British Columbia Hansard — Friday, March 16, 1973 — Morning (30th Parliament, 2nd Session)
30p 02s 730316a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1973 Legislative Session: 2nd Session, 30th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes
only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
FRIDAY, MARCH 16, 1973
Morning Sitting
[ Page 1389 ]
CONTENTS
Routine proceedings
The Public Officials' Disclosure Act (Bill No. 132) Hon. Mr.
Macdonald.
Introduction and first reading — 1389
Committee of supply: Department of Labour estimates.
Mr. G.H. Anderson — 1389
Hon. Mr. King — 1390
Mr. Chabot — 1390
Hon. Mr. King — 1390
Mr. Chabot — 1391
Hon. Mr. King — 1392
Mr. Chabot — 1392
Mr. Wallace — 1394
Hon. Mr. King — 1396
Mrs. Webster — 1397
Hon. Mr. King — 1397
Mr. Radford — 1398
Mr. McGeer — 1401
Mr. Gabelmann — 1401
Mr. Gardom — 1403
Hon. Mr. Nimsick — 1406
Mr. Chabot — 1406
Hon. Mr. King — 1407
Mr. Chabot — 1407
Hon. Mr. King — 1408
Mr. D.A. Anderson — 1408
FRIDAY, MARCH 16, 1973
The House met at 10 a.m.
Prayers.
Introduction of bills.
THE PUBLIC OFFICