2007 Legislative Session: Third Session, 38th Parliament

HANSARD

The following electronic version is for informational purposes

only.

The printed version remains the official version.

Official Report of

DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

(Hansard)

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 2007

Afternoon Sitting

Volume 22, Number 8

CONTENTS

Routine Proceedings

Page

Introductions by Members

Statements (Standing Order

25 B )

Eradication of poverty

J. Brar

Tynehead Hall

D. Hayer

Eid-ul-Adha festival

H. Bains

Tuning Into Our Teens conference

M. Polak

Child poverty

Austin

Early childhood services in

Squamish

McIntyre

Oral Questions

Lobbying activities of Graham

Bruce

C. James

Hon. M.

de Jong

L. Krog

Ralston

Horgan

Farnworth

Treatment of seniors in health

care facilities

Routley

Hon. G.

Abbott

Point of Privilege

L. Krog

Second Reading of Bills

Tsawwassen First Nation Final

Agreement Act (Bill 40) (continued)

Chudnovsky

Hon. G.

Campbell

Puchmayr

Hon. L.

Reid

Trevena

McIntyre

Macdonald

Hon. G.

Abbott

Simpson

Lekstrom

Karagianis

[ Page 8577 ]

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 2007

The House met at 1:34 p.m.

[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]

Prayers.

Introductions by Members

Hon. T. Christensen: Many members of the House will be very familiar with the good work done at Covenant House in Vancouver. In fact, Covenant House opened its doors in Vancouver ten years ago tomorrow. Since that time, more than 10,000 street youth have been helped off the street by the folks at Covenant House.

[1335]

Today we are joined by three guests from Covenant House. We have with us the executive director Krista Thompson, and her communications and media relations director Michelle Clausius. They are joined by a very special guest, one of their many success stories and alumni, Sheldon Vance.

Ten years ago Sheldon was having a difficult time leaving the streets of Vancouver. Thanks to the good works of Covenant House, he was put on a very strong path. Today Sheldon is finishing his master's degree in child psychology. He is the director of the Okanagan Youth in Care Network and runs a program called the circle of courage at Métis Children and Family Services.

He is married and has two small children and has a continued passion for youth participation by supporting many youth-driven activities within the city of Kelowna. He is definitely making a difference to youth in his community. That is, in part, thanks to a good start at Covenant House.

I would ask that all members of the House please welcome these three very special guests.

C. James: Joining us today is Mr. Bill Cross, who's travelled here from Chemainus. Bill is a resident of a long-term care facility in Chemainus and is sharing his story with all of us today. I'd ask all the members to please make him welcome.

M. Polak: Today in the House we are joined by a group of very amazing women. They are members of Soroptimists International of the Langleys. I'd like to introduce Edwina Lounsbury, Evelyn Hohmann, Sharon Fisher, Noreen Straker, Victoria Wilhelmsen, Diane Summers and Donna Van Beek. Would the House please make them welcome.

C. Wyse: It is indeed my pleasure to rise today and introduce a resident of Cariboo North. It's with great pleasure that I introduce my wife and longtime friend. I would ask the House to please make my wife Sheila most welcome.

S. Hawkins: On behalf of Mr. Speaker, I'm pleased to welcome and introduce 14 teachers from across British Columbia. They've been selected to participate in the fifth B.C. Teachers Institute on Parliamentary Democracy. They are with us in the gallery today, and they'll spend the remainder of this week expanding their knowledge of our parliamentary and political systems. They're joined by three of their peers who are acting as facilitators: Miss Tamara Malloff, Mr. Gordon Cumming and Ms. Lisa Marshall.

I trust many of you will have the opportunity to meet with them during the institute and specifically this evening, as the Minister of Education has a reception for them. So would the House please join me in giving them a very warm welcome.

Mr. Speaker: Member for Cariboo South.

I think I cut him off short.

C. Wyse: As I introduce my other two guests, one of them is going to thoroughly enjoy how I've gone ahead with the introductions.

It is also my pleasure to introduce to the House today both my daughter and my grandson, who have come from Red Deer to see both their father and their papa in action. I'm sure Clayton in particular will quite enjoy what happened. I would ask the House to also make them welcome.

C. Puchmayr: I have two guests in the House today, Carol Riviere and Reid Johnson from the Health Sciences Association. Please make them extremely welcome.

R. Fleming: I want to join the member for Kelowna-Mission and introduce one of the delegates from the Teachers Institute. Kirk Longpre is here. He's a teacher-librarian at Mount Douglas Secondary in the school district that I represent. He's here with the B.C. Teachers Institute on Parliamentary Democracy.

There are two other constituents here I wish to introduce to the House: Margaret Asch and Jean McBean. We met before lunch. We discussed housing issues. They're very well informed on these issues.

For the other members, they are armed with hall passes, so they'll be around this afternoon as well. Please, would the House make them feel welcome.

J. Rustad: I'd ask that the House make welcome Elizabeth Andersen and Don Bassermann from the Omineca Beetle Action Coalition, who are down here meeting with the government caucus today.

[1340]

J. Horgan: I know all members will have noticed an improvement in the cuisine in the parliamentary restaurant, and that's a result of Lonnie McLaren doing her co-op program from Camosun College.

Joining us here today in the gallery to, hopefully, hold down their lunch during question period is her grandmother from Victoria, Alleen McLaren, aunt Betty Richards and her husband Al Richards from Kelowna. Will the House please make them welcome.

Do make the tips larger in the restaurant. Tuition fees are quite high.

[ Page 8578 ]

Statements

(Standing Order 25

B) ERADICATION OF POVERTY

J. Brar: Today is a very important day in the history of humankind, and it reminds all of us about our commitment to eradicate poverty in our community. October 17 marks the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty.

In a province such as B.C., we have the worst poverty rates in Canada — a shameful title that B.C. has now held in each of the last four years. In 2004 B.C.'s child poverty rate was 23.5 percent. Nearly one in every four kids lived under poverty. What these numbers tell us is that for a quarter of our kids, B.C. is definitely not the best place on earth to grow up in.

The estimated number of poor children in B.C. in 2004 was 196,000. That was almost the same as the entire populations of Nanaimo, Kelowna and Williams Lake combined.

British Columbia also has the worst income gap between the rich and the poor among the provinces. The number of homeless people in the GVRD and many other communities has doubled during the last few years.

The question we need to ask ourselves is: why, at a time when B.C. has a record surplus, is the number of children and families living in poverty and the number of homeless people growing? Why is everyone in B.C. not benefiting from the economy?

The record surplus and 2010 Olympics challenge our political will to develop a practical poverty reduction strategy to demonstrate to the rest of the world that in B.C., everyone matters.

TYNEHEAD HALL

D. Hayer: One hundred years ago the pioneers of Surrey-Tynehead got together to build a heart to the community. That was the Tynehead Hall, and it still stands today as a place to meet, to come together and to share the hopes and dreams for the future. Well, in Tynehead the dreams live on, and the legacy they gave to the community is thriving.

Along with members of the families, I joined with them last month to celebrate the 100th anniversary of this historic community hall. Pride and purpose went into the building of Tynehead Hall, and that pride lives on today in our historical community of Surrey-Tynehead.

Pioneers and their volunteers were significant contributors in the preservation of Tynehead Hall's heritage. Some of the volunteers included Mrs. Zina York, president of Tynehead Pioneers; Judy DeVries, secretary; Mr. Rob Terris, president of Tynehead Community Association; Mrs.

Leonor Bradley, vice-president; Kim Adamson-Sharpe, secretary; Cathy Poole, treasurer; Maxine Wilson, director; Richard Bishop, past president; Mabel Bishop, past treasurer and secretary; Rob Poole, past president; Andrea Terris, president of Tynehead Women's Auxiliary; Liz Milligan, president of Tynehead Historical Society; Joan Parolin, descendant of the pioneer Bothwell family; George Hoffman and family; and many other volunteers and members of the Tynehead community.

I ask all members in the House to join me in remembering our pioneers and the families they established in British Columbia from around the world. It is their effort that makes our legacy, which has made our province one of the most vibrant and dynamic provinces in Canada and ultimately the best place in Canada.

EID-UL-ADHA FESTIVAL

H. Bains: Last week Muslims all across the world celebrated Eid, marking the end of the fasting month of Ramadan. Eid is a time of forgiveness, contemplation and spirituality. Ramadan is a period of fasting, reflection, devotion, generosity and sacrifice observed by Muslims around the world.

[1345]

Through increased charity, Muslims develop feelings of generosity and goodwill towards others. They believe a person's wealth will never be diminished by charity.

During Ramadan, every part of the body must be restrained. For example, the tongue must be restrained from backbiting and gossip. The hand must not touch or take anything that does not belong to it. The ears must refrain from listening to idle talk or obscene words. Therefore, fasting is not merely physical but is rather the total commitment of the person's body and soul to the spirit of the fast.

I was most fortunate in Surrey to receive invitations to several Eid celebrations where I was welcomed into homes of my constituents to celebrate the breaking of the fast. I enjoyed the celebration and the food, but I enjoyed even more the message that came with it — the message of peace, harmony and forgiveness.

I'm always so proud to live in a country and in a city where multiculturalism is so established that people from all countries and faiths come to Canada to live in peace and harmony with one another. It is wonderful to be able to celebrate with people and learn from their culture, customs and religion.

I would like the House to join me in wishing the Muslims in our province, in our city, a belated Eid Mubarak .

TUNING INTO OUR TEENS CONFERENCE

M. Polak: Our universe is a place of extraordinary mystery. Great wonders abound that inspire our imagination. How were the great pyramids of Egypt built? What was the purpose of Stonehenge? Is there life on Mars? But to parents everywhere, there is nothing as mysterious as the mind of a teenaged girl. [Laughter.] Yeah, it's a delayed laugh, but if you have a daughter, you know what I'm talking about.

Fortunately for Langley parents, Soroptimists International of the Langleys hosts an annual conference called Tuning Into Our Teens. Moms and dads and their daughters spend a day together attending workshops on topics such as body image, safe Internet use,

[ Page 8579 ]

money management, sex, healthy eating habits and substance abuse.

The conference brings awareness to teenaged girls of the challenges, dangers and opportunities ahead of them in today's world and makes parents aware of those same issues. Parents and teens explore these issues together, building an understanding of each other's perspectives on some difficult subjects and creating a healthy dialogue.

This year's special guest speaker was Miss Teen B.C. 2008, Langley's own Katrina Dorn. The unique format of the conference uses informative, interactive and fun workshops along with a wide array of speakers, displays and resource materials. In keeping with the focus of Soroptimists International, which is improving the lives of women and girls, Langley Soroptimists have once again shown their talent for community outreach.

The success of the Tuning Into Our Teens conference has inspired other Soroptimists clubs across Canada to present similar events using the Langley conference as a model. In a world that often drives parents and their daughters apart, the hard-working, dedicated women who belong to Langley Soroptimists club are providing a unique opportunity for parents and their daughters to connect and to learn from one another.

I ask this House to join me in congratulating them on their hard work and another successful conference this year.

CHILD POVERTY

R. Austin: This month is Foster Family Month to recognize and honour the dedication of this province's foster parents. As a former foster parent, I understand both the joys and challenges of providing a home for youth coming from crisis situations.

A great deal is said about the work that foster parents do, but I would also like people to know this is not a one-way street where all the accolades inevitably go to those who open their hearts and homes to a child in need.

On the contrary, I would like to also acknowledge the incredible gift of knowledge and awareness that comes from being a foster parent, through learning to deal with new situations and the inevitable change in family dynamics that takes place in a home when a child from difficult circumstances enters one's life.

I believe that natural children also have a profoundly positive experience by being raised with children whose experiences in life are different. As legislators, we deal with many challenging public policy issues. The fact that we have so many children in care, a disproportional percentage of whom are first nation, should be sufficient cause for us to ask ourselves why.

People often cite children's safety as the primary reason for children to be taken into care. Problems with alcohol, drugs or family violence are used as justification to protect children. Of course, this is often the case. But perhaps these issues are the symptom rather than the cause.

[1350]

A person's capacity to deal with the problem varies from one to another, as indeed it does from one family to another. How many of us in this chamber, most of whom have been born to privilege, would like to cope with the underlying stress of the greatest challenge — poverty?

While not all kids in care are in poverty, my experience tells me that if families had a little more support — financial, educational and life skills support — they would indeed be able and most willing to care for their own children. It is the rising wealth gap and the inevitable marginalization that have exposed so many children to family trauma. It does not matter how good a foster parent is. The fact is that it is better for kids to be raised by their natural family.

I hope that one day we in this chamber will address the real issues of how our wealth is distributed in our society and begin to realize that while all children deserve a start in life that does not handicap their emotional, social and intellectual growth, it is only through changes in government policy that we will encourage a fairer society for all its citizens.

EARLY CHILDHOOD SERVICES

IN SQUAMISH

J. McIntyre: I rise to inform the House of two new government-supported services for Squamish families with preschool children. On October 2, I attended the grand opening of the Sea to Sky Early Learning and Child Development Centre. The next morning I was helping to officiate, along with school board dignitaries, at the opening of the StrongStart B.C. centre, located in a newly renovated classroom at Squamish Elementary.

Both of these centres showcase the power of community partnerships and serve as a testament to the importance of providing a strong foundation for our youngsters. The early learning and childhood development society, supported by a major capital grant from our government, will now provide 21 new licensed child care spaces and a number of integrated early childhood intervention services from a community hub model. This centre includes an early childhood development office, infant development programs and an occupational and physiotherapist all on site, offering both convenience for the families and, of course, cost-effectiveness for the care providers — a win-win.

The StrongStart centre at Squamish Elementary already has over a hundred children along with their parents and caregivers participating in the program, with hundreds of visits in the first two weeks — indeed a strong start. The opening of this centre is phase 3 of a $5 million program that will provide up to 80 StrongStart centres around the province. Families and children can come together with Lynn Bouchard, the early childhood educator, and her Sea to Sky program team to develop the skills children need to be successful as they enter school.

These two centres cover the bases of local child care needs and deliver alternatives to young families in

[ Page 8580 ]

the community, whether it's for working parents or parents and caregivers who attend with children.

Today I'd like us to recognize the valuable work the Sea to Sky Community Services Society performs in their association with both of these centres. Also, a warm thank-you to all the partners involved in working to improve family life in this province.

Mr. Speaker: Could I remind members that the two-minute statements are meant to focus mainly on their ridings and are to be as non-partisan as possible.

Oral Questions

LOBBYING ACTIVITIES OF

GRAHAM BRUCE

C. James: Mr. Speaker, the Members' Conflict of Interest Act is clear. The executive council and its members must not knowingly award or approve a contract that benefits a former cabinet minister until two years has passed. Graham Bruce, a former cabinet minister, walked into the Premier's office, lobbied for money, including enough to cover his own salary, and a few months later he got it. Based on the answers we got yesterday, an entire room full of cabinet ministers doesn't think that this is a problem.

My question is to the Premier. When he met with Graham Bruce, didn't it even cross his mind to ask whether he was in violation of B.C.'s conflict-of-interest laws, and why didn't he immediately put an end to his friend's efforts to cash in on his credits?

Hon. M. de Jong: Yesterday the Leader of the Opposition and members of her caucus made some very serious allegations concerning activities by Mr. Bruce and the Cowichan First Nation. The Cowichan First Nation have today responded to those allegations, and in light of what the Leader of the Opposition had to say yesterday, along with some of her colleagues, I believe it's appropriate to read those remarks into the record of this chamber.

[1355]

"Cowichan Tribes takes great exception to the remarks by the New Democratic Party caucus alleging misappropriation and mismanagement of treaty funding.

"Cowichan cautions the NDP that their reckless comments could jeopardize the entire reconciliation and legacy project, including the construction of 300 new homes and the finalization of the Cowichan reconciliation agreement.

"Cowichan Tribes has conducted its own review of the allegations made against the Cowichan Tribes by the NDP regarding misappropriation and mismanagement of treaty funding. These allegations are without foundation."

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members. Members.

The Leader of the Opposition has a supplemental.

C. James: Well, Mr. Speaker, the only people who should apologize to the Cowichan Tribes are this government and this Premier and this House Leader. What we always see from the other side is that they point fingers absolutely everywhere else except looking at themselves, because they are the problem in this instance.

The legislation is very clear. The executive council, which includes the Premier and every single minister on that side of the House, is in conflict when they "award or approve a contract with, or grant a benefit to, a former member of the Executive Council or former parliamentary secretary, until 24 months have expired."

The Premier met with Graham Bruce. The current Minister of Community Services met with Graham Bruce. The current Minister of Children and Family Development met with Graham Bruce. What was the result of those meetings? Mr. Bruce secured funding for which he was lobbying, including money to fund his own contract. The executive council approved it. Mr. Bruce benefited from it.

My question is again to the Premier. Was it a deliberate attempt to line the pockets of a Liberal friend, or was it simply a bunch of Liberal ministers brushing off the conflict rules and saying once again: "They just don't matter for us and our friends"?

Hon. M. de Jong: I'll continue with the statement.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Take your seat.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Minister, continue.

Hon. M. de Jong: The member across the way stood up yesterday and said he stands with the Cowichan. Very clearly, the Cowichan do not stand with him or any member of the NDP.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Continue.

Hon. M. de Jong: I quote:

"It is indeed unfortunate that those making allegations of financial mismanagement and misappropriation of treaty funds did not take the time to contact Cowichan Tribes and seek an explanation before attempting to make political mileage at the expense of Cowichan Tribes, British Columbia and Graham Bruce.

"Cowichan Tribes has also reviewed the allegations made against Graham Bruce by the Vancouver media regarding lobbyist registration and conflict of interest. We are of the view that Graham Bruce is in compliance with applicable legislation."

The important point is that there is actually an agency that makes decisions on these matters, proper officials. It's not me. It's not actually the Cowichan.

[ Page 8581 ]

And thank goodness it isn't the irresponsible Leader of the Opposition and her caucus, who are more interested in politics than getting things done.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

The Leader of the Opposition has a further supplemental.

[1400]

C. James: Perhaps I need to spell it out once again for the House Leader. I'll spell it out very clearly for the House Leader.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

C. James: This isn't actually about Cowichan Tribes.

For the House Leader once again: this is about the conflict of interest, this is about a former cabinet minister, and this is about this government ignoring the conflict-of-interest rules.

We know that this government likes to plead ignorance. Let's put it out again. A former cabinet minister walked in. He asked for money. He had access to information about Treasury Board, and he got the funds to pay for his own contract.

In his own words, Graham Bruce said he was calling in his credits with the Premier and at least two other cabinet ministers who are still at the cabinet table. It's time for the Premier to give some answers.

My question once again is to the Premier. He met with Graham Bruce. He approved the funding. How on earth would a former cabinet minister get information about Treasury Board and then benefit from it, and how is that not a conflict of interest?

Hon. M. de Jong: I hope the Leader of the Opposition will forgive me, in light of her performance and that of her colleagues yesterday, if I don't place a lot of stock or have a lot of confidence in what she advises this House.

Yesterday members of the opposition were talking about funding $3 million that was being secured. There were allegations about the misappropriation of treaty moneys. I think that came from the member for Nanaimo. The member for Vancouver–Mount Pleasant had similar allegations of that sort.

You know, I can actually help the Leader of the Opposition because at a federal-provincial meeting of sports ministers, an agreement was reached. An agreement was reached, establishing a funding framework for the 2008 North American Indigenous Games that actually did involve a commitment from British Columbia for the amount of $3.5 million. Guilty, Mr. Speaker.

Here's the problem for the Leader of the Opposition. That announcement was dated January 2003.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

L. Krog: It's wonderful that the NDP weren't responsible for establishing the pie or responsible for how it's cut up, but let's talk about how the pie was cut up.

In his own words, it's Graham Bruce that has implicated the Premier and his cabinet in an apparent conflict. On Monday, July 19, 2006, he told the Cowichan Tribes: "I will be self-funded. At the last council meeting I stated there was a Treasury Board submission that went in and was approved, and those funds can be called for, but right now they can't be called for until matters have been handled or until I call for them."

Mr. Bruce clearly had inside information, and he benefited from it. That's the very definition of a conflict of interest.

My question is to the Minister of Community Services. She met with Mr. Bruce in his lobbying efforts. Does she know how Mr. Bruce got inside information about Treasury Board?

Hon. M. de Jong: I always listen very carefully to the hon. member's questions, and I did so yesterday.

Interjections.

Hon. M. de Jong: Oh, I can assure members that I listened carefully today too.

Yesterday the member for Nanaimo said: "I say to the Premier, will he stand up today, denounce Mr. Bruce's activities and explain why he doled out $3 million to fund Mr. Bruce's own salary…?" Very specific assertions. Very specific accusations.

[1405]

I didn't hear him make those same accusations outside. That's when I get suspicious — when a member is prepared to say something in this chamber and not say it outside.

We've already established that the provincial part of funding for the games was announced in 2003, and we go to the Cowichan statement of today's date to confirm the following: "Graham Bruce was asked…"

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Hon. M. de Jong: "…by Cowichan Tribes to assist in ensuring the local contribution of $3 million was met. These dollars are being raised locally from local governments, corporate sponsors, registrations and Cowichan Tribes through a sponsorship program."

The one entity that Mr. Bruce wasn't going to was the provincial government because we already committed the money.

Interjections.

[ Page 8582 ]

Mr. Speaker: Members.

The member has a supplemental.

L. Krog: Mr. Bruce, in his own words, is crystal-clear: "A Treasury Board submission went in and was approved, and those funds can be called for, but right now they can't be called for until matters have been handled or until I call for them." "Until I call for them."

He then told the Cowichan Tribes that he was "calling in my credits with these ministers." These aren't made-up words. These are Mr. Bruce's words: "Calling in my credits with these ministers."

One of those ministers was the current Minister of Children and Family Development. Maybe he can explain how Mr. Bruce had access to inside Treasury Board information and how he knew he was going to be "self-funded."

Hon. M. de Jong: Well, I understand how uncomfortable the hon. members opposite are with the answers. But I'm going to keep giving them and, in the process, reveal the shoddiness and recklessness of an increasingly desperate Leader of the Opposition who is throwing any sense of responsible leadership into the garbage can in favour of playing pure politics.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Hon. M. de Jong: Yesterday this member and others in the opposition held up a bunch of documents and purported to quote from them. Included in the accusations they made was that there was misappropriation of treaty moneys from the Treaty Commission.

