigenous knowledge to help with making changes or giving guidance
[audio interrupted] wildlife and I’m assuming to make changes to the
Wildlife Act as well, which is good. That’s very appropriate, and it’s
certainly coupled with [audio interrupted] information. It’s important
to be able to have that.
It also enables the sheltering agreements which provide an
opportunity for reflection of what has happened historically on the land
base for the First Nations and neighbouring First Nations. Of course, it
deals with some confidentiality. We’ll get into that.
When the minister put this together and codified what we’re
looking at here on Bill 14…. I’m curious about the intent. Is it just to
codify what has been happening traditionally, or does…? Sorry, let me
take a step back.
[2:15 p.m.]
Yesterday when we talked about these agreements, I asked the
minister if there were any of these types of sheltering agreements — of
course, they weren’t called that — between nations and if any of that
was in written form in the past. The minister said there hadn’t been. I
do know there have been some of these, and some nations have talked to
me about these historically, as well, particularly up in the area that I
represent, Nechako Lakes.
I’m wondering if the intent of Bill 14 is to simply codify what
has been happening traditionally and, quite frankly, what’s allowed
under case law that has happened historically, or whether it is actually
to expand opportunities. Does the minister see this bill and the
introduction of this bill as being a potential to expand opportunities
for First Nations to be able to consider things like a sheltering
agreement?
The Chair: If I might, Member, sheltering agreements are under clause 3.
If the member wanted to ask about sheltering agreements, it might be
more appropriate under the particular clause.
J. Rustad: Thank you, hon. Chair, for that direction.
The intent of my question and the intent of why I ask this
question is to understand the reason for bringing this bill in, as
opposed to the agreement itself, which is why I placed this question up
front, before we get into clause 3. I’m trying to understand what the
Clerk has tried to put in place in terms of this and what the minister
is considering, how the minister considers that this act will be used
and whether or not there is some other meaning behind it that may not be
transparent directly in what was written in the bill.
With your indulgence, I would ask the minister if she had an
opportunity to be able to answer that question.
The Chair: If I might, sheltering agreements are the entirety of clause
3, to my understanding, with a slight addition around authorization.
So again, I think it would be more appropriate to ask about
sheltering agreements, how they came about, where they’re from, that
kind of thing, under the specific clause that actually relates to
them. We are on clause 1.
J. Rustad: Thank you, hon. Chair. Actually, we aren’t even quite on clause
As we ended yesterday, we were talking about the information that
was put forward that brought forward this bill, the engagement. We were
talking about engagement with various organizations, whether that was
the First Nations…. The minister’s term, if I may look at what she has
called…. That is the B.C. Wildlife engagement with First Nations
intentions paper. There are a whole number of things that went into the
creation of this bill, to put forward this bill, to bring it to the
floor.
One of the things that I’m looking at…. Maybe I won’t call it a
sheltering agreement, then, because then it will avoid talking about
section 3. I’ll maybe phrase it this way, then, if I may, hon. Chair, to
the minister.
Historically First Nations have had agreements that have allowed
people to come into their territory, other nations to come into their
territory, for harvesting purposes. Usually that’s a reciprocal type of
agreement between nations, as we discussed yesterday on this. Those
opportunities to be able to do that type of arrangement is something, of
course, that has gone on throughout time, and it’s something I believe
the courts have talked about.
My question to the minister is: is the intent of drafting Bill 14
to expand those opportunities?
Hon. K. Conroy: To reiterate who I’ve got here with me today, I’ve got my deputy
minister, Rick Manwaring, and my assistant deputy minister, David Muter.
Yimmie Sonuga is our director of legislation, and Jennifer Psyllakis is
our executive director responsible for wildlife.
[2:20 p.m.]
The intent of the bill, as I said yesterday, for the member, is to
add a provision regarding the obligation of decision-makers under the
act to consider relevant Indigenous knowledge, to add provisions
governing the confidentiality of Indigenous knowledge and to add a
provision authorizing the minister responsible for the act to enter into
agreements with First Nations or groups of First Nations in B.C.
regarding sheltering, a traditional practice whereby a host First Nation
permits members of another First Nation to harvest wildlife within the
host’s treaty harvest area or traditional territory.
I’d be happy to get into further detail on sheltering agreements
when we get to clause 3.
J. Rustad: Perhaps, then, I could ask the question this way of the minister.
Is there anything in the legal world, through precedence that has been
laid out in court cases, that would prevent First Nations from being
able to do what the intent of this bill is already? To that extent, if
there is, then that’s interesting. If there isn’t, then I’m asking the
purpose of actually bringing this bill in, if First Nations already have
the ability to be able to do this.
Hon. K. Conroy: Again, the question is directly related to clause 3. I’d be happy
to discuss those issues further when we get to clause 3.
J. Rustad: I want to thank the minister for taking three minutes to tell me
that she wasn’t going to answer the question. It’s always
appreciated.
When we talk about
section 1, I just want to do a quick review of
a little bit of the frustration that you may hear in my voice. I
apologize to the Chair for that, as I have great respect for the
Legislature and for the Chair, the authority of the Chair, and for the
workings of government.
I find it curious. In the whole line of questionings that we’ve
had between yesterday and the first few here this afternoon, in asking
specifically about questions, the ministry either didn’t answer
or….
For example, in the question that my colleague the member for
Vancouver-Langara asked, which was directly around the implementation of
UNDRIP and the great fanfare that came forward in terms of that plan
which was brought in a couple weeks ago, there was an opportunity for
the minister to tout how this bill fit in as part of that. For whatever
reason, she refused to talk or answer about that.
[2:25 p.m.]
I find it curious that this bill being brought forward and desired
by First Nations wouldn’t be something that the minister would have
wanted to expand on, which is troublesome, because there are many
questions yet to be had associated with the clauses in this act. My hope
is that we’ll actually get to be able to understand the intent of what
the minister and the government is trying to do with this act without
having to go through the rigour of asking the question half a dozen
times to try to decipher what the meanings are.
Perhaps I’ll start with a question which is a little more
straightforward and easy for the minister to answer.
With regards to
section 1, the definition of
section 1 — I’m
reading this in for the record: “‘First Nation’ means a nation whose
traditional territory includes land within the boundaries of British
Columbia.” I understand that the 204 nations, give or take, that are in
British Columbia, that are hosted in British Columbia….
I’m wondering if the minister can provide the House with a list of
any other nations who are not part of that 204 list that may have an
interest in British Columbia.
Hon. K. Conroy: As clause 1 states, this refers to the 204 First Nations whose
traditional territory includes the lands that are in the traditional
boundaries of British Columbia.
J. Rustad: That’s curious, in terms of the answer. Perhaps we just need to
frame up here a little bit for the question.
Historically, when Europeans first came in here, when Canada was
going through the process of forming a country and British Columbia, of
course, was created, there was a process that the federal government
went through which created the nations that we have today. They would go
through, community by community, and create these nations from this. But
prior to that happening, that wasn’t necessarily the case. There were —
as the minister, I’m sure, is aware — I think, 32 different languages
and 64 dialects, roughly, in British Columbia.
Many of these groups, many of these bands that we call nations
today, of course, were part of a single group or identified with a
single group — for example, the Wet’suwet’en people, which has six
bands, but is considered the Wet’suwet’en people. Same with the Carrier
or the Tŝilhqot’in or these types of things. Of course, with the
creation of all of these individual bands across the province,
eventually that led to claims of territory.
[2:30 p.m.]
That territory, of course, extended out, and there’s a process
that I’ll get into in a little bit more detail in my next question
associated with that. Through that process, we now have these nations
created specifically around this, where, like I say, there are the 204
nations that are within British Columbia that we identify today through
this colonial process, which created these nations some 100-plus years
ago.
There are nations, of course, whose territory has gone into
British Columbia historically. In particular, I’d like to ask the
minister about the Syilx Nation. There was a specific court case that
happened a number of years ago where an individual…. Perhaps I should
just take a moment back, for people to understand.
This was a nation that was in British Columbia. But back, I
believe, in the 1950s — maybe it was early ’60s; I can’t remember — the
last living member of the nation in British Columbia passed away or
moved away. There were no other members of that nation within British
Columbia, so the federal government declared the nation extinct and no
longer a nation within British Columbia.
However, the people lived just south of the border and have
identified, of course, and have been very well connected, historically,
with the Okanagan Alliance. They still have a claim into British
Columbia, in terms of their territory that is part of their
influence. The Okanagan Alliance, of course, still considers them part
of the Okanagan Alliance and the Okanagan Alliance Nations.
The definition here is a “‘first nation’ means a first nation
whose traditional territory” — traditional territory — “includes land
within the boundaries of British Columbia.” I’d ask the minister if she
could provide some clarity about whether or not there has to be a group
of individuals that identify with the nation that live within British
Columbia and are identified in terms of a community, or whether or not a
band like the Syilx Nation now would still have a claim in British
Columbia and would fall under the definition of “first nation” under
clause 1?
[2:35 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: Case law regarding Aboriginal rights recognized and affirmed by
section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, is constantly evolving. Courts
have imposed a site-specific requirement on Aboriginal harvesting
rights, meaning that these rights may only be exercised on the land
traditionally used for the activity. At this time, only First Nation
groups in British Columbia with established rights would have
section 35
rights to hunt, trap and fish.
J. Rustad: I seem to recall that court case actually broke ground on that
case, the case of the Syilx. That person who hunted in there was
actually hunting in their traditional territory, which overlapped, of
course, with other Okanagan Alliance nations as well as with the
Ktunaxa.
[2:40 p.m.]
They harvested an animal and were caught by the conservation
officer and charged. The case was dismissed, as the court…. My
understanding of that court ruling was that that individual had the
right to be able to hunt within his traditional territory even though
that individual was from the United States.
I’m curious. From what the minister has responded, the minister
seems to be saying that that individual does not have a right to hunt,
or perhaps I’m misinterpreting what the minister is saying. Maybe the
minister is saying that that nation doesn’t exist in British Columbia
and would not be considered a First Nation under
section 1. Perhaps the
minister could just provide some clarity on this.
Hon. K. Conroy: Under this bill, the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt that the member
refers to would be dealt with under clause 3, in the context of clause
3. We can address that when we get to clause 3.
J. Rustad: I think that the minister missed the point of the question. The
question is around the definition of a First Nation.
According to the definition of a First Nation, it says: “means a
first nation whose traditional territory includes land within the
boundaries of British Columbia.” There’s no requirement in that
definition, that I can read, that says that a First Nation is required
to have a community or a people living within British Columbia. It only
says that it needs to include “land within the boundaries of British
Columbia.”
Perhaps, does this need an amendment? How is the minister able to
say that a nation such as the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt would not qualify as
a First Nation in British Columbia even though they have traditional
territory that is included within the boundary of British
Columbia?
[2:45 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: The definition is “‘first nation’ means a first nation whose
traditional territory includes land within the boundaries of British
Columbia.” What the member is referring to is a relationship between
nations. That is part of clause 3, which we can canvass and answer in
clause 3.
J. Rustad: Once again, the minister is not answering the question. In the
court case, it was very clearly stated that there was traditional
territory of the nation within the boundary of British Columbia. Just
because there were no longer people living within British Columbia….
They consider that to still be part of their traditional territory, and
it was talked about.
Perhaps I’ll put it this way. Is the minister saying that the
statement of fact that there was traditional territory of a nation
within British Columbia is not valid in terms of this act? Is the
minister saying that a traditional territory of a nation must be of a
nation that exists within British Columbia, where there is an occupied
community or people living within British Columbia?
I mean, this is an important point. There are some other factors,
some other issues that need to be thought about in terms of overlap and
the extension of claims. There are a number of situations like this. I’m
trying to understand, because right now, the way that I read this, a
First Nation with this means a First Nation — well, first of all, it
defines a First Nation meaning a First Nation, but that’s a different
point — whose traditional territory includes land within the boundaries
of British Columbia.
In this particular case, is the minister saying — for a nation
that no longer exists in Canada, was extinct in Canada, is in the United
States — that because they don’t have people living in British Columbia
or it’s no longer recognized by Canada, it’s no longer considered a
First Nation?
[2:50 p.m. - 2:55 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: The definition of First Nation “means a first nation whose
traditional territory includes land within the boundaries of British
Columbia,” in clause 1.
The case law with respect to land base rights is constantly
evolving. We considered the example that the member is referring to in
the development of clause 3. I’m well aware of the example the member is
referring to because it actually took place in my
constituency.
J. Rustad: After waiting close to ten minutes to get an answer, that was a
non-answer once again. I apologize for pointing that out. I asked a
simple question, whether or not….
I guess some more context is required. The intent, by my
understanding, of UNDRIP…. The process that First Nations want to go
through is to decolonialize, to move away from the colonial systems that
have been imposed upon First Nations.
When you think about the boundaries and where nations lived in
their traditional territory…. We have these artificial lines, whether
it’s the line between two different countries or the line between two
different provinces or territories. We put these lines on the map, but
their territories don’t necessarily follow those lines. Maybe
they do in some cases, but in most cases, they don’t. These are straight
lines like, for example, latitudes and longitudes.
There is a nation — and the minister is well aware of this case —
that exists in the United States, that used to exist in Canada, that has
traditional territory within British Columbia. I am simply asking the
question if that nation is not considered a First Nation under this act,
even though they have traditional territory that extends into British
Columbia.
[N. Letnick in the chair.]
[3:00 p.m.]
The Chair: Minister.
Hon. K. Conroy: Thank you, Chair. Welcome to the chair.
For the member, in direct answer to his question, no one is
avoiding his questions. I’m certainly not avoiding his questions. I am
just simply explaining to the member that the example the member is
referring to is better canvassed under clause 3 of this act.
R. Merrifield: I seek leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
Introductions by Members
R. Merrifield: I rise today to make a special introduction. There’s a very special
guest here today, and she’s joined us from my hometown and riding of
Kelowna-Mission. Her name is Helene Letnick. She’s an extraordinary woman, a
mother and a grandmother of almost three, a wife and an artist. If anyone
wants to see her artistry, please come to my office. You are welcome to see
the beautiful painting that hangs behind my desk of the Okanagan.
I actually went to Helene and said: “I need something from the
Okanagan that reminds me of home for my office.” There’s no better artist,
because I have many of her paintings, actually, in my home as well. I have
known Helene for almost as long as I have known her husband, the Chair
today.
When I asked the member for Kelowna–Lake Country and our Chair today
how he would describe Helene, he responded by saying, simply: “She’s my
home, my best friend and my soulmate.”
Would the House please join me in welcoming Helene here
today.
The Chair: Okay, member for Nechako Lakes. Can you top that?
J. Rustad: No, I can’t. But I really appreciate, hon. Chair, the offer for me to
do that. I might be able to in terms of talking about my own special lady
who is my lifelong partner, but that would be a serious deviation from
discussing Bill 14 and
section 1.
Debate Continued
J. Rustad: I asked the minister a direct question. She didn’t answer once
again. Why she’s being elusive or evasive on this, I don’t know. The
simple question…. Maybe I’ll just put it in as few words as I possibly
can so I can give her as much time as she wants to formulate her
answer.
Is the nation in question — I call Syilx, the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt — considered a First
Nation under this act? If it is not, even though it has traditional
territory within British Columbia, why is it not considered a First
Nation under this act?
Interjection.
[3:05 p.m.]
The Chair: The committee will recess for ten minutes.
The committee recessed from 3:06 p.m. to 3:23 p.m.
[N. Letnick in the chair.]
Hon. K. Conroy: I just wanted to confirm, make sure that I was stating this
accurately. I’ve received legal advice that on the question of whether
the sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt are a nation in B.C.
for the purpose of this bill, it hasn’t been determined by the
courts. The court case only determined that the individual had hunting
rights but not whether they had land rights as determined by this
bill.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that.
What gave the individual the rights for hunting was the fact that
it was their traditional territory. The ambiguity of the definition of
“First Nation” in this act leads to a question that will go to courts.
Is it the minister’s intention to leave this blank and allow the courts
to define what a First Nation is? Or would the minister prefer that this
Legislature define what the meaning of “First Nation” is?
Hon. K. Conroy: I believe the definition defines what a First Nation is when it
comes to this bill.
[3:25 p.m.]
J. Rustad: I anticipated that would be the minister’s response. Let me read
it once again into the record. It means “a first nation whose
traditional territory includes land within the boundaries of British
Columbia.”
I’m going to come back to this particular nation in terms of the
question, but I’m going to ask it through other, similar issues, because
the case that we are talking about is a case of a nation that used to
exist in British Columbia, that had a defined traditional territory
within British Columbia, but was considered extinct because the last
person either passed away or moved into the United States.
That does leave it with a question of an Indigenous group or
Indigenous body, which we in this province call First Nations, that down
in the States has a connection to British Columbia because of its
traditional territory — “traditional,” of course, meaning historic
territory, unless the minister is talking about current
territory.
Let me, then, ask a question around First Nations. There are many
neighbouring nations, whether they are in the Yukon, the Territories,
Alberta or Alaska, whose traditional territories, long before we came
around and created this province of British Columbia, had extended into
British Columbia. In fact, I’ve had meetings with a number of First
Nations from the Yukon who are asking to revive mining projects or to
receive benefit agreements because their traditional territories go down
and extend into British Columbia as part of that.
I’ll ask the minister the question. Are any of the nations that
reside within Canada, particularly in the Yukon, whose traditional
territories come down into British Columbia and are recognized in
British Columbia — as a matter of fact, they have a strength of claim
associated with those territories in British Columbia, which is used by
the Attorney General’s office for when we’re moving projects forward —
considered First Nations under this act?
Hon. K. Conroy: That would best be canvassed under clause 3.
J. Rustad: Hon. Chair, that is actually quite, once again, a very evasive —
and quite frankly, I find, offending — response by this minister. I am
asking about the definition of a First Nation. Clause 3 is about a
sheltering act. I do not understand why the minister would not be able
to provide an answer associated with the definition of a First Nation,
which is in clause 1.
The question is that there are nations in the Yukon which have
territory. I will read this again: it means “a first nation whose
traditional territory includes land within the boundaries of British
Columbia.” These nations have traditional territory that extends into
British Columbia. Are they considered a First Nation under this act? If
they are not, why would they not be considered a First Nation, given the
definition as it’s written?
Hon. K. Conroy: It does not exclude First Nations whose boundaries may be only
partly within the borders of B.C.
J. Rustad: Okay, that’s an interesting way of saying it. I was looking for a
yes or no. So it doesn’t exclude First Nations whose territories go into
British Columbia. Then the minister said earlier that it only included
the 204 nations within British Columbia. Could the minister please
clarify which answer is correct?
[3:30 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: The quick answer is that the answer is yes. It recognizes the 204
recognized nations that we have the duty to consult with, which also
includes some nations which are in the Yukon and Northwest Territories,
which is the definition we have put forth in the bill: “‘first nation’
means a first nation whose traditional territory includes land within
the boundaries of British Columbia.”
J. Rustad: I wonder if we should bother going back into Hansard . The
question I originally asked the minister associated with the definition
of a First Nation was: how many nations outside of British Columbia —
outside of the 204 nations that reside in British Columbia that have
communities, that live in British Columbia — are considered to be First
Nations under this act? I believe that was roughly the question I asked.
The minister responded by saying that it was just the 204 First Nations
within British Columbia that are considered First Nations.
Maybe I will re-ask my original question of the minister. Can the
minister provide a list of nations that are not part of the 204 that
reside within British Columbia that have traditional territories that go
within British Columbia that would be potentially considered a First
Nation under Bill 14?
[3:35 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: Yes, we’ll get the member a list.
J. Rustad: It’s unfortunate we’ve spent an hour to answer the first question
that I had, in terms of going around through all of this, but c’est
la vie. We have until June to finish this bill, so we will find
our way through it as we go.
I want to move on to another question around the definition of a
First Nation and recognizing that in British Columbia, and that is to
the historic treaty of treaty 8. There are a number of nations
associated with treaty 8, some residing outside of British Columbia.
They have rights for hunting within the territory of treaty 8, as
they’ve adhered to treaty 8.
Does the definition of First Nation include treaty 8 nations which
may not reside within British Columbia?
Hon. K. Conroy: The nations of treaty 8 who have traditional territory within B.C.
are part of the 204 nations.
J. Rustad: When Site C was under consideration for construction and the
disturbance of Site C in the treaty 8 territory, there were nations who
did not reside within British Columbia — in other words, they did not
have communities within British Columbia — that were consulted because
of the impact to their traditional territory and to their treaty 8
rights.
I’m just wondering, similar to the situation we have in the Yukon,
whether the minister would care to have another look at that to
determine whether or not there are any Treaty 8 Nations other than the
ones that have communities within British Columbia that may be
considered a First Nation under this act.
Hon. K. Conroy: I don’t understand how that’s relevant to this bill. Could the
member please explain so we can have an answer?
J. Rustad: Well, it’s clear under clause 1 of this act. It says: “‘first
nation’ means a first nation whose traditional territory includes land
within the boundaries of British Columbia.”
Clearly, when there was the impact of resource development in the
northeast of the province, there were First Nations that did not reside
within British Columbia that were consulted and accommodations offered
for impact on their territory and their rights.
I’m curious — just as it was with the nations in the Yukon,
potentially nations in the Northwest Territories — whether or not any of
those Treaty 8 Nations are considered to be First Nations within the act
that don’t have communities within British Columbia.
[3:40 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: The consultation on Site C was for specifics of that project.
Today it’s about adding a provision regarding the obligation of
decision-makers under the act to consider relevant Indigenous knowledge;
to add provisions governing the confidentiality of Indigenous knowledge;
and add a provision authorizing the minister responsible for the act to
enter into agreements with First Nations or groups of First Nations in
B.C. regarding sheltering, a traditional practice whereby a host First
Nation permits members of another First Nation to harvest wildlife
within the host’s treaty harvest area or traditional
territory.
I don’t feel that what the member is asking is actually relative
to what we’re trying to put forward here in this bill.
J. Rustad: I see the pattern continues, so we’ll take an hour carrying on
with this until we get to the core of the answer.
The question, and the reason for this question, is really quite
simple. Under clause 1, it says, under “definition”: “‘first nation’
means a first nation whose traditional territory includes land within
the boundaries of British Columbia.”
[3:45 p.m.]
This is relevant simply because it is used as the foundation for
other sections in this act, in terms of what a nation is able to do,
present or be involved in as part of this act. It is very important to
get a very clear understanding of what the definition of a First Nation
is.
It’s been clear in the time that we have spent here that the
minister has not been able to provide a clear definition. In the first
case, she came out and said that nations outside of British Columbia
were not included — that it was just the 204 within. After an hour of
going back and forth in debate, she has conceded that there are nations
outside of British Columbia that are included.
My understanding of this and the need for asking these questions,
particularly around Treaty 8 nations, is because they have a claim, a
potential claim, of territory within British Columbia.
We will get to those questions in a bit. The importance here is
very clear. If there is going to be a nation that is going to create an
agreement that has traditional territory that is defined as a nation
within British Columbia, it’s important that all people in British
Columbia, First Nation and non–First Nation, understand the
ramifications of the definition of “First Nation,” which is why I’m
spending so much time on this particular clause.
For example, I’ve asked about the nation across the States that we
spent a great deal of time talking about, because I wanted to be able to
understand whether it was considered a First Nation within British
Columbia. If it was, then it would actually have the ability to have a
hosting agreement, to be a host First Nation. If it’s not, then it
wouldn’t have that ability.
My only way to know that is to know whether it is, by definition
of clause 1, a First Nation. We now understand there are nations within
the Yukon and potentially other jurisdictions in Canada that do have a
claim within British Columbia and are considered a nation under this
within British Columbia, which then would give them the right, according
to this act, to be able to participate in the clauses in the future, of
the clauses that we’re yet to debate, within this act.
It’s very important to get a clear understanding from the
minister, which is why I keep insisting: what nations are included, and
what aren’t? Earlier the minister said she would provide me a list of
those nations from up in the Yukon, but it does leave me to wonder
whether or not the minister had even considered this and at the fact
that she wouldn’t have a list like that available right away to be able
to provide to this House so that there would be clarity, so that people
— Indigenous, non-Indigenous — across this province would understand the
intention of what the minister is trying to do with Bill 14.
I’ll ask again. It doesn’t have to be in the context of Treaty 8,
and it certainly doesn’t have to be in the context of Site C. I only
used Site C as an example of why nations were included. But my
understanding of the historic Treaty 8 is that nations who have adhered
to Treaty 8 have rights within the boundaries of Treaty 8, which include
British Columbia. Those rights include hunting and gathering in terms of
their traditional way of life.
This is why I’m asking whether or not nations within Treaty 8 are
considered to be a First Nation under this act. If they aren’t
considered to be a First Nation under this act, the minister could
simply just say that. That would clarify it, and we’d be able to move
on. We wouldn’t have to go through this long rigmarole and process, but
the minister doesn’t seem to want to be clear in terms of these
questions.
The two questions I have are: does the minister have the list of
those nations up front? Has she actually talked to the nations within
British Columbia and those outside of British Columbia about this act —
that it would be considered First Nations in terms of those up in the
Yukon? And are any of the other Treaty 8 nations, outside of the six or
seven or whichever it is that are in British Columbia, considered to be
a First Nation under this act?
Hon. K. Conroy: I understand I have been fairly clear with the answer. The member
maybe has trouble understanding. The answer is yes. If a First Nation
has a treaty right or traditional territory in British Columbia, then we
would consider them a First Nation under the act —
an act that was
co-developed with First Nations from B.C.,
an act that First Nations
agreed to the
definitions of,
an act that the First Nations were very
involved in.
[3:50 p.m.]
Yes, if a First Nation has a treaty right or a traditional
territory recognized in B.C., then we would consider them a First Nation
under the act.