Now, it's not for that member and not for me to decide whether those moneys are appropriately spent. We expect them to be, as government, and the Treaty Commission expects them to be.

But what I find offensive is that about two pages further on in the same document…. The Cowichan had a lawyer, their counsel, who provided them with a legal opinion that they were doing everything in accordance with the terms of the B.C. Treaty Commission. This opposition chooses to selectively draw from a document when they should be revealing all of the facts, if that's the document they want to rely upon.

Mr. Speaker: Thank you, Minister.

Hon. M. de Jong: If the member has an accusation to make…

Mr. Speaker: Thank you, Minister.

Hon. M. de Jong: …let him make it out there, or let him make it to the Conflict-of-Interest Commissioner.

B. Ralston: Judging from the shrill tone of his answers, the only one who's desperate here is the Government House Leader.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

B. Ralston: My question is for the Minister of Finance. She's had a couple of days with the evidence of an apparent breach of Treasury Board. She's the proper authority. What steps has she taken to find out how a former cabinet minister apparently used the Treasury Board information for personal benefit?

[1410]

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Hon. M. de Jong: Yesterday it's misappropriation of funds, but I haven't heard a lot about that today. I wonder why. It was allegations of breaches of the lobbyist act.

No one apparently took the time to consult the actual legislation that includes what appears, on the face of it at least, to be a blanket exemption for those purporting to work with and for first nations governments. But let's not let those mere legal details stand in the way of pursuing what might be a good political story.

I don't take anything seriously from an opposition who would stand in this chamber, cloaked in the veil of immunity, and refuse to make the same assertions outside, knowing that that's where they'll be held accountable.

We continue to stand with the Cowichan First Nation. If this member has an allegation to make involving the Conflict of Interest Act, if he'd like to sit down with me, I'll even walk him through the procedure you have to follow to file a complaint. But that's where the complaint should be made, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker: The member has a supplemental.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

B. Ralston: In his own words — Mr. Bruce's words, not the words of the Government House Leader — he lobbied multiple ministers, he set up his own payment scheme, and he had the inside track on Treasury Board. If Mr. Bruce is to be believed, someone in government was playing along, and the executive council was in conflict.

Will the Minister of Finance commit today to release the relevant Treasury Board documents so we can get to the bottom of the potential damage to the financial integrity of the province?

Hon. M. de Jong: We are working with the Cowichan First Nation and their representatives to ensure that they have the means at their disposal to present the best-ever North American Indigenous Games.

We are working with the Cowichan First Nation to in a meaningful way address a housing crisis that has gone unresolved for far too long. We are working with the Cowichan First Nation to address, as we are with

[ Page 8583 ]

first nations right across British Columbia, that socioeconomic gap.

But to use the words of the Cowichan themselves, the only people who are putting that good work, that courageous vision at risk are the members of the NDP and their reckless comments in this chamber.

J. Horgan: It's lamentable that the Minister of Finance is going to allow Graham Bruce to call in chits and to call for release of Treasury Board funds while she sits there idle, and the "minister of defence" banters on about the Cowichan people.

Let me report here from the Cowichan minutes: "If council approves for Graham to explore these concepts, then Graham's costs associated to these initiatives will be covered by the government of British Columbia." By the government of British Columbia.

The former minister calls in some chits. He sits down with the Premier. He says: "I'm okay. I've got Treasury Board covered. They're going to pay my bills." If that's not a conflict, I don't know what is.

Will the Minister of Finance stand in this place and protect the integrity of the treasury of British Columbia? Who's in charge — her or Graham Bruce?

Hon. M. de Jong: Well, based on some years of experience, I can say with a degree of confidence that the best way we can preserve the integrity of the treasury in British Columbia is to make sure those guys never get their hand on the treasury again.

[1415]

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Minister, just take your seat.

Members of both sides.

Do you want to finish your answer, Minister?

Hon. M. de Jong: Here again…

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Continue.

Hon. M. de Jong: …are the words of the Cowichan. This was a statement they released today. "Graham Bruce was asked by the Cowichan Tribes to assist in ensuring the local contribution of $3 million was met." So I don't know what part of this the member doesn't get.

An agreement was announced in 2003 that included a funding component from the federal government, a funding component from the provincial government and a funding component from local officials — the local organization, the Cowichan themselves. They brought Mr. Bruce on apparently, based on what we've heard and the documents we have, to assist them with collecting that local component.

If the member doesn't believe the Cowichan First Nation, then stand up and say so, because they sure don't believe him.

Mr. Speaker: Member for Port Coquitlam–Burke Mountain.

M. Farnworth: Thank you, hon. Speaker.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Just take your seat.

Members, you can't even hear.

Continue.

M. Farnworth: The release the Government House Leader talks about says that in 2003, agreement was reached. Mr. Bruce was sitting around the cabinet table at that time. He knew the money was coming. He went to the Cowichan and got the money from them, knowing full well the government was providing funds. He used inside information, and then Treasury Board….

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Just take your seat.

Members, listen to the question, and the others will listen to the answer.

Continue.

M. Farnworth: The money…. The announcement wasn't made until '06. Mr. Bruce was aware and used insider information, and after he left, he lobbied government ministers. He lobbied the Premier. The act is very clear. He breached the conflict guidelines.

I'd like to ask the Premier: does he stand by the comments he made in 1994 that the government has an obligation to take care of the public trust as well? If we're always waiting for the Conflict-of-Interest Commissioner to act, that is hardly a star for the government's behaviour. Does he still stand by those comments?

Hon. M. de Jong: Well, I must confess I've been set back on my heels. When I leave this chamber, the first thing I shall do is send a memo to the public affairs bureau and advise them that when they issue a press release, people read them.

TREATMENT OF SENIORS IN

HEALTH CARE FACILITIES

D. Routley: The Premier has said that health authorities must treat seniors like their own parents. Well, that isn't happening. Bill Cross, a 71-year-old constituent of mine and a person who is living in conditions that no one would want for their parents, is going through the most despicable shortage of service.

[1420]

Mr. Cross lived independently for many years. Earlier this year Bill moved to The Steeples, a publicly funded assisted-living facility in Chemainus. Mr. Cross was left for 108 days without a bath, and that's not all. Steeples is locked at night. Three times, Mr. Cross has

[ Page 8584 ]

fallen at night. Each time, the ambulance crew was left outside waiting, unable to get in. Treatment like your own parents….

My question to the Minister of Health: is it acceptable for seniors to live in such unacceptable conditions?

Hon. G. Abbott: We do take these matters very seriously. While I would discuss matters of this character in this Legislature with the greatest reluctance, I will answer the member's question.

First of all, it's important to note that The Steeples — which is a new facility in Chemainus, constructed and opened in 2006 — is an assisted-living facility. It's not a residential care facility. It's an assisted-living facility. It deals with the needs of often vulnerable seniors, but nevertheless seniors who are capable of living independently with periodic supports from the health care system.

Again, I don't propose to pursue this in any detail. I think it is remarkably unfair to do that within the bounds of this chamber. But there have been extensive discussions between Mr. Cross and the Vancouver Island Health Authority. It is clear that the care needs that Mr. Cross has exceed those that are meant to be offered at The Steeples. I understand that those discussions have been about finding suitable alternatives and that those suitable alternatives have been declined.

Mr. Speaker: Member has a supplemental.

D. Routley: Mr. Speaker, this is not acceptable. It was on VIHA's advice that Mr. Cross sold all of his possessions and moved into The Steeples. The Steeples has failed to meet the level of care they advertised to Mr. Cross. One hundred and eight days without a bath goes well beyond the answer that the minister just gave us. But now Mr. Cross has been advised he must move out.

Again, I'm going to put the question to the Minister of Health. How much longer do seniors in British Columbia need to suffer before his government, this Liberal government, and this Health Minister take action to end this oversight?

Hon. G. Abbott: Again, it is with the greatest reluctance that I use this chamber to respond to questions that should have been addressed to me in my office by this member, because the member fully understands this situation. The member should fully understand that the care needs of this individual exceed what can be offered within the facility called The Steeples in Chemainus.

Again, it is with the greatest reluctance that I note to this House that I am advised that a shower unit is in Mr. Cross's unit at The Steeples, that the shower unit is regularly used. There is not provision for a bath, but there is a shower unit that is being used.

I don't like to discuss matters of this character in this House, but the member is impugning a system. He is impugning the people who work there, he is impugning the people who manage it, and I think it is most unfortunate that he should do so.

[End of question period.]

Point of Privilege

L. Krog: Mr. Speaker, I rise to reserve my right to raise a matter of personal privilege.

Orders of the Day

Hon. M. de Jong: I call continued second reading debate on Bill 40.

[1425]

Second Reading of Bills

TSAWWASSEN FIRST NATION

FINAL AGREEMENT ACT

(continued)

D. Chudnovsky: I am proud to stand today and speak in support of the Tsawwassen treaty. The Tsawwassen people deserve this treaty, and I congratulate them for their historic achievement.

[H. Bloy in the chair.]

They have negotiated hard and in good faith to resolve longstanding issues of self-determination, of land ownership and of economic independence. The Tsawwassen First Nation can now look forward to the possibility of a brighter future, secure in the knowledge that they will have a much, much greater say in shaping their own destiny.

It's a good day for the Tsawwassen people, and it's a good day for British Columbia, and it's a good day for Canada, because this treaty speaks to the hopes and the desires and the dreams of a first nation and of a province and of a country. That's not to say that I don't have concerns — serious concerns — about this treaty and about this legislation, and I want to talk about those concerns in some detail in a few minutes.

You might know, Mr. Speaker, that I am a social studies teacher. I've been a social studies teacher for many, many years. So I think it's important to begin by looking at some history. This treaty is one step, and certainly not the last step, in a chain of events which began more than 500 years ago when Europeans first began to colonize what they called the New World. That was soon after those same Europeans claimed that they had discovered the lands beyond the western sea.

It's instructive that even the language they used to describe their exploits tells us a lot about what was going to happen in the ensuing centuries. Of course, the world they found wasn't new at all. The Tsawwassen people, for example, had lived in what is now the lower mainland of British Columbia and on the Gulf Islands for thousands of years before any European managed to arrive.

History and reality in what we now call the western hemisphere didn't begin when an Italian businessman

[ Page 8585 ]

financed by a Spanish queen stumbled on a Caribbean island. Economic development was already a reality.

Culture and language and law and art and foreign relations and democracy and dictatorship and industry and agriculture and mining and fishing and forestry — all of these were thriving in the territory that became the Americas. It didn't have to be discovered by anyone. It was already here.

[1430]

The history of the ensuing 500 years was the history of the forced undermining of that already existing economic development. It was the history of the calculated theft of thriving cultures, the history of the destruction of dozens of languages. It was the history of the murder of countless thousands of human beings and the history of the sometimes deliberate ruining of the health of entire nations of people. It was the history of the economic exploitation that enriched Europe and the Europeans who came to live in these lands and impoverished the first nations who had been living here for thousands of years. In short, the first nations were victims of colonialism.

A corollary of colonialism is racism. To exploit and oppress people in the way that first nations have been for all these years, it was necessary to think of them as somehow less worthy, less normal, less human than their exploiters, and that's what happened. We shouldn't fool ourselves into thinking that such racism is a phenomenon only of the past, that we have somehow transcended such backward ideas and behaviours, because tragically, we haven't yet.