J. Rustad: That was the first time in almost two years that I’ve actually
heard a very straightforward and clear answer to a very complex
question. It took quite a while to get here, and it certainly does not
line up with what the minister said originally. If the minister is
wondering why I have trouble understanding her answers, maybe she should
go back and look at Hansard , because what she has been saying
all along is not what she just said. If she had started with that, we
would have saved ourselves a whole bunch of time and grief.
That’s an interesting answer, and I really do appreciate the
minister being very clear on that. Nations outside of British Columbia
are considered nations if they have a traditional territory claim. That
brings me back to the case of the nation across the American border,
whether it is over into Alaska — as there are nations within Alaska
which, according to the Environmental Assessment Act, have the ability
to participate in environmental assessments in British Columbia — or in
the particular case that we’ve spent a great deal of time talking about,
with the Syilx First Nation associated with the Okanagan
Alliance.
Perhaps, with the new definition that the minister has just
provided, she could provide me an update as to whether or not any nation
which resides outside of Canada and which has a claim of territory
within British Columbia would be considered a First Nation under this
act.
Hon. K. Conroy: Just to be clear, the answer is if a First Nation has a treaty
right or a traditional territory in B.C., then we would consider them in
this act.
J. Rustad: Hon. Chair, I just need to ask…. We spent a great deal of time
talking about that particular nation. Does that include the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt people that are south
of the border, south of the Okanagan Alliance, into the United
States?
Hon. K. Conroy: I believe I’ve already answered that.
J. Rustad: If you want to take a ten-minute recess, I can pull up all the
Hansard s and go look.
The question has not been answered. As a matter of fact, the
minister went out, conferred with the Attorney General, came back and
talked about the change in case law but did not answer, yes or no, as to
whether or not that nation has been included. It’s a simple question. If
it has been answered before, it would only take you a couple of seconds
to answer.
Is that nation considered a First Nation under this
act?
The Chair: Just for clarity, Nechako Lakes, are you asking for a
recess?
J. Rustad: No, I’m not. Hansard would not have the information
available. My apologies, Mr. Chair.
The Chair: Okay. Thank you.
Hon. K. Conroy: As I said, in the case of the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt, the court had no
findings with respect to the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt in the context of
land in B.C.
J. Rustad: You know, all I’m asking for is the minister just to say yes or
no. She seems to understand it very clearly. Can she just answer yes or
no, please?
Interjection.
The Chair: The minister is asking: “To what question?”
J. Rustad: I just asked her a question — whether or not that nation is
considered a First Nation under this act. It’s a simple yes-or-no
question.
[3:55 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: As I said, case law regarding Aboriginal rights, recognized and
affirmed by
section 35 of the Constitution Act, is constantly evolving.
As I also said, the court had no findings with respect to the
sʔalt̕ik̓ʷt in the context of
land in British Columbia.
J. Rustad: Where we’re at — just to summarize this for you, Mr. Chair — is
that regarding a nation that exists across the border into the United
States, the minister is not saying yes or no. In other words, it will be
an empty-vessel law that will be ultimately be filled by the court, once
it’s challenged, because the minister is refusing to have a definition
one way or the other.
I suppose that whether the minister had a definition one way or
the other, it could still be open to challenge and defined by the
courts. But it is unfortunate that we’re not in a situation…. The courts
do not have guidance from this Legislature, in terms of what the intent
of the definition of a First Nation is, associated with a nation that
may have a claim from outside of British Columbia into British
Columbia.
That’s very unfortunate, but we have canvassed that and the
minister refuses to answer, so that is just fine. Well, it’s not fine,
but it is what it is.
Part of the process of defining a First Nation we have canvassed
through, but I think the key piece in here under the definition, under
clause 1 — a First Nation is “traditional territory.” Perhaps let’s
start off with a straightforward question — which, I understand, will
not have a straightforward answer: how is “traditional territory”
defined within a particular nation within British Columbia?
[4:00 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: We’re just trying to get to the nub of what the member is asking.
I really would like him to define what he is referring to. There’s no
definition of “traditional territory,” I believe, in any legislation
because it’s constantly evolving in the law. If there’s something that
he has a better understanding of, maybe he could let us know.
J. Rustad: Well, I mean, this is, to use the language the minister used, the
nub of the issue: traditional territory. Under this, “‘first nation’
means a first nation whose traditional territory includes land within
the boundaries of British Columbia.” How is that land defined within the
traditional territory?
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
Hon. K. Conroy: The term “traditional territory” is a commonly used term in case
law and in day-to-day usage.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for the vocabulary lesson on traditional
territory. I was asking specifically about how the land is defined
within a traditional territory.
[4:05 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: If the member could clarify. If the member is actually referring
to overlapping…. The member can roll his eyes, but I have staff here
that are trying to understand what the member is asking as well. I would
appreciate some consideration for the staff that are here.
If the member is actually referring to overlapping territories, we
get into that…. It can be canvassed in
section 3 of the act.
J. Rustad: I know the minister would like to rush through this bill and just
tuck it all away and not answer questions. I get that’s what the
minister wants to do. I suppose she doesn’t want to defend this act in
terms of why she’s brought it in and the meanings in here.
The reality is that we’re on clause 1, the definition of a First
Nation. A First Nation means a traditional territory includes land
within British Columbia.
There is a process that is undertaken by First Nations and the
province, which isn’t always in agreement — and the federal government
is involved — which defines land, the area of which would be considered
as part of the traditional territory of a First Nation. What I’m trying
to understand from this minister is what she has used and what she is
considering using with regards to land that would ultimately define
whether or not a First Nation is in British Columbia.
For example, we spent a great deal of time talking about First
Nations that are outside of British Columbia who have a traditional
territory that comes within British Columbia. A traditional territory —
which is set up somehow, in some way defined — of the land that is
within British Columbia. So I’m trying to understand, from the minister,
what the process is that is being used by this government — and,
certainly, in reference to Bill 14 — that would define the land within
British Columbia that comprises a traditional territory of any given
nation.
Hon. K. Conroy: B.C. has been engaged with First Nations for many years and has
developed an understanding of the traditional territories that they each
identify, areas that we consult with them and engage with them in other
agreement negotiations as well. This is a long-standing tradition in
this province.
J. Rustad: I appreciate the minister’s response with that.
I’ll quote a former Chief from the Burns Lake Band who was told
that their traditional territory was traditionally where they walked or
where they wandered about. There are other nations that have fought for
territory and have a much clearer definition of where their traditional
territory may be.
[4:10 p.m.]
There are some nations that, quite frankly, through the B.C.
treaty process, have expanded their boundaries for the purpose of trying
to claim additional territory, even though it was not their original
territory, so that they can see benefits and, potentially, better
settlements through agreements.
How a traditional territory is defined makes up a very significant
component of this bill. In particular…. I mean, we’re talking about a
First Nation, and we’re talking about the definition of a First Nation
within British Columbia.
Obviously, this could impact, potentially, nations outside of the
province that have a claim within British Columbia. It certainly
wouldn’t change the definition of a First Nation within British
Columbia, although it does lead into questions further on down in the
act in terms of the traditional territory, as the minister has pointed
out, which we will get to when the time comes.
I’m trying to understand whether or not the inclusion of the words
“traditional territory” is part of the definition of a First Nation, if
there is a strength of claim associated with it, if it is just what is
put forth by a nation, whether there’s any other information that’s
required to be part of it — so whether a nation can or cannot be
included within the boundaries of British Columbia and within the
definition of a First Nation.
Hon. K. Conroy: The nations identify to us the areas in which they occupy and for
the exercise of their rights. This is represented in a consultative area
database and reflected in a statement of intent in the treaty process.
The consultative area database contains information provided to us by
the First Nations — for example, traditional use studies, Elders’
representations and archaeology information.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that answer.
Just to be clear, the question around this is: is there a
verification process that the province would use to determine whether or
not there are traditional boundaries within British Columbia and that
they would be considered as part of a First Nation? Or is it something
that is put forward as a statement of claim through the treaty or other
processes and then just accepted by the province?
Hon. K. Conroy: The nations identify to us the areas in which they occupy and for
the exercise of their rights. As I said, this is represented in a
consultative area database and reflected in a statement of intent in the
treaty process.
The member might not wish to hear this, but he is really asking
questions that would better be canvassed directly under clause 3, which
I have said a number of times. I don’t know why the member has such
apprehension about moving forward on this bill when, obviously…. What
he’s asking is in direct reference to clause 3, under the agreements in
clause 3, which would much better be able to answer — rather than
cherry-picking under
section 1. This is definitely in clause
[4:15 p.m.]
In no way, shape, do I want to rush through a bill. I want to make
sure that everybody understands this bill. This bill was co-developed by
Indigenous nations. I very much appreciate the work that was done with
them. They agreed to the
definitions that we are discussing.
I feel that the member would be far better served to have his
questions answered in direct relation to clause 3. He might be able to
understand better what we’re trying to achieve here.
J. Rustad: I appreciate the minister’s comments.
As I have said before…. It’s worthy of repeating. I’m stressing
this issue about a definition of First Nation because…. It talks about
the land “whose traditional territory includes land within the
boundaries of British Columbia.” Having had the experience I have had, I
do know that there are claims put forward which may or may not be able
to be backed up through evidence, but they are accepted as claims. It’s
a process that has gone through the treaty process. Those processes go
through, and it’s used for many other purposes.
The point of asking the question is…. Once again, it comes to
nations that are outside of British Columbia. I’ll just use, for
example, whether it be the Métis that may claim…. Then, obviously,
within British Columbia, people…. They may claim a territory, for
example, around Kelly Lake. They’ve made a claim. They’ve said that’s
part of their territory. It’s disputed by other First Nations, but there
is a claim that is within that area by the Métis Nation.
There are other nations which have claims within British Columbia,
whether it’s along the boundaries with Alberta or otherwise, that
nations within British Columbia may dispute and say: “No, they don’t.”
But they have a claim. They’ve put a claim in, and that may or may not
be accepted by the province.
What I’m trying to understand, from the minister, is the process
by which the claim of land within the British Columbia boundaries is
determined or verified so that we can determine whether or not nations
are within British Columbia and considered as part of British Columbia
for the purposes of Bill 14.
Hon. K. Conroy: We accept the assessments of First Nations combined with research
and analysis on these claims.
[4:20 p.m.]
J. Rustad: I appreciate that clarification from the minister.
Then maybe a more direct question…. This one should be fairly
straightforward to answer. I just want to make sure it’s clear for me so
that I know, when I’m talking about this bill, I’ve got it clear in my
mind. Do the Métis people in British Columbia, through one of their
organizations, which have a claim of territory within, like I say, the
Kelly Lake area and potentially other areas…. I don’t know. Are they
considered a First Nation under this act?
Hon. K. Conroy: No, they’re not. Métis are not a First Nation. Based on existing
jurisprudence, B.C. does not recognize Métis having land-based rights in
British Columbia.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that answer.
If I may ask for a brief recess, three minutes or so, before we
proceed to any other questions.
The Chair: All right, we will take a brief recess. Thank you,
Members.
The committee recessed from 4:21 p.m. to 4:26 p.m.
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
The Chair: Bill 14, Wildlife Amendment Act, 2022. Currently on clause
J. Rustad: I have no further questions on clause 1.
Clause 1 approved.
On clause 2.
J. Rustad: Clause 2 says: “‘governing body’ in relation to a first nation,
means the governing entity of the first nation, however organized and
established by members of the first nation.” This question of governing
body has been canvassed extensively in a number of estimates or other
bills in the Legislature.
It’s an interesting question, because First Nations organize
differently, and components within First Nations organize differently.
So I think it’s important that we get a clear understanding from the
minister in terms of governing body, in terms of its definition within
this Bill 14. They’re the bodies we understand or know, which we’ve
talked about clearly, which is whether it’s elected or whether it’s a
hereditary system.
There are other governing bodies. There are sub-bodies within
nations, whether it be clans or whether it be, in the case of the
Nak’azdli Whut’en keyoh . I’m wondering, to start off with, if
the minister could provide some guidance to me and to the Legislature
with respect to some examples of governing bodies that the minister
would consider under this act.
Hon. K. Conroy: The definition of the governing body is at the discretion of the
First Nation, and that would be recognized and accepted as they
wish.
J. Rustad: I asked for some examples, but perhaps the minister is not
interested in providing some examples. I could potentially understand
that, as it may not be an extensive list, and she may leave something
out.
[4:30 p.m.]
A real challenge, I think, that there will be within this
definition of a governing body is where there may be a dispute within a
First Nation. Where there is a case — it’s been well documented in terms
of the Wet’suwet’en — between the elected and the hereditary system, and
even within the hereditary system, there has been dispute within the
nation. How will the government determine who has the authority as a
governing body associated with a desire to follow the instruments that
are created under Bill 14?
Hon. K. Conroy: The nations would determine their governance structure.
J. Rustad: So in a case where two groups of Indigenous people claiming to be
from the same nation came and made a claim that they are the official
governing body, would the government recognize one over another? Would
the government say to both of them: “You cannot enter into an agreement
until this is resolved”? How would the government manage a dispute which
undoubtedly will arise between who is the governing body as defined
under this act?
Hon. K. Conroy: In situations like that, we would engage the entities and put that
question to them.
J. Rustad: Where there is no resolution within a nation, as there currently
is in many circumstances, how would that impact on the nation’s ability
to have a governing body that would be able to enter into an agreement
under this act?
The Chair: Is it possible to repeat the question, Member? You kind of
faded out at the end there.
J. Rustad: I will do my best. I was referring to situations in British
Columbia where there is dispute between Indigenous people within a
nation as to who the official governing body is. Where that dispute
cannot be resolved within the nation — the nation does not come to
agreement — then does that mean for the minister that nation will be
ineligible to enter into any sort of arrangements that are defined under
Bill 14?
It’s an important piece to know, because…. The Wet’suwet’en is the
example I’ve used, but having had the experience and engagement with
First Nations across the province, there are many disputes within
nations. Some more vocal and recognized; some not.
There are many, many cases across the province where a hereditary
chief has made a claim of the nation itself, or the governing body…. I
shouldn’t say governing body, because that’s what we’re trying to define
here. The elected body and even other hereditary entities within the
nation do not recognize a claim, but a claim has been made.
I’m trying to understand — for the purposes of wildlife
management, for the purpose of entering into Bill 14 through the
agreements that are in place — how the government would be able to
recognize or authorize these agreements where there is a dispute amongst
the nation as to who has the authority to be able to enter into that
type of an agreement.
Hon. K. Conroy: Many communities have sorted this out, and where they haven’t, we
wouldn’t anticipate being able to proceed with an agreement under this
act.
J. Rustad: That helps, certainly, in terms of understanding.
[4:35 p.m.]
My concern is there are many nations that have worked it out
historically, have resolved this, but because of this government’s
approach on issues, particularly with the Wet’suwet’en but on some other
issues associated with it, there are becoming increasing number of
individuals, hereditary chiefs or otherwise, who are making a claim.
Whether they’re hereditary chiefs or not is not for me to determine, but
they’re making a claim that they are the ones who are the legitimate
governing entity of a nation.
As those increase, there is the potential…. For example, if an
individual decides that they do not like that a sheltering agreement may
be entered into under Bill 14 with the entity that is currently
considered the governing body, they make a claim and say, “No, you can’t
enter into that because I’m the official governing body of that area as
a hereditary chief or a clan” or whatever the case may be.
I’m just trying to get some clarity from the minister as to
whether or not this process can be stymied by individuals or groups that
make a claim to be a governing body or whether the province will make
any effort to adjudicate the value of a particular claim.
Hon. K. Conroy: I have a great deal of faith in the nations in British Columbia,
and there are many that have sorted this out.
This is about self-determination, and we look to nations to advise
us. Many governments, Indigenous and not, have differences of
agreements, and we look to the nations to advise us on this. Again, I
have a great deal of…. I feel that nations will be able to work this
out. I have a great deal of faith in nations in this
province.
J. Rustad: I’m happy to see that being the case, and I know that nations will
make the best efforts to work it out. But I guess, just for clarity
then, where a nation cannot work it out, for whatever reason, within a
nation as to what the governing body is, does that mean that the
province will not allow agreements or authorities under Bill 14 to
proceed?
Hon. K. Conroy: We don’t anticipate this. Again, I have great deal of faith in the
nations. This is about self-determination. We wouldn’t be able to enter
into an agreement if they weren’t able to come to an agreement
themselves, but again, I have faith that would not happen.
J. Rustad: I appreciate that answer from the minister. The minister is saying
if there isn’t agreement, then the components of Bill 14 would not be
able to be proceeded with for that nation until such time as they have
agreement. If I’m wrong about that…? If the minister could just confirm
that.
Hon. K. Conroy: Yes, that is what I said.
The Chair: On clause 2, Member.
J. Rustad: I’m on clause 2. Thank you.
Specifically, various nations take the management of land to be
quite different. The example I have talked about at length with the
Nak’azdli Whut’en, which has the keyoh system where each family
is responsible for an area within their territory, and obviously those
families have responsibility in terms of what would be happening within
their particular area of concern.
[4:40 p.m.]
In that case where, for example, the Nak’azdli Whut’en is
interested in entering into an agreement that may, of course…. Wildlife
wanders across boundaries. They don’t stick within boundaries. They may
go across many different areas.