The Leader of the Opposition, when she spoke in the House on this legislation, itemized just some of the results and outcomes of this history of colonialism, racism and exploitation. It's worthwhile recalling some of that and repeating some of it, because it's very instructive.

It's very instructive to look at the current situation of aboriginal peoples in our province. They, on average, live seven years less than the rest of the population. Aboriginal infant mortality rates run between two and four times the average for non-aboriginals. HIV and AIDS rates for aboriginal people are twice as high as the rest of the population. Rates of diabetes are triple what others of us face. Alcohol-related deaths are four to nine times higher for aboriginal people. Drug-related deaths are two to four times higher.

The hospitalization rate in our province for aboriginal people is 40 percent higher for aboriginal men and almost 80 percent higher for aboriginal women. Six times as many teen pregnancies.

The poverty rate for aboriginal children is twice the rate for non-aboriginal children, and we know that the poverty rate across the province for children and their families is unacceptably high. Between 1997 and 2005 the number of aboriginal children in care increased by more than 50 percent. Only 16 percent of aboriginal children in care graduate from high school. Aboriginal youth are seven times more likely to be in prison than their non-aboriginal counterparts.

On the education front, an area that is of particular interest to me, only 47 percent of aboriginal students complete high school, compared to 82 percent of the rest of the population. I can speak to that problem from my own experience of over 30 years in the classroom, teaching many, many aboriginal students wonderful kids, bright kids, as bright as any other kids in the system, as caring, as motivated as any other kids in the system but with enormous obstacles to success. The statistics go on and on.

[1435]

What's important here is that we not blame the victim. These appalling conditions of life are the result of 500 years of colonialism and racism that first nations people never asked for and over which they had almost no control. So it's little wonder that first nations have struggled, resisted, organized and used all kinds of strategies to find some redress. One of those strategies, but only one, is the treaty process.

Seven years ago the Nisga'a people made history by concluding the first modern treaty in B.C. That treaty — a treaty fiercely opposed by many of the members opposite — was negotiated and ratified under the governments of Premier Harcourt and Premier Clark. Why is it that seven long years have elapsed between the Nisga'a treaty and the Tsawwassen treaty? I believe it's because that process was stalled and resisted and opposed.

The main reason that the treaty process was stalled is the policies and actions of this Premier and of the B.C. Liberals. They saw demonizing treaties, and the Nisga'a treaty in particular, as a convenient way to gain power. Under this Premier's leadership, the then Liberal opposition opposed the Nisga'a treaty at every turn. This Premier and the B.C. Liberals saw political opportunity in dividing British Columbians.

This Premier and many of the Liberal members who sit in this chamber today saw nothing wrong with sacrificing the treaty process and aboriginal people to naked and crass political ambition. They brought a suit against the federal and provincial governments and the Nisga'a Tribal Council to try to quash the treaty. They sought to have the court declare the treaty unconstitutional. The court saw no merit in their case, and in 2000 their application was dismissed. Yet they appealed to the B.C. Court of Appeal.

Then there was the referendum. This Premier, once he formed government, insisted on holding an expensive and ultimately meaningless referendum on treaties in 2002. First nations condemned him. Polling professionals ridiculed the questions and the methodology and the process. Everyone who understood the reality of the history of aboriginal people in British Columbia was appalled.

Now, finally and happily, the Premier and his government have changed their tune, but the political opportunism remains. How else can one describe the government's decision to use public funds to take Tsawwassen people to Nisga'a territory to observe the results of a treaty that this Premier and this government opposed so enthusiastically? But the Premier knew that the Tsawwassen people would see the evidence of progress. He knew that they would see the pride and optimism of a Nisga'a people who hold their own destiny in their hands, who run many of their

[ Page 8586 ]

own affairs and pass their own laws. Tragically, the Premier didn't understand any of this a decade ago when he did everything he could to keep the Nisga'a treaty from becoming a reality.

I said earlier that even though I'm proud to support the treaty and the legislation, I have real concerns about some of its elements. Many people are concerned about the treaty, and many are even critical of it. That shouldn't surprise us. Together with the debate around this treaty, some of our most cherished principles are put into stark relief. There are tensions and conflicts between and among them.

[1440]

The treaty process, the ALR, self-government and self-determination, local and municipal governance, protection of the environment, redress and reconciliation, food security, social justice. Each of these is, for me, a touchstone, a measuring stick, a way to figure out where I stand and how I should behave. Like others, when those principles don't all line up in one direction, I have to struggle to find a way forward.

Chief Baird, in her address to this House a few days ago, told us a simple truth that helps to reconcile these principles. She reminded us that the treaty is a compromise. While many of us have concerns about elements of the treaty, sections that give us less comfort, it's the same with the Tsawwassen people. There are parts of the treaty that they don't like and that they would have liked to be different. It's a compromise.

Notwithstanding the truth that it's a compromise and notwithstanding the fact that in the end it's a treaty to be proud of, I want to look at those criticisms that have been put forward by many and try to understand them.

There are some who say that the Tsawwassen treaty is an attempt by this government to make an end run around the ALR. I think they're right.

Many say that the treaty is a way the government hopes to get around municipal concerns regarding control over development in Delta. Critics assert that the treaty is being used by the Liberals to avoid their responsibilities to sustainability and the environment — to protect, for instance, the Fraser estuary and the Georgia Strait. They argue that the treaty is all about massive expansion of Deltaport.

My view is that we should take every one of those criticisms seriously. I think there is merit in each of them. There's no doubt that the Tsawwassen people's legitimate interest in self-determination and in economic development is being used by a cynical government to push a project that is far more important to them — the government — than the Tsawwassen people or any other first nation in B.C. — namely, massive expansion of Deltaport and a socially and environmentally irresponsible version of economic development.

How do we deal with these reasonable and very worrisome criticisms of the treaty? I think Chief Baird's comments last Monday are very, very helpful in this regard. I want to quote her because I thought it was right to the point.

"Critics choose to ignore Tsawwassen's history of being a victim of industrial and urban development to the benefit of everyone but us" — speaking of the Tsawwassen. "The naysayers do not seem to care that they are calling for the continued exclusion of Tsawwassen from opportunities everyone else has enjoyed. 'So what of Tsawwassen First Nation's legitimate economic needs? So what of Tsawwassen First Nation's land base needs? Let's continue to ignore Tsawwassen First Nation's needs.'"

Well, I'm not sure the critics have really ignored this point. They certainly aren't convinced by it, but I am. Let me put it another way.

We have benefited immensely, over hundreds of years, because we have had the ability to exploit our resources. Our privilege and wealth is a result of our decisions, many of them bad decisions, based on the legal and economic power we have had. They, the Tsawwassen, want and deserve that same legal and economic power.

[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]

There's no doubt that the wealth and privilege I'm talking about, which we have, have been distributed in an obscenely inequitable way. In other opportunities in this House, past and present, I will speak strongly to that inequity. But the fact remains that the Tsawwassen, as a community, as a people, as a nation, have not had access to that wealth and privilege.

Now, I hope that the Tsawwassen Nation will make better decisions than we have when they, as a result of this treaty, get the legal right and power to determine their future. But I believe that it would be a continuation of those 500 years of colonialism for us to refuse them that right, to which they are entitled by law, to make those decisions.

[1445]

The Tsawwassen people have had no ability to control land use decisions on the vast majority of their traditional territory, and even though the ALR is one of the great treasures of our province — brought to this province, in this House, by the New Democratic Party and by Premier Barrett — the Tsawwassen people had no control over the creation of the ALR or its relationship to their traditional territory.

Despite the legitimate criticisms, I cannot reject the treaty on these grounds precisely because it is the treaty which will provide the Tsawwassen First Nation the possibility, finally, to participate in determining their own future.

We, who have done such a poor job in ensuring social justice and environmental sustainability, have a lot of nerve denying them the right to try to do better than we here — even on their land, and even if they make some mistakes.

I want to say, though, two additional things about the criticisms which have been put forward, especially around the ALR issue. First, I want to make clear that this opposition, this side of the House, did not negotiate that treaty. If we had, I think it would have looked a lot different, but we didn't.

Second, I want to alert us to the fact that this government may think they have found a way around a whole series of public policy principles that they have

[ Page 8587 ]

been looking for, for years. What about protection of parkland? What about offshore oil and gas drilling? We, all of us, native and non-native, need to be on our guard to protect against a wholesale onslaught against the very protections which we support and cherish in common.

This is a treaty with three parties: the Tsawwassen First Nation, British Columbia and Canada. That's a very important point. The B.C. Liberals are not a party to the treaty. Even though this government negotiated it — the B.C. Liberal Party government negotiated it — and even though we on this side would have done this deal very differently, and even though I accept many of the concerns and the criticisms, I am acutely aware that the treaty is a test of our will and our morality.

If we were to reject the treaty now, it would be another broken promise. It would be another betrayal. It would be just another example of the way first nations have been treated since their lands were invaded, stolen and occupied. In short, to reject the treaty now would be another

chapter in the sordid history of colonialism.

So I stand today in support of this treaty. I congratulate the Tsawwassen First Nation, their leaders, their elders and their people. I thank them for their patience, resolve and courage and the patience, resolve and courage of their ancestors who came before them.

I wish for them, and for all of us, a future in which we share, together, social justice, environmental responsibility and peace.

Hon. G. Campbell: I am pleased to rise today in the traditional territories of the Songhees and the Esquimalt first nations and in this place that we call the Legislature, the parliament, the voice of the people, of all British Columbians, to say without equivocation that I am in favour of this first modern urban treaty with the Tsawwassen First Nation as it opens the door for a brand-new future.

[1450]

This is a treaty that breaks through the barriers of dependence and is founded on two words: self-determination. Within those two words are the strength, the vision, the independence, the optimism, the responsibility and the opportunities for the Tsawwassen First Nation. It opens the door to a future which they have imagined, which they have decided on and which they are ready to pursue.

As I stand here today, I do think it's important for us to reflect on the long road that the Tsawwassen First Nation has travelled. In 1912, I think it was, a Tsawwassen chief actually petitioned the government to acquire the rights and title to their lands. That great leader left behind him a sense of responsibility and hope for the first nation that he led. His name was Chief Harry Joe. He did that in 1914 to the McKenna-McBride commission. Today I am pleased to be in the presence of his great-granddaughter, Chief Kim Baird.

For her leadership, let me say thank you on behalf of all British Columbians, for she is not just an exceptional chief of the Tsawwassen. She is an exceptional British Columbian and a truly great Canadian.

This is a treaty that is a triumph of negotiation, of reconciliation and, above all, of self-determination. It is about a first nation that has said: "We will make our own future. We will take command of the decisions that we make as we build the kind of future we want for our children and for their children that will follow them."

Together we say, across our province, that this is a very important beginning. This is the first treaty to be brought to this House for ratification under the B.C. Treaty Commission process. It has been a long and an arduous process. It has taken patience, it has taken persistence, and it has taken true drive. It has taken a first nation that was willing to examine not just the strength of their ancestors, not just to reflect on the wisdom of their elders, but to talk about how they can grab hold of the opportunities that today and tomorrow may represent for that first nation.

This is about negotiation. It's about an effort to reconcile differences that may exist, and it has started with an open mind — with the willingness to listen; with the willingness to learn from one another; with the willingness to give as much as we take; and with the willingness to talk openly and to find ways that we can act together in harmony, to find ways that we can build understanding. That is why it is so critical that we continue the path of negotiations with those first nations who choose to follow this course of action.