I just want to make sure I’ve got some clarity that the nation
itself would have to determine — I’m asking the minister if this is
correct — within its own boundaries, whatever governance, whatever
authority would be required before they would then be able to enter into
agreement with the province, which would then be struck, be able to
proceed. Or would individuals that have authority within a nation be
able to enter into an agreement with the province, leaving the nation
aside?
Hon. K. Conroy: Just for clarification, this is an agreement with nations, not
with individuals. We’ll get into more clarity around the specific
questions the member is asking about in clause 3.
J. Rustad: Thank you for that. We’re perhaps into clause 2, the governing
body of a nation, which means “the governing entity of a first nation,
however organized and established by the members of the first
nation.”
There are cases — for example, more recently, of the Tl’azt’en
First Nation, which split apart from one of its original members. There
was a group of nations that had first come together and eventually then
split apart. It went through a process that took many years to actually
create its own entity and have its own authority.
Where we have the grouping of these nations, such as the Lake
Babine Nation or Tl’azt’en Nation and others across the province, there
may be desire by a component — which may be considered a First Nation
but may be considered part of a larger body, such as the Lake Babine
Nation — that is interested in entering into agreement. Under those
sorts of terms, does the internal entity within a group of First Nations
have the ability, as the governing body for their territory or for their
people, to enter into this agreement, or must it go through the broader
body?
I’m thinking in some cases, for example, you may have the
situation where a group of nations come together as part of a tribal
council that wants to speak on behalf — or currently does speak on
behalf, and may be called a nation. But there might be individual
nations that want to do things differently.
I’m just trying to understand from the minister how that governing
body would be structured in a case like that where there is a subset
that has an authority over land and its own governing structure but also
falls within a larger governing structure.
[4:45 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: If there are sub-governance structures that are recognized by the
nations, then we would recognize them too.
J. Rustad: I have no further questions on clause 2.
Clause 2 approved.
On clause 3.
J. Rustad: We’re getting into, now, the sheltering agreement. At the start of
clause 3, it says: “‘guest’ means a member of a first nation who, under
a sheltering agreement, hunts in the traditional territory of the host
first nation.”
There has been quite a lot of controversy over the years in terms
of who is a member of a First Nation and who is not. In some cases, it’s
because it’s a matriarchal society with a matriarchal lineage, and the
federal government has come in and some of the courts have come in with
some
definitions. So I’m wondering if the minister can provide some
clarity in terms of who is considered to be a member of a First
Nation.
[4:50 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: Under clause 3 of the sheltering agreement, recognition of a
member of the First Nation is at the purview of the First
Nation.
J. Rustad: There actually is a great dispute around this, which is why I’m
asking. This is around somebody who can be a guest. For example, we have
about 250,000 to 270,000 people who identify as Indigenous people in
British Columbia. Only a portion of those are actually attached to a
First Nation directly.
Many, of course, have…. There is intermarriage. There are a number
of things that happen over time. There has been a lot of dispute, in
terms of nations and benefits and who receives benefits from a nation.
For example, a nation will help out some people for education and for
all kinds of things. So this is a pretty interesting, a pretty
significant, issue associated with this. That’s the reason for asking
the question.
I mean, it’s clear, I think, what the minister is trying to do
here. I’m just trying to make sure there isn’t a situation where this
piece of legislation opens up a nation to a particular challenge. For
example, Indigenous people have the right to hunt within their
traditional territory and have the right to harvest, even though they
may not be attached to a First Nation. I’m just wondering how that will
be resolved.
What’s the priority? If I hear the minister correctly, the
minister said the only way an individual could be considered a guest
means that the First Nation would have to have them recognized as a
member of that nation. Is that correct?
Hon. K. Conroy: Yes.
J. Rustad: That’s interesting. Is there any means test that is required by
the province to verify whether an individual is truly a member of a
nation?
Hon. K. Conroy: Further to my other answer, this isn’t really…. I don’t understand
how this is relevant, when it’s up to the purview of the First
Nation.
J. Rustad: Well, this bill is put together with the best of intentions, but
there is the potential for abuse — not that I would make an accusation
that would happen, but it could happen. As we have seen, historically,
there are occasions where you have leaders that will take advantage of a
position.
For example, somebody may say…. I’m just using a fictitious name.
Maybe Bob decides that some friend of his who lives down in Wyoming is a
member of their nation and would be able to enter into an agreement, as
a member of their nation, with another nation to be able to go and
hunt.
[4:55 p.m.]
I’m trying to understand whether or not there is any verification
process or any authority by the government to look at this or whether
this is completely up to the First Nations and the province is
abdicating its authority for managing [audio interrupted] the province
of British Columbia?
Hon. K. Conroy: Sheltering agreements have been in existence for a long time. I
have faith in the nations, and again, it’s at the purview of the
nations.
J. Rustad: So the answer to the question is no. The province did not have any
oversight in terms of that. That authority is completely turned over to
the First Nation.
That’s fair enough. That’s what the government has decided to do.
But it’s just clear to have an understanding of that. Whoever a First
Nation determines is a member of their nation, or makes a claim of being
a member of their nation, is sufficient enough for that.
Maybe just one other quick little thing around this. Does the
individual who is considered to be a guest, meaning a member of a First
Nation…? Does that individual have to be recognized federally as
identified as Indigenous?
[5:00 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: Just to clarify, the member referred to the province abdicating
its broad responsibilities for wildlife management under this act. This
is not happening here. The scope of these amendments relates to
sheltering agreements, agreements that have been in existence for a long
time in this province.
In relation to the last question the member asked, where an
individual is recognized as a member of a First Nation for sheltering
purposes, it’s under the purview of the host First Nation, as it has
always been.
J. Rustad: Does the individual, under the definition of a “guest…”? Do they
have to be Canadian?
Hon. K. Conroy: They have to be a First Nation, recognized, and it’s at the
purview of the nation.
J. Rustad: The reason why I made that claim about this was…. We’ll get into
further discussion on where there isn’t the need for reporting or even
following anything that’s in the Wildlife Act, as defined there, which
leads me to that claim.
My concern here, though, in the first part of clause 3, under
“guest,” is that it is completely up to a First Nation as to who they
would decide to have as a guest, who they would like to define as a
member of their nation. They could define a foreigner. They could define
somebody who is not Indigenous. There is no definition of what a guest
may be. Of course, traditionally, that wasn’t the case.
We seem to be in a situation here where there is an opportunity….
Whether a First Nation decides to do this or not, through their
leadership, I guess is up to them. There seems to be an opportunity for
a First Nation to be able to look at basically anybody they’d like and
recognize them as a member and allow them to enter into an agreement
with another host nation and to be available for a hunt. You’ve got
rules in the Wildlife Act that prohibit that from happening, unless
you’re a guide-outfitter and you have an opportunity to do
that.
That’s the reason for asking these questions around who is
considered to be a guest. The province is saying…. The minister is
saying, unless she says otherwise, that there is no oversight. There are
no requirements. There is no reporting. There is no declaration that
needs to be made. There’s nothing. It just allows the First Nation to do
what a First Nation wants to do.
I understand the intentions of what government is saying. There
are laws that are in place in this province in terms of our ability to
bill access on hunting, and this is a loophole to get around those laws,
if a nation so desires to do so. I think, as a province, we are going a
very dangerous path — to set up a structure, in place, to legalize the
ability to not follow our laws in terms of wildlife
management.
The minister said, in her opening comments in second reading on
this bill, that wildlife is a special place. It’s part of the culture of
who we are as a province. This is why I’m going into such great detail
on this bill.
[5:05 p.m.]
It is. It’s incredibly important. It is of high value to everyone.
Whether you live in an apartment in downtown Vancouver or whether you
live at the end of a road, maybe not even on a road, out in the middle
of nowhere, you’re relying on your wildlife for your fridge, to feed
your family.
We all have this connection to wildlife in this province. It is a
very critical part of who we are and what we identify as British
Columbia, which is why the Wildlife Act and the importance of managing
wildlife are so critical.
It’s disturbing to think that the minister is bringing in this
bill with no checks, with no balances, with no oversight, with no need
for reporting and no way to be able to do any verification. That is not
good wildlife management. That’s not necessarily sustainable management.
I mean, yes, we’re relying on First Nations to go and be good citizens
of the province and follow the intent of what the minister is trying to
do.
I’m fully sure that many First Nations, if not most First Nations,
will do that, but there is now created the opportunity through this
without having any of these verifications in place.
Perhaps I’ll just put it directly to the minister with this. Is it
the minister’s intent to not have any verification process by the
government as to who can be a guest associated with clause 3?
[5:10 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: There is no loophole here. I can’t stress that enough. There’s
absolutely no loophole. I mean, this bill was co-developed with
Indigenous nations, and this is a continuation of sheltering agreements.
A guest must be a member of a First Nation.
If the member is inferring that this legislation will allow
members to bring anybody in, that’s not what this is inferring. Guests
must be a member of a First Nation. It is the purview of the First
Nations to accept those guests, those First Nations guests, which are
defined…. We’ve just spent considerable time going over what a “First
Nation” means. It’s already…. That’s been defined. We’ve spent many
hours on that.
A guest must be a member of a First Nation. I just want to make
that very clear. This is something that was co-developed by nations.
Nations agree on it. This is what they do in their sheltering
agreements. This is not about bringing in foreign hunters. It’s not
about any of that. This is an agreement with host nations that bring in
a guest from another First Nation.
J. Rustad: Since there is no way to be able to verify whether a guest is
actually Indigenous or even a member of a First Nation except by the
claim of a First Nation, then I would dispute what the minister has just
said in terms of this. There is no oversight on that, and it relies
entirely on the goodwill of the First Nation which claims a member as a
guest.
I’ll just give you another example as part of this. I’ll just use
a fictitious name. Bob, who is a member of XYZ First Nation, enters into
a sheltering agreement with a host nation and invites Joe, his friend,
to come along and hunt. Nothing wrong with that. He’s invited him to
come along and hunt. But there is no way to know or verify that Bob
wasn’t actually just bringing Joe along because Joe is now going to be
allowed to go and hunt, take an animal out of British Columbia — or
within British Columbia, whatever the case may be.
There is no verification process. There is no way that the
province is giving any oversight into whom a guest may be and who gets
to, ultimately, harvest that animal and use it for whatever purposes
they decide to use it for.
This is why I’m concerned about this agreement. I’m concerned
about the way the whole bill is written, quite frankly, because it
leaves many loopholes, as we’ve already found, associated with the
definition of a First Nation to include nations outside of the province
— and potentially outside of the country, should the courts define
that.
Now without any way to be able to verify as a province who a guest
is, as a member of a First Nation, how does the minister expect there to
be able to be confidence in this bill in terms of meeting the objectives
of good, solid wildlife management reporting, conservation, etc.? Or
like I say in my questions that I asked previously, did the minister
just maybe not consider that there could be an abuse of this and
potentially set up in terms of having absolutely no oversight of who a
guest may be?
[5:15 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: First Nations can’t extend their constitutional
section 35 rights
to non-Indigenous peoples. If a non-Indigenous person was coming to hunt
on…. They would have to follow all of the regulations that they’d have
to follow anywhere. They’d have to follow the Wildlife Act. They’d have
to follow all of the regulations.
I’m not sure what the…. I mean, the member seems to be suggesting
something nefarious here. I believe that these sheltering agreements
have been in place for many years, and Indigenous nations have managed
to undertake them. Non-Indigenous people have to abide by the laws of
the land.
J. Rustad: Well, I won’t go where the minister led in terms of whether
Indigenous people should follow the laws of the land as well, but
certainly I agree that non-Indigenous people, and quite frankly, I think
that all people in British Columbia and Canada need to follow the laws
of the land.
That’s what we’re doing here. We’re creating a law. We’re creating
Bill 14, an amendment to the Wildlife Act, and we’re adding provisions
in here.
In terms of a guest, if the province does not have any way to
verify who a guest is, associated as a member of a First Nation under
here, what happens if a conservation officer happens to come across
somebody who’s harvested an animal and asks the individual about it, and
the individual says: “Well, I’m a guest.” How is it that the person
could be verified? “I’m a guest under host agreement.” What is the
process for verifying if that person is actually a guest within a host
nation and that an agreement has been set up?
[5:20 p.m.]
Hon. K. Conroy: Just in reference to what the member said, all people must follow
the numerous laws that we have in this province.
Section 35 of the
Constitution Act, 1982 explicitly recognizes and affirms the existing
Aboriginal and treaty rights, including hunting, fishing and trapping
activities of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada. As a result, First
Nations have rights to hunt according to their nation’s Indigenous laws
and governance systems while within their traditional
territory.
Everyone is abiding by laws. I took exception to what the member
suggested — that this was like a lawlessness in this country. Also,
guests will be required to have some sort of permit that signifies that
they are actually guests hunting with permission on the traditional
territory.
With that, I move that the committee rise, report progress and ask
leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 5:23 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Committee of the Whole (Section B), having reported progress, was
granted leave to sit again.
Committee of Supply (Section A), having reported resolution and
progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Hon. K. Conroy moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 10 a.m. on Monday, April
The House adjourned at 5:24 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
DOUGLAS FIR ROOM
Committee of Supply
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF
CITIZENS’
SERVICES
(continued)
The House in Committee of Supply (Section A); K. Greene in the
chair.
The committee met at 1:06 p.m.
On Vote 21: ministry operations, $656,645,000
(continued) .
The Chair: Good afternoon, everyone. We’re meeting today to continue
consideration of the estimates for the Ministry of Citizens’
Services.
I now recognize the member for Abbotsford South.
B. Banman: Thank you very much, Madam Chair. It’s a pleasure to see you
there.
Before the break, we were talking about some of the issues that
some of the suppliers have with regards to infrastructure. The minister
did mention that there was one ministry that the minister was working
with on this, but in addition to the Ministry of Energy and Mines, what
other specific ministries is the minister working with to help get
connectivity and broadband throughout the province?
Hon. L. Beare: Within government, the three main ministries that we connect with
are Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation as well as FLNRORD, soon to
be Forests, and the Ministry of Transportation and Infrastructure. But
it is, as I said in my previous answer, a whole cross-government
approach. We’ve made this very clear that it’s a priority, so it’s going
to take all of government pulling together to ensure that we’re
connected by 2027.
B. Banman: Thank you to the minister for the answer.
Is the minister taking into consideration changing B.C.’s approval
process to line up with the federal government’s? And underneath that,
one of the issues that I heard, from more than one of the suppliers, is
that there are specific windows of opportunity for building and doing
this. It’s very difficult to do this in 40 below in the middle of
winter. It’s out-and-out dangerous, in fact. So there are
windows.
[1:10 p.m.]
Part of the frustration I heard from the suppliers is that there’s
a disconnect between federal and provincial approval processes and also
that building window as well. Is the minister coordinating those items
with the service providers?
Hon. L. Beare: To the member, our MOU with the federal government ensures that we
do have that increased data sharing so that we’re able to continue to
work with the federal government, coordinate projects and share the
information we have from the province on projects that are in their
tranche, waiting for their approval. We also, on the provincial
permitting side, have a steering committee, across ministries, to help
streamline these processes.
As I said, this is going to be a big effort for all of government,
which we’re all going to be needing to pull together for 2027. We’re all
going to have to do that work, and I’m looking forward to that. This was
a fantastic announcement we made just a couple of weeks ago, and we’re
all going to have to do that work together, moving forward.
B. Banman: Thanks to the minister for the answer.
I want to go back to one item that I sort of briefly touched on
earlier. It’s kind of related to this. Part of that would be to go back
in the history of British Columbia. When the original telecommunications
were put in, there were extraordinary powers given, because it was of
monumental importance to make sure that we had telephones throughout the
province, and also with regard to B.C. Hydro and the electrical poles
that go through.
The frustration that I’ve heard, again, from more than one service
provider, is that the length of time that it takes for either of these
two entities to talk to…. Let’s face it. They’re being asked to have the
competition put communications on their property, basically.
Is there any regulation put in, or any legislation that’ll be
done, to ensure, as we move forward…? As we’ve mentioned, this is of
grave importance for those who do not have connectivity. Has there been
any regulation and/or legislation proposed to force the two major
players, which have the poles, to speed up this process? I hear things
like, “They wait and they wait, wait till the midnight hour, and then
they say: ‘Oh, I’m sorry. We’re reserving that for future expansion of
our own.’”
[1:15 p.m.]
Have we considered putting stuff in to make sure that when other
players come, they’re not reduced in timelines through lack of
cooperation, shall we say, with the other two majors — well, for those
players or for anyone who actually owns the telephone pole structures or
underlying structures that exist?
Hon. L. Beare: I thank the member for raising these issues in the House.
Obviously, we’re very well aware of them. We meet regularly with the
service providers, and this is something we’ve been working on alongside
of them. We’re also, as well as the service providers, meeting with the
Ministry of Energy, Mines to make sure that they’re not only well aware
but working on the situation as well, which has been what’s been
happening.
The member might not be yet aware, because this was good news this
year, that a joint table was struck with Hydro, Telus and the other
major telecom providers to work through these issues. So that’s a
fantastic response from both the ministry and from Hydro to take
proactive action. Telus is regulated by the CRTC for their space on the
poles while Hydro is regulated through our acts for their pieces. But as
I mentioned, we did strike that joint table, which is ensuring that
we’re all working together, which is great news.