We heard this week from some first nations leaders that this was not the course that they may decide to follow, and that is totally within their realm of responsibility to decide for each of their first nations. But this treaty is what the Tsawwassen chose for themselves, and this treaty gives us an opportunity to work with them, to put the days of confrontation and litigation behind us and to look forward as we build new days of reconciliation in the future of the province.

We should all be proud of what the Tsawwassen have accomplished with our negotiators. Today, as I congratulate Chief Baird and her negotiating team, I also want to congratulate the negotiating team from the federal government and the provincial government who worked to put into effect an agreement that could be approved and that could be brought to this House for ratification. They have done yeoman's work, hon. Speaker.

[1455]

The Tsawwassen started this process in December of 1993. In the fall of 2002 chief negotiators of all three parties agreed to work towards completion of a draft agreement-in-principle. In 2003 that draft was initialled. In March of 2004 the Tsawwassen First Nation, British Columbia and Canada signed the agreement-in-

[ Page 8588 ]

principle at a ceremony at the Tsawwassen First Nation longhouse.

Tsawwassen initialled the final agreement with B.C. and Canada in December of 2006, which was taken to their members for a vote on July 25, 2007. It was an open vote that encouraged all members to participate, to discuss, to debate and then to decide. Hon. Speaker, 69.5 percent of the Tsawwassen First Nation voted in favour of ratification.

I am confident that this treaty, this final agreement, will receive strong endorsation from this House, and I am confident that it will continue to receive strong support as it travels the thousands of miles from here to Ottawa, where the House of Commons will be asked to provide its approval of the official treaty.

Reconciliation is ongoing. It does not start with this treaty. It is simply the beginning of a journey of reconciliation — a journey that will build understanding, a journey where we find new ways to work with one another, to listen to one another, to learn from one another and to act in concert for the benefit of all those who will follow.

Reconciliation is an opportunity to bridge the gulf that has separated B.C.'s first citizens from the rest of our citizenry since this province was first founded. That gulf has divided us. It has impoverished aboriginal Canadians. It has consigned them to a fate that still stands as the biggest blight on our national history.

For too long first nations have been a third solitude — a third solitude that we often did not pay attention to. We barely noticed as a country, as a society.

I can tell you that in this province we welcome and embrace the first nations of British Columbia as one of our defining cultures, as many of our defining cultures — as people who will add to the quality of life of all British Columbians, enrich our lives, enrich our future. We will be a province that bridges the divide that has kept us apart and builds a future for every British Columbian, first nation and non–first nation alike.

There has been a gulf of opportunity, understanding and standard of living wrought by policies that kept us apart and denied the very existence of Canada's first founding nations as full and equal partners in our Confederation. It was a gulf of hope and equality, but it is a gulf that we must now span.

We have started that journey with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which sought to change that. For many years the path towards reconciliation seemed to be broken by litigation, by confrontation. It was only after those years that we discovered — through the advocacy of our courts, through the advocacy of our first nations leadership — that the true path to the future, to reconciliation, was through negotiation.

The courts consistently told governments across Canada that their legal, moral and fiduciary obligations under the constitution required us not just to recognize but to respect aboriginal rights and title and aboriginal cultures across our country. They have told us we must consult and we must accommodate first nations where their unique rights and title are affected. They have also told first nations that they, too, have obligations in helping governments to respect their rights and in advancing the goal of reconciliation.

We want to move to a society of reconciliation, not because we must but because respect, reconciliation and recognition will enhance all of our lives in British Columbia and in Canada. When we acknowledge each other and when we respect one another and seek a shared vision, there is so much more that we can accomplish as a society. Recent history has proven that when we work together, when we are open to new ideas, when we are open to new approaches and to new dialogue, we can make real progress.

[1500]

As I have travelled on this journey in public life and listened and learned, I have become more and more convinced that there are many roads to reconciliation. Treaties are only one of those paths to reconciliation, but they are the ultimate vehicle to get us closer to that goal. Treaties help define and entrench constitutionally protected rights that provide greater certainty and confidence for all. They leave less doubt as to our respective obligations — what they are and what they are not. They provide and answer the questions of land title and rights that flow with them.

They are the ultimate of a mutual affirmation and a constitutionally binding expression of what we understand, and how we can pursue and liberate the opportunities for all of us. I can tell you, hon. Speaker, that this government, this party supports treaties that work for all British Columbians — first nations and non-first nations alike.

Over the last number of years, I have had the opportunity to build many personal relationships with first nations leaders across our province. As I have listened and learned and reflected on their aspirations, I have shared their hopes and have tried to map a course that will help us reach our mutual goals and realize the dreams of their people. Understanding and flexibility is a key to making progress, for it is the key to negotiation. Understanding and wholehearted acceptance of the fact that there are different ways of doing things is a critical component of building the long-term future of our province and our country.

One side doesn't always achieve all that it wants. Reconciliation is a process that involves give and take, that obliges all parties to stand up for what they believe in — and I underline to stand up for what they believe in — but also to do their part to honestly try and find a resolution. That's what the new relationship is all about.

It's a sincere commitment from this government to find additional paths to reconciliation that can complement and, hopefully, also help advance the treaty process. Treaties are not the only way to forge that new relationship, because the new relationship is grounded on mutual respect, recognition and healing that ensures that we honour the legal rights of aboriginal Canadians.

[ Page 8589 ]

Treaties are not the only way to help close the gaps in health care, education, housing, economic opportunity. They're at the root of our legal obligations. Believe me, I have learned a lot since my days as opposition leader when the Nisga'a treaty was brought to this chamber. I have not always been correct in my views, but I have always been, and I will continue to be, willing to learn and to listen to the voices of goodwill that drive a better British Columbia.

Mr. Speaker, I can tell you this today. The Nisga'a treaty has not divided us from one another as I had once feared. It has helped bring us together. It has helped build a better future for the Nisga'a First Nation, and that's something we should all applaud.

I want to stress this. I am proud of the distance that we have travelled together, notwithstanding the challenges that it presented. I am more convinced than ever that the road to reconciliation cannot be imposed or achieved by shutting down debate or by trying to silence those who have different views.

The treaty before us is not a perfect document. As Chief Baird pointed out to us the other day, she has decided to pursue the good. The Tsawwassen people have decided to pursue a better future, not a perfect future. They are not willing to let the pursuit of perfection drive out the good in the lives of their children and their grandchildren for the future, and neither are we in British Columbia.

As we discuss and debate this treaty in this House, I would hope that every single member of this assembly has the right to speak their minds for their constituents and, most importantly, to speak their hearts for British Columbia, because it is only by opening this chamber to full discussion and full debate that we will provide the solid foundation for a future which every member of the Tsawwassen First Nation deserves.

[1505]

There should not be a penalty for members of this House standing and speaking about what they believe. It is no more appropriate for that to happen in this Legislature, this House of the province of British Columbia, than it would have been for Chief Baird to say to her people in the longhouse: "You may not disagree."

You must be able to stand up for your beliefs if we are to build the kind of future that we have. This is the place for an unfettered expression of people's sense of what we can do in British Columbia, and I would hope that every member feels and has that opportunity to speak in British Columbia.

I have had the privilege of being the Premier of this province for just a short period of time. But in that time, I have tried to learn, and we have tried as a government to reach out and find new opportunities to share with first nations people. In 2001 we invited the First Nations Summit to come and meet with the cabinet — something that has been ongoing since that time. We established First Citizens Forums in 2002.

In 2003, in one of my prouder moments as a Premier, I travelled on behalf of British Columbians and Canada to Prague with the leaders and the chiefs of four first nations — the Squamish, the Tsleil-Waututh, the Lillooet and the Musqueam — to encourage the international community to award us the Olympic Games, and I am proud that every one of those four first nations remains committed and are active proponents of Canada's Olympic Games.

In 2003 it was this government that issued this statement of regret during the throne speech. It said:

"The future will be forged in partnership with first nations, not in denial of their history, heritage and culture. It will be won in recognition of first nations constitutional rights and title, not lost for another generation because we failed to act. It will be earned through reconciliation and mutual respect. It will be built with bold new approaches that will materially improve first nations quality of life before and after treaties are concluded."

In March of 2005 our government signed The New Relationship accord with leaders of the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, the First Nations Summit and the Assembly of First Nations based on mutual respect and reconciliation, and recognition of aboriginal rights and title.

That same year, in Kelowna, we signed the transformative change accord. That transformative change accord outlined a path we would take to close the gaps in health care, education, housing and economic opportunity. We committed ourselves and our government to try and close those gaps by 2015. I again salute the First Nations Leadership Council for the drafting of that accord and for the cooperation in building that accord as we look to the future.

What's happened since that time? We have almost three dozen educational enhancement agreements with first nations and school boards across this province, and they're showing real results. We signed Canada's first education jurisdiction agreements with the First Nations Education Steering Committee and the federal government recognizing the right of first nations to make decisions about the education of their children.

We developed a $65 million aboriginal education strategy to help aboriginal students start, stay and succeed in post-secondary education and training. We have an aboriginal internship program here in the government of British Columbia to encourage young aboriginal people to become a full part, an active part, in our public life here and in the public life of their first nations.

We have worked to close the health gap. We have had the first-ever national health summit of aboriginals right here in British Columbia, the first-ever tripartite aboriginal health plan between the federal government, the provincial government and first nations — a plan drafted by first nations. We appointed the province's first-ever aboriginal health officer. We are going to close the health gap between aboriginal and non-aboriginal British Columbians, because we are dedicated to doing that. We launched the $6-million ActNow B.C. program to promote aboriginal health.

[1510]

On top of that we have, as a government, launched an effort to close the housing gap. The $60 million to create 292 additional housing units in ten communities

[ Page 8590 ]

across the province was in addition to the transfer of 3,000 housing units to aboriginal health authorities so they can decide how they are going to provide for aboriginal people across this province.

On top of that, four long-term agreements with the Blueberry River First Nations to support aboriginal participation and economic certainty in northeast B.C.'s oil and gas, minerals, mines and forest industries.

Land use plans with the Squamish First Nation, the In-SHUCK-ch First Nation, the central coast first nations, first nations in the Morice planning area. Those are going to create economic opportunities. They are going to establish a sound social base, and they're going to protect cultural assets and environmental values.

Forest and range agreements with 130 first nations, which provide $166.5 million in revenue, 24.4 million cubic metres of timber.

Reconciliation is a process that is done one step at a time, but it is done consistently. Last year we resolved for the first time in the history of the province and settled with the Songhees and Esquimalt First Nations their claim relating to the lands upon which these legislative buildings sit.

An agreement-in-principle with the Tsay Keh Dene and the Kwadacha nations because of the flooding that was caused and the impacts by the Bennett Dam in the northeast.

At the end of the day, this treaty is, as I mentioned, about self-determination, and there are so many reasons to support it. The most important is that the Tsawwassen people support it. It is their new lease on life, their ticket to the future. This treaty will provide the Tsawwassen people with land, finances, governance, resources to move forward and build a future for their children, and it will provide certainty and economic stability for their lands.

They have considered their history, their elders and the generations before them who struggled and said: "We must find a better way for our children." By taking control of their own destiny, they have found a better way. The treaty gives the Tsawwassen self-determination to reclaim their past traditions and carry those forward to their children.

The Tsawwassen were and continue to be accomplished fishers. Salmon and sturgeon were mainstays of their traditional diet. This treaty recognizes the established right of the Tsawwassen First Nation to harvest fish for food, social and ceremonial use. It includes a long-term renewable harvest agreement for the commercial allocation of salmon and crab, and it gives them the authority to make laws to regulate their fish harvest, determining who participates and how harvested fish are distributed amongst its members.

It will provide them the land base and the cash necessary to build economic stability and security for their people. It will expand their land base from 290 hectares of their former reserve land to 724 hectares in the treaty. A total of $70.1 million in land and cash value for the treaty provides a foundation for them to move forward on their own.

The Tsawwassen First Nation know what is best for their people, and they will now have the governance model that enables them to make the best decisions for themselves, their land and their resources, the education of their children, their health services, child and family services, peace and order, and traffic and transportation.

Treaties are about accepting personal responsibility by all levels of government and its citizens. It's about stepping up to the plate and asking: what can we do to build a better future? Are we willing to work and to take action today for the benefit of our children tomorrow? Are we willing to think long term? Are we willing to go beyond next week and next year and think about the next generations?

In British Columbia and Canada we all share a common goal: to build a better future for the next generation to come, one where hope and prosperity are the norm and not the exception.

On Monday when we came to the House, I was given this special pin by the Tsawwassen First Nation. It's a heron. On the land looking out to the sea — and these are the people of the land looking to the sea — the heron line those banks. If you think of the Tsawwassen for a minute, I just want you to think of those herons. I don't know how many of you have ever watched a heron. The heron stands on the shore, and it looks out and it waits, and it waits, and it waits.

[1515]

The Tsawwassen people waited, and they waited, and they waited. But the Tsawwassen people, like the heron, are about to take flight to a future that is full of abundance, full of opportunity, full of hope, full of the vision of their leaders that says that they can be what they want to be where they have always lived and build the future for their children that they deserve.

I am proud to stand here today in support of ratifying this treaty. I am proud of the Tsawwassen First Nation. I am proud of their leadership. We are all British Columbians. We are all Canadians. We can build a better future for everyone by following their example. [Applause.]

C. Puchmayr: First, I would like to raise my hands to the Chief of the Tsawwassen First Nation. It's been, I know for her, about 14 gruelling years of this process, and I would certainly like to raise my hands to her council, her people and also to the ancestors that could not be here today to see what is going on. They are here in spirit.

I would like to thank the Songhees and Cowichan. We are on their territorial land, and I think that needs to be mentioned.

It's a great honour and privilege to rise here in this chamber for this momentous occasion as I speak in favour of Bill 40, the Tsawwassen First Nation agreement. It was also a great honour for me recently to witness the swearing in of the first aboriginal Lieutenant-Governor, Steven Point, at Government House. Oh, the bagpipes will never sound the same as those drums resonate through Government House for the next five years.

[H. Bloy in the chair.]

[ Page 8591 ]

This debate has some special significance for me. This treaty has been in progress for many, many years. I believe it was around 1996 when I was first elected to city council that I attended the Tsawwassen First Nation…. I was on their reserve for the signing protocol of the final stages of the negotiations, which culminated in the recent ratification by 70 percent of the Tsawwassen people. It seems like a long time for me. It must seem like forever for the Tsawwassen First Nation.

The territory of Tsawwassen…. We talk about the land that is in the resolution, and we talk about the lands that were originally their territory. It's quite significant the difference between where we are now and where they were 100 years ago.

Tsawwassen means "land facing the sea." The traditional territory was up the Fraser River and into Pitt Lake. It was into the Pitt Lake watersheds. It included Pitt Meadows. It included parts of New Westminster, where my family and I reside, and my constituents. It includes Burns Bog. It flows out to Galiano Island, Pender Island, Saltspring Island, Saturna Island. It includes Point Roberts in the United States, and it includes the Serpentine and the Nicomekl watersheds.

It's important to note that Tsawwassen have never surrendered the rights to their original territory, yet this treaty is just a fraction of what was taken from them over the years by the settlers.

In my community, the first capital of the colony of British Columbia, the Qayqayt Salish were there to help nurture the settlers. They were there to help them through extremely harsh winters. They taught them how to survive in the new land so far from European civilization. They taught them how to fish. They taught them how to gather.

[1520]

The Qayqayt First Nation even paddled their canoes on the Queen's birthday with lit torches up and down the Fraser River, celebrating with the settlers the tradition that the settlers had brought. Sadly, the Qayqayt have been depleted, moved, oppressed from their land. All of their traditional lands have been stripped from them. Chief Rhonda Larrabee is truly a chief without a land, and she is one of the last remaining members of her nation.

History is not written that truly explains the treatment and the abuse suffered by the first nations in my community by the hands of the settlers, but the effect of that history shows today. It shows in the fact that there are virtually no Qayqayt peoples left in my community.

I was on the Kwantlen reserve a couple of years ago, and I spoke with Chief Marilyn Gabriel. She told me about the thousands of people that are missing and unaccounted for, that only their spirits remain along the banks of the Fraser River. They were victims of abuse through racism, through residential schools, through the criminal justice system. What an oxymoron that is for a first nations person: criminal justice system.

Even as the other side boasts of the new relationship, we see many first nations where nothing has changed. I'd like to quote the new relationship comments from the Auditor General. He says: "Until the province clarifies the link between the new relationship and treaty negotiation policies, the wait-and-see attitude of some first nations will contribute to the slow pace of negotiations."

If you look at the 200 outstanding claims that this province has, the rate of resolve — if we've resolved two in seven years, and you have about 200 outstanding — is around 1,400 years. We'll have had B.C. Rail back for 400 years.

There is a historical overlap in some of the claims and in some of the treaty negotiations. First nations often had different hunting grounds, and they had different fishing grounds. They would use fishing grounds when the fish were in abundance. They would use hunting grounds when the game returned. They had different spiritual grounds as well.

This treaty is very progressive, and I'm amazed at how much of this treaty actually is a template from the Nisga'a agreement. The Nisga'a agreement was quite clear in looking at addressing the overlaps, because the overlaps were certainly a significant issue in dealing with treaties. Without dealing initially with the overlaps, you could run into a lot of issues. The overlaps were dealt with in the modern Nisga'a treaty with wording that's identical, other than it says "Tsawwassen" instead of "Nisga'a."

"Canada, British Columbia, and Tsawwassen First Nation are consulting with neighbouring first nations and will continue to work to resolve any remaining overlap issues. The harvesting areas set out in the final agreement are not exclusive, and other first nations and the general public may fish and hunt there as they now do on provincial Crown land."

This is very significant. I think a lot of people don't understand that relationship and that context of the agreement. This allows for resolve but does not extinguish the overlap jurisdictions under the constitution of Canada. This agreement has been a long time coming: 150 years ago lands were being settled with no consideration for the cultural, social or economic impacts of the original inhabitants.

Fifty-seven out of 202 first nation bands are now engaged in around 47 treaty tables as of July of 2006. There is a great and understandable frustration by many of those tables. I understand the frustrations of many first nations, who are not being treated fairly in the treaty process. Some have elected to engage in the treaty process, and some have elected to use new legal jurisprudence. The Supreme Court of Canada has made some rulings which say that aboriginals do have claims on resources, on lands, whether a treaty has been resolved or not. Some first nations are using that to negotiate resources and compensations on the lands that they claim.

[1525]

We respect the directions they make, because they are made in a manner that respects the democratic process. They elect their councils. Their councils have an ability to make those decisions. Those decisions are made on behalf of those councils and on the peoples that are laying claims to those lands. I am, however,

[ Page 8592 ]

concerned about the pressure put on first nations to attempt to get something for the resources that are leaving their traditional lands.

This treaty also has some other significance to me, as someone who has pulled together in a 150-kilometre canoe paddle called Pulling Together. It was started by a former RCMP officer, Ed Hill, about ten years ago. He took a replica canoe. It was actually fibreglass, but it looked like a cedar west coast canoe. They paddled into the remote first nations communities.

They paddled in to bring apologies for the way the RCMP treated first nations people historically, for the way that the RCMP were forced to enforce laws against their potlatches, laws against them speaking their native tongues, laws against them engaging in their cultures. He felt that this was an important step to a form of reconciliation quite a few years ago.

It has now grown into an annual canoe journey with RCMP officers and other police detachments. I believe there were eight or nine different detachments last year that went on this journey, along with first nations people, adult and youth — and not necessarily all first nations.

I've been on the journey twice now. The canoe that I travelled in was one of the few actual cedar canoes, which was a project of the Circle of Eagles Lodge, a youth project, where they carved a 1,300-pound cedar canoe out of a log. We paddled that canoe many, many kilometres. I can certainly understand how first nations people get back into the spirit of their culture and a lot of the culture that they have lost over history. They were able to stop at the different first nations territories and start to share and to learn some of those cultures back again.

Last year New Westminster hosted Pulling Together, and I was able to make a presentation at the Tsawwassen longhouse. I left a message for Chief Baird from my leader, the official opposition. The message was that we understood what they were facing, and we could understand that there was some anxiety with the people on the Tsawwassen First Nation land with respect to the upcoming vote. The message from my leader was that we support any direction that they take.

Most of our stops on the journey were on first nations lands. It opens one's eyes to see the poverty of some of the first nations reserves. Tsawwassen, I found, was one of the more progressive and modern lands that we stayed on. I commend Chief Baird and the work that her council have done in that regard.

In some territories we saw poverty and despair. In some we saw gang graffiti. We saw youth alcoholism, drug use. We saw hopelessness even by the leadership trying to deal with the crisis. I saw what's called broken window syndrome, where the graffiti was taking over and buildings were overgrown with weeds. People seem to have lost hope.

We stopped at Tsawwassen. We stopped at Tsawout over here on the Island. We stopped at Tsartlip; we stopped at Songhees. They were all great hosts. We presented them with gifts, and we received gifts. We listened, and we shared the teachings. We sat long into the night in the traditional longhouses. The culture is that when you enter the longhouse, you don't leave until the business is done, until the last person is finished speaking.

You can imagine, after eight hours of paddling a 1,300-pound cedar canoe and sitting till two in the morning while people are sharing their experiences and teachings, that it makes for an early morning the next day as we paddled some more. I slept in a longhouse at Songhees. I found it very moving, very spiritual.

Still, not a lot has changed for many of the first nations. In the wake of the new reality, there is still a long way to go.

[1530]

On one journey a couple of years ago we went from Sliammon, north of Powell River, on an eight-day journey down to Vancouver. As we stopped at a provincial park, a young employee with a big walkie-talkie, a student, was putting up a sign on the outhouse letting people know that we couldn't use it. We had toilets brought in, and we saw areas that were cordoned off, because it was supposedly for the regular people.

I felt that that was offensive, yet the first nations people I was with didn't see it that way. They just moved on with it. Maybe it's from a life of experiences such as that. I found it quite offensive.

By the time we stopped in Sechelt, the same experience in the stores. I would see how certain people would be served and treated quickly,

whereas the first nations people seemed to have to wait longer and didn't achieve the service.

We do have an absolutely long way to go. Unless people live it, they don't see it, so we have large steps to take. I think a settlement such as Tsawwassen is a beginning in that process. But again, I must stress that we can't do these every seven years. We need to expedite them.