B. Banman: I guess I’ve got one more question on that. Over which of the
entities…? There are two that you mentioned — the major players. What
legal authority can the province put on to ensure that those issues are
dealt with in a timely manner? What is the province’s responsibility,
and do we have the ability to do that? Do we actually have the ability
to pass authority over both entities that are the major players, or is
that now separated where it has to be that one is provincial and one is
federal?
Do we really have the ability to ensure, through legislation, that
there are not road blocks or impediments put in the way to get this
done? This is, as we mentioned, in the overall public good. What powers
do we specifically have that we can implement if, by chance, we find
out, with the best of the communications around the table, that things
aren’t getting any better?
[1:20 p.m.]
Hon. L. Beare: My first choice is to continue working at this joint table. I
think we should leave it at that here, because we want to give that
table the opportunity for success. This is great news. This table has
not been struck before. This is the first time, because everyone is so
excited about these announcements and ensuring that we can get the
entire province connected by 2027.
Telus is a private company regulated through the CRTC, so I don’t
have jurisdiction over that. But the ability to work in partnership
alongside these organizations and the telcos together to all pull
together in the same direction…. That’s the place where I want to be
right now.
B. Banman: I do appreciate the minister’s response or answer to that
question. For the most part, I agree. It’s always better when people
come willingly to a table and agree to do stuff. I guess what I want to
know is the insurance. Again, I’ll go back. The area we’re talking about
is the size of France, and we now are creating haves and
have-nots.
Does the minister have the authority through regulation to
actually, if need be, regulate the players into compliance so that they
have to abide by the will of the province?
[1:25 p.m.]
Hon. L. Beare: So in very short, yes, that ability exists. That ability would
exist through the Ministry of Energy and Mines, but as I’ve said, my
step here is to continue working at the joint table, and I think that’s
the appropriate step to take right now.
B. Banman: I appreciate the minister’s answer to that question. I am sure
that if need be…. Again, it’s always better if people come and are
willing participants understand the overall picture of a whole and the
overall good that it does to the province and to the country.
I would say that when it comes to the timeline that was done, as
we know. Five years — 2027 is going to be here faster than any of us
wish to admit. I am sure that if progress is not made, that question
will probably be asked again. We would be asking the minister to do
exactly that — to, through regulation, force compliance. So I do
appreciate that.
I’m going to move on. To the minister: can you please answer for
me if the number of FOI requests has gone down since the fee came into
effect? A simple yes or no would be great.
[1:30 p.m.]
Hon. L. Beare: This change was implemented four or five months ago, so it’s very
early to tell what the actual trend is going to be, because we’re seeing
some months going down, some months going up, in fact, overall. So we’ll
have to wait for the end of the year to see that full trend. But, for
example, in December 2020, there were 379 requests. In December 2021,
there were 374, so that’s a decrease of five. But in January 2020, there
were 436. In January 2021, it went up to 484, so an increase of
We’re seeing a mixed bag, and we’re going to have to wait to see
the mixed bag. I know the member and I are going to have a really deep
discussion about this at next year’s estimates, once that full year has
gone by and we can actually see those trend numbers.
B. Banman: I do appreciate the minister’s answer. I believe that the
minister’s absolutely right that next year we’ll probably have a more
in-depth…. Once we have better data….
In the minister’s mandate letter, and I’m going to quote part of
it, it states: “Improve access to information rules to provide greater
public accountability.”
I guess the question that begs being answered is: how does adding
a fee to non-personal information improve access and provide greater
public accountability?
[1:35 p.m.]
Hon. L. Beare: That mandate commitment is met through a number of ways. The
question was asked about one very specific focus. But the completion of
that mandate direction is achieved through a number of ways. How we’ve
achieved that is by maintaining a high on-time compliance rate despite
high volumes of requests increasing more than 40 percent over a two-year
period, which reached an all-time high of over 13,000 requests in
2019-2020.
We modernized our FOI system to improve how the province receives
and manages FOI requests. We began a multi-year project to improve and
modernize freedom-of-information services. That’s focusing on
timeliness, reducing processing times, making access to information
services easier for citizens. Improvements, to date, are
estimated to save about 400 hours annually.
We’ve made sure that more government information is available to
the public by default without the need of a freedom-of-information
request. So we’ve enhanced access to information through proactive
releases by increasing it. Six more types of government records are now
available to people. That’s a 75 percent increase. There were eight
available before.
We’ve added six more to people to access this information without
a freedom-of-information request. Now that results — and I think this is
a great number for the member and everyone to know — in over 5,000
information releases per year that no longer require an FOI
request.
We made amendments to the Freedom of Information and Protection of
Privacy Act in November ’21 that included a suite of measures to improve
government transparency and accountability, including ministerial power
to add subsidiary entities as new public bodies and implementing
mandatory privacy breach reporting to require notification of the
affected person and the Office of the Information and Privacy
Commissioner.
We added a requirement for public body privacy management
programs, added a new offence for wilfully evading FOI, increased public
bodies’ ability to disclose Indigenous information with
Indigenous-governing entities and added a requirement for public bodies
to seek consent from Indigenous-governing entities to disclose
information that is culturally sensitive through FOI.
As you can see, there’s a culmination of work that results in that
commitment being met.
B. Banman: I do appreciate the answer from the minister.
As we know, there is now a committee with regards to FOI that’s
been formed. In my personal opinion, it’s kind of like putting the cart
in front of the horse, but it is where we are. That committee is now
going through…. It’s going to come up with recommendations to help
improve transparency, among other considerations that that committee
will do.
Does the minister plan on implementing the recommendations, even
if one of those recommendations ends up being to scrap the
fee?
Hon. L. Beare: I’m not going to prejudge any committee determinations. I’m
looking forward to seeing the report. Of course, we will give them
thoughtful consideration, as we would any committee report that we
receive here in government.
B. Banman: I guess part of me is a bit concerned with that answer. I guess
why I’m concerned is that the committee will come up with
recommendations. The committee, I’m sure, has thoughtful
deliberations.
[1:40 p.m.]
With regard to those, are there any recommendations that the
minister can think of? In particular, I want to stick with scrapping the
fee as a prime example. If that was to be a recommendation, would the
minister discount that particular one? Let’s just start with that one.
Would she consider ignoring the recommendation of the committee on that
particular issue?
Hon. L. Beare: The member is asking hypothetical questions. That is absolutely
the member’s right, of course, but it’s hard to comment on a
hypothetical.
I am looking forward to seeing the committee’s report. I know they
will put thoughtful deliberation in it. As always, when receiving
committee reports, we will take that committee report and give it
careful consideration.
B. Banman: I do thank the minister for the answer. I’m pretty sure I could
keep asking it in numerous different ways, but I’m not going to actually
get an answer to that particular question. I can respect
that.
What I will ask is: in the minister’s opinion, has adding a fee
increased the response rate for FOI requests? Has it made it
faster?
Hon. L. Beare: It is a similar answer to earlier. The member and I are having
this thoughtful conversation here.
It is early days in this process. The change was just four months
ago there, so it is still too early to establish that trend. I know this
is going to be a very big conversation next year, when we’ve been able
to establish that trend and have really dug deep into what the results
of that are.
That’s just one aspect of it. As we also talked about before with
the member, our modernization work is just beginning. There are a number
of other pieces to ensuring that we have timely responses going out.
That modernization work that we’re doing is going to be critical to that
as well. We need to focus on that, as well, in this conversation, and I
know it’s going to be a great debate.
Really, the member and I both know that the fastest way to get
information is through proactive releases and not even having to ask for
it. So we’ve already increased six categories and types of proactive
releases. That’s something I’m looking to continue increasing. That’s
how I believe the system should work — being able to find these
categories of information, which we can just proactively release to the
public so that it doesn’t even have to be asked for.
[1:45 p.m.]
B. Banman: To the minister: that’s something that you and I wholeheartedly
agree on, actually. If we were to go ask the standard public what an FOI
is, they’d probably look at us with a blank stare. It’s very few
individuals that understand what an FOI, I think, really is. What is an
FOI request, and how would one go about doing it?
That does beg the question, though: is the ministry tracking what
was once asked as an FOI versus what’s now being proactively disclosed?
Are they tracking…? Is there an intent to track — and if there isn’t,
I’d highly suggest there is — the types of FOIs that were requested in
the past that now…? “Hey, you know what? You don’t even have to ask for
this because it’s proactively disclosed.” Are we monitoring
that?
Hon. L. Beare: I think I’m understanding the member’s question, and I think this
is the best answer for it.
We are always actively tracking the types of requests that are
made and looking for those trends, which is how we come up with those
proactive release categories. For example, the latest one was a
summary
of briefing notes. That’s something that was continually being asked
for. We had the ability to take a look at that, see that pattern and
say: “Well, this is something we can pr