We need to allow people to have some autonomy so that they can ensure that their children are looked after, that their children will have the tools and resources to go forward and build a life for their children and their grandchildren.

[S. Hammell in the chair.]

A recent trip to Prince George. I've been to Prince George quite a lot in the last few years. My other job used to take me up there often. I've seen such a change in homelessness, in poverty, and so much of it is first nations.

Again, this new reality, this new vision — it isn't working. It isn't working in the streets. You see the poverty in the streets. You see the drug addiction. You see the young women engaged in prostitution, trying to survive. We're seeing more of a change from alcoholism to drug use, methamphetamine, and that is extremely troubling. They're both drugs, but it's certainly troubling to see young people who feel so much despair that they're taking that journey instead of the proper journey.

One of the most positive experiences that I saw during last year's journey was Tsawout First Nation over here on the island. They had a youth council and a youth chief that paralleled the adult council and the

[ Page 8593 ]

adult chief. They were bright. They were energetic. They were engaged in youth activities and in fundraising for youth activities.

The Tsawout had even recently built their own cedar canoe. It's interesting to see how many first nations are starting to build their own cedar canoes to get back in touch with the culture that was taken away from them, that they've lost over the years.

Back to Tsawwassen, there's certainly some concern about the farmland. We're not going to not talk about the issue of farmland. Farmland is very crucial to the survival of this planet. It's very crucial to have farmland so that you can develop your own food for your own people.

Just as the first nations do, we need food as well. We cannot start to depend on foreign countries to provide us with food. It may look advantageous today, but it could be a disaster for us in the future.

There's no doubt that there are some concerns, and I'm sure the concerns could very well be from some members on the other side who boast about growing in B.C. and boast about farmland. I'm disappointed that I'm not hearing the actual concerns about the agricultural land reserve. They are valid concerns, and they are real concerns.

When the Agricultural Land Commission and the land reserve were brought in under the Dave Barrett NDP government…. We look today at what we have in preserved farmland, which is always under threat, always in jeopardy. We wouldn't have that today had there not been that vision in the past. So there's no doubt that there is some concern when you start to lose farmland.

[1535]

The land component of the Tsawwassen treaty is irreplaceable. The land component is something that has more value than any amount of money that you can print. Once that land is gone, once the title is gone…. Once that land is sold, 50 years from now or 100 years from now or 500 years from now, people will be wondering what happened to that land.

It is of such extreme value to any future first nations that it has to be respected and it has to be treasured. I feel confident that Tsawwassen First Nation has considered that. There is going to be immense pressure on Tsawwassen First Nation to liquidate, to sell some of that land.

If you look where they're situated between the long jetty driveway to the ferry and the other one to Roberts Bank and the massive container and coal port…. When you look where it's situated, you can understand the pressures that they are going to be experiencing with somebody wanting that land for industrial development. I mean, it's inevitable. I know that Tsawwassen will be strong and that they will certainly listen to their people before any decisions are made on something that is absolutely not replaceable.

One only needs to look at some of the American history with respect to land claims where land was actually purchased. It wasn't purchased for a lot, but in those days — in the '40s and the '30s — what was a lot? With inflation, what was a lot of money? Today there are people with no land again, and that land has been extinguished from them forever because it has been sold. So that is certainly a concern on this side of the House.

I look at how long the Tsawwassen First Nation has been attempting to get a treaty to be able to acquire its lands, to be able to resolve its issues. They go back almost a hundred years if you go to 1912, but I would imagine that their lands were at risk way before 1912.

I would say that the Tsawwassen lands are so important to them and the agricultural land is so important to us, but had those land claims been resolved when they should have been resolved, there wasn't even a dream of the agricultural land reserve. This is something that came in modern times, in the early '70s. So my concerns…. While I think they're very valid, I do think that the history trumps those concerns to some degree.

Working with neighbours is very important, and this government has in 2002 taken and sort of restructured a treaty advisory committee. The treaty advisory committees were certainly very beneficial to the treaty process. That's the Union of B.C. Municipalities, the lower mainland treaty advisory committees and the major treaty advisory committee for the regional districts. The role that they played was that….

Even though the municipalities couldn't negotiate land claims issues, they could sit at those tables as observers. They could sit there, and they could share ideas. They had staff that could do some research with respect to infrastructure and shared infrastructure. It was a very important component, in my opinion as a previous city councillor, of a building of a relationship, of being able to not only sit down and participate in some discussion but also be able to sort of build a bond of mutual needs and mutual infrastructure needs when you had a land claim that bordered a municipality.

[1540]

The funding has been cut, and it has been replaced with unpredictable spot funding. That certainly isn't as effective. There needs to be some continuity in that process.

If all that comes out of that process, at the very least, is an understanding from municipalities of what is required when heading into a new relationship with a neighbouring first nation which will now acquire the structure of a municipality, that's a very positive thing to have. That's something I think this government needs to reconsider. They need to put in predictable funding that is sustainable and not just have spot funding when they desire to put spot funding in for issues such as land claims with respect to shared infrastructures.

I guess it was about early 1982 that I was up in Kamloops. I think the sun was coming up, and I was looking out of my motel. My kids were in a gymnastics tournament up there. It was a Saturday morning. I saw a church way down in the valley. I could see the steeple. It looked like an old historic building. I got in the car. The sun was just coming up, and I drove down until I found this church. It looked like it was possibly on reserve land.

There was this beautiful church that had been restored. It looked like it was built around the late

[ Page 8594 ]

1800s. There was a cemetery, so I thought I'd take a walk through the cemetery and read some of the headstones of the first nations people that were buried there. It really struck me how many young people were buried there.

My colleague from my side that spoke before me gave those statistics. I think some of us have been showing the statistics about infant mortality rates of first nations peoples. It really struck me. Not only did it strike me when I looked at the lavish church, all nicely painted — I'm sure that inside it would have looked quite beautiful as well — but to see little steel pipes sort of screwed together as a crucifix…. Those were the grave markers.

Some of the graves were very elaborate, as in many cemeteries, but most of them were written on a wooden sign or on 2-by-4s that were hammered into the ground. It really hit home — the contrast between those that came to re-educate the first nations to be good Christians and how they ended up passing on into the other world and how most of them couldn't even afford a decent identifier for the loss of their loved ones.

It's still like that today. It's like that when you go onto first nations lands and look at their cemeteries. A few will be very elaborate. Most of them…. You can tell that through poverty people can't even afford to identify properly the markers of loved ones that have passed on.

It's great to talk about the new relationship, but I caution everyone that we have so far to go. I praise Tsawwassen, and I honour Tsawwassen for what they have done. They are among the few fortunate ones that have been able to achieve that final stage.

I know it will pass in this House. I hope it passes unanimously, but I know that it will pass in this House. I hope that it passes in Ottawa and that it's a go-forward. I truly don't want to see another seven years before there's another settlement. There needs to be a better way of achieving a quicker resolve.

I spoke about this once before — this changeover, this transformation that has happened on the other side. Excuse me for being a bit cynical. I read the Hansard . I read so much Hansard about the Nisga'a debate that I'm absolutely shocked at the makeover that has happened on the other side. Excuse me for being cynical.

[1545]

Not taking anything away from Tsawwassen…. Seeing the template of Tsawwassen and Nisga'a makes me very proud, but I don't want this to be something that someone trumpets and uses to prevent further land claims, because we need to expedite the land claim issue. The courts have ruled that you can't extinguish them. The courts ruled after the attempts from the other side to do referenda, even to challenge it in the courts.

Businesses were rattling their sabres and saying: "We're going to leave this province. We're going to go and invest somewhere else unless you deal with this land issue." So excuse the cynicism.

Let's go forward now, and let's show a true commitment from the other side by actually working towards dealing with other land claims, expediting other land claims and going forward, not only for the benefit of the people of Tsawwassen and the people of Nisga'a but for the people of Qayqayt, the people of Kwantlen, the people all over the province.

With that, Madam Speaker, I will end my comments.

Hon. L. Reid: On October 15, 2007, Chief Kim Baird of the Tsawwassen First Nation addressed the B.C. Legislature as debate began on the first urban treaty in modern-day British Columbia.

There will be no more historic words spoken than the words that the Chief brought to us yesterday. I feel absolutely privileged to enter into this debate. I certainly give thanks to the Songhees and the Esquimalt First Nations for the territory we currently visit on a very regular basis, and I rise today to pay my respects to the Chief.

It is absolutely outstanding, a remarkable achievement — the perseverance through incredible obstacles along this amazing 14-year journey. I can tell this House and, certainly, Chief Kim Baird that it absolutely warms my heart to see her in this gallery and to see her daughters, ten-month-old and four-year-old children.

For me, treaties are about babies. As parents — and I'm the parent of two small children myself — nothing is more heartwarming than the dreams and aspirations we carry for our children. To see the Tsawwassen First Nation carry these dreams and aspirations as they go forward…. What I wish for my children and what I wish for the babies of this province is the wishes, the dreams, the aspirations that the people of the Tsawwassen First Nation carry for their youngsters.

I thank you for coming. I thank you for being here. I thank you most sincerely. I give great thanks to what I perceive to be remarkable perseverance, amazing perseverance. You have succeeded. I'm enormously proud of the leadership you have shown, and I celebrate the leadership of the Tsawwassen First Nation.

To go first is amazingly challenging. I give you enormous accolades. I celebrate with you. I think what you have done is remarkable. I think the opportunities that will now be available to each and every member of the Tsawwassen First Nation will be opportunities that will change how this province goes forward and, frankly, will allow this province to move forward.

In the Chief's words, people are tired of poverty. As an educator, I abhor the conditions which have confronted aboriginal Canadians for more than a century. Certainly, there is work before us. The conditions which affect aboriginal Canadians today are unacceptable to me.

Dear friends of mine, their families, individuals who have ties to aboriginal communities. I care deeply. They care deeply about the nurturing of children in our society.

I am not proud of what has transpired around the care of aboriginal children. Governments across the land have made terrible mistakes. The connection a child has for his or her parents and the connection a parent has for a child are sacred and profound. I respect that.

[ Page 8595 ]

Aboriginal young people need opportunities long denied. I was enormously moved ten years ago to see the first aboriginal Canadian medical doctor graduate from the University of British Columbia. That event indeed warmed my heart.

[1550]

We have a wonderful opportunity today to make a difference in the way we govern and in the way we enhance inclusiveness for all members of society. That opportunity has been fully embraced by this government and by the Tsawwassen First Nation.

This is about partnering. This is about building. This is about learning from each other as we go forward, and it's truly, truly important that we get on with the business of building and doing. This debate — vitally important. The reconciliation actions of this government — equally important in terms of how we make better where we have been and, frankly, where I believe every single member of this chamber would wish us to go. It is about respectful engagement.

When I heard Chief Baird speak in Richmond many months ago, talking about the Tsawwassen First Nation occupying the land for 4,200 years — enormous moment. The ability to work that process through and to understand the legacies, the gifts of those that have come before and to carry that message for the length of time that that message has been carried is absolutely outstanding, truly outstanding.

As we go forward, I want to talk about the work of this government, the work that we have done with aboriginal communities in British Columbia. This is not about us imposing; this is about us partnering with. I can tell you that the work we have done over the past six years in aboriginal early childhood development — vitally important. It's work that matters, and it's work that's done quietly in myriad communities across British Columbia.

I can tell you that I've had the absolute privilege to be in an array of different communities across this province and to make a regular visit to Tsay Keh–Kwadacha, to Alert Bay, to Bella Bella, to Bella Coola and, frankly, to New Westminster and Vancouver to see how it is we can take what we want to improve upon, make it better, make it livable, make it durable and make resilient change in British Columbia.

That's the issue. At the end of the day, this is about resiliency. Do the programs we put in place matter in the life of a child? I will tell you today that I believe we are on the road to true reconciliation, that we indeed have done our best to learn as we go forward and to put in place programs that matter to children and families in British Columbia.

Certainly, we want very much to partner with community as we go forward. This is about mentoring. It is about parenting. It is about sharing what we value.

I've had the absolute privilege to work with Diana Elliot, who is the first-ever aboriginal infant development coordinator for the province, a member of an aboriginal community in British Columbia who understands the nature of trust, the nature of respect and the nature of building relationships that have durability to last over time. We have amazing programs in British Columbia in this regard, and in 2002 we had the absolute privilege of making the very first appointment as we went forward.

We have many, many consultants today working with approximately 500 aboriginal children through the aboriginal development programs in British Columbia, serving on- and off-reserve communities and urban, rural and remote areas in a number of programs continuing to grow and expand across this province. The programs receive funding from a variety of sources — provincial, federal and band-sponsored. Again, a partnership that matters in the lives of British Columbia families. The B.C. Association of Aboriginal Friendship Centres is currently hosting that office and allowing the reach of that program to move across British Columbia — incredibly important.

This work is reconciliation. This is expanded opportunity for parents and their children. It is about the babies. The infant development program in British Columbia provides home-based services through 52 agencies; 66,000 infants across the land continue to do better and have more opportunity to be better prepared for learning as they go through the school system. They reach the school system. They cross the threshold into their first kindergarten classroom better prepared because aboriginal communities and non-aboriginal communities are partnering to deliver services that matter in the lives of young people.

Opportunities often don't exist for professional development in many rural communities in British Columbia. It's difficult to travel — weather constraints. We have indeed put dollars in place so families can hire individuals to come and work with them in the communities in which they reside. Hundreds of thousands of dollars have been put to that effort over the last six years, and it's making a difference. It's truly making a difference.

[1555]

Supported child development in British Columbia — 5,500 children, birth to 12 years, who have a special need. Many of those children are aboriginal today, and today they are receiving services that they have not received in the past as a result of a partnership, as a result of a relationship that's building across British Columbia. It is about respectful engagement, and it's vitally important that we continue that work.

Each year these programs continue to grow. An additional 25 new initiatives are coming on line for aboriginal supported child development — hugely important. They come on line. They work because of partnership. They work because of respectful engagement. They work because there's a plan to build and expand and enhance and embrace the true, on-the-ground actions of reconciliation.

Again, this is not about imposing a belief system, imposing a strategy. This is about collectively coming together to understand what works best for aboriginal people with aboriginal people and, frankly, creating opportunities for training so that aboriginal people can have those opportunities within their own communi-

[ Page 8596 ]

ties. I want that in the strongest possible language, hon. Speaker. I want us to ensure that we create with aboriginal communities in British Columbia the opportunities for them to care for their children. We have not done the best job of that. We need very much to move forward on that.

We've had a number of initiatives across the province where we have asked people to come together and work collectively to enhance opportunities for children, like the Success By 6 initiatives — ongoing work across British Columbia where coalitions and tables and individuals, aboriginal and non-aboriginal alike, come together to build something that matters, to build programming that's durable for youngsters, to wrap the families of British Columbia in a support system that makes sense for them, to ensure that they have tools in the toolbox, have strategies.

Again, this is quiet, dignified work that typically happens in family resource programs, happens in all kinds of aboriginal friendship houses, happens across the land, where parents are supported to do the most incredibly important work ever to effectively parent children. For us to have a common set of outcomes, for us to believe fundamentally in the opportunities that should be available for all children is what drives the work that we do.

We have a program in British Columbia called Building Blocks. The initiative supports a wide range of services, with an emphasis on building parental capacity. Projects funded include an array of programming for infants, toddlers, home visiting, parent support — the things that matter. Honestly, there are no perfect parents in the province. All of us can continue to enhance our skill, can continue to do better as we go forward.

We certainly want to continue to focus on how we partner more effectively. We have much to learn. There are many lessons still before us, but I am pleased to say that the work we have done in terms of supporting on-reserve/off-reserve aboriginal British Columbians is vitally important. In a meeting yesterday with the first nations we talked about the dollars we put towards child care construction in first nations communities in British Columbia. I can tell you that it was news that was well received.

We certainly have done and put towards aboriginal communities…. Almost 20 percent of the funding for capital construction in British Columbia has gone to on-reserve child care. It's gone to Windermere, Victoria, Lillooet, Burns Lake, Agassiz, Williams Lake, Port Alberni, Merritt, Delta, Atlin, Telegraph Creek, Fraser Lake, Sechelt, Moberly Lake, Brentwood Bay, Penticton, D'Arcy, Mount Currie, Greenville, Kitkatla. There are opportunities for us to work well with aboriginal communities and to demonstrate a profound respect for the work that they will do and have done that has brought them to the point of the Tsawwassen First Nation.

It's a remarkable time in history, hon. Speaker. It's a remarkable time to know that there is opportunity to partner, to build, to plan, to expand, to enhance what families want for their children. To have the ability to see that embraced in the Tsawwassen First Nation treaty, the first urban treaty in modern-day British Columbia, is a remarkable moment in time.

[1600]

There are all kinds of opportunities available today. I had the absolute privilege to be with the Splats'in First Nation probably three or four weeks back to see a graduating class of 16 early childhood educators. All of them had jobs before they concluded the training. Four of them were retained by the agency that had the child care centre, which knew they would need staff once they completed their renovation.

They took the initiative to create that training program, to graduate 12 additional folks who would go off and support child care centres in the surrounding areas. They offered those positions to those individuals before they had completed their program — 16 successful graduates, led by the Splats'in First Nation. Amazing commitment, amazing direction, amazing initiative to ensure that they could staff what they had built.

I am absolutely charmed by the level of thoughtfulness that goes into how we work together to ensure that we can deliver on what we believe to be important. That work is underway in the province, and it continues to warm my heart.

I've touched on the aboriginal infant child development pieces and talked about professional development as we go forward — all of these pieces with the First Nations Education Steering Committee, the Aboriginal Head Start Association of British Columbia. I believe we have embraced, touched as many different agencies as we possibly can in British Columbia to ensure that the babies of this province, of which there are 42,000 born each year, have opportunities as we go forward.

Every single baby born in this province deserves the opportunity to succeed, to have choice, to have ability, to have opportunity, to have friendships, to play on teams, to learn life skills, to be involved in relationships and to gain gainful employment. Those are all tracks that parents would wish for their children. To be successful, to have an enjoyable childhood, to have friendships that endure, to find life partners — all the things that we believe, and understand fundamentally, help create strong community. Why would we wish less for any British Columbian, hon. Speaker?

The work that's underway, I believe, is doing its part to strengthen the new relationship in British Columbia. A piece I'm particularly proud of is aboriginal early childhood development research innovation chairs. Thompson Rivers University and Malaspina University College received grants in the amount of $2.5 million each to establish and recruit aboriginal early childhood development research chairs. The leading-edge endowment fund is matching the funding, to be used solely for the purpose of funding the research chair.

Malaspina University College is working in partnership with aboriginal communities on Vancouver Island and beyond to research and develop early childhood development training and child care programs. The Thompson Rivers University research focus is aboriginal maternal and-child health, with a focus on preventable health disorders — important work that

[ Page 8597 ]

has been underway in this province for the past six years.

That work will continue. That work will strengthen community. That work will strengthen the knowledge base, the research base and the understanding that members in this House bring to their work but will broaden the understandings that communities bring to the services they provide, to the agencies they fund, to the directions they provide to their communities. All of that work is vitally important.

The B.C. Association of Aboriginal Friendship Centres — in 2007 a $2 million allocation to ensure that they could branch out and do the work that they wanted to do. The initiative supports off-reserve aboriginal child care programs and services which are inclusive of first nations. It also supports aboriginal early childhood development programs and aboriginal family-strengthening programs. It supports other community-based child care providers in accessing, understanding and providing aboriginal cultural components within community child care.

It is about cultural relevance. It is about language immersion in first nation languages in British Columbia. It is about retaining that legacy for generations which come after. This is generational work — of that, there is no doubt — but we want the gifts today to be carried forward for future generations.

Proposals that received support for urban aboriginal literacy are jointly funded by the Ministries of Education, Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation, Employment and Income Assistance and Advanced Education. The Premier was clear that he wanted cross-government integrated strategies in early childhood development.

I'm pleased to say that as colleagues we have worked well to ensure that that outcome was delivered upon. The provincial urban aboriginal literacy strategy aims to increase literacy among aboriginal families in British Columbia living off reserve and is focused on enhancing literacy programs and services at the 24 friendship centres in British Columbia.

[1605]

Key principles of the proposal include development of a comprehensive capacity-building and awareness campaign, including coordination of programs and services involved in aboriginal family literacy. You won't find better programming when it comes to strengthening family.

This work, whether it's a language immersion program in New Westminster or in Prince Rupert, is indelibly imprinting on families, on communities, on leaders everywhere how important it is that families have the ability to carry forward their traditions, ceremonies, language and celebrations. That is what makes communities unique. It is how we value communities in British Columbia, and we celebrate communities in British Columbia in exactly that way.

As we go forward, I'm pleased to tell you we are doing our best to work with the human early learning partnership as they attempt to better understand aboriginal communities in British Columbia and to develop more culturally sensitive tools and strategies. It's vitally important that the research value every single person in British Columbia and be seen and actually do the work that we would like.

We are going to be guided by the best research of the day as we go forward. We will ensure that the best tool in the toolbox is culturally sensitive as we go forward. I am pleased to assure the House that that is the direction we will take.

The human early learning partnership is working with first nations schools and organizations to gather data on all children in the province. To date, band schools are joining and moving forward with us. The data has been collected, and the data is not owned by the government. It's not owned by the university. It's owned by the community from where it was collected. It should go back to those communities, and then they will make the decisions on how best to go forward. That work is underway today.

We have community development underway in British Columbia. I am pleased to tell this House that we have had enormous success with the Roots of Empathy program with aboriginal and non-aboriginal communities across British Columbia. The Seeds of Empathy program, a program for three- and four-year-olds, has 16 sites. We're working with the aboriginal advisory committee to explore the development of new aboriginal sites. By 2008 there will be a total of 50 Seeds of Empathy sites in British Columbia — enormous growth to teach empathy, communication and cultural understanding as we go forward, and to begin with very young children.

Currently there are 46 aboriginal-supported child development centres in the province. There is work underway, and we have hundreds of service delivery agencies whose work is all about supporting aboriginal British Columbians in partnership. Again, to build, to plan, to better understand how we should go forward is vitally important.

I want very much to leave this House with the notion that this is partnership. This is respectful engagement. This is the opportunity for us as we go forward to understand that a first nation who has occupied land on this coast for 4,200 years has achieved a historic milestone in terms of this treaty — an absolutely historic milestone.

What I presented to you today is just a snapshot of the work that's underway in British Columbia — a snapshot of our commitment to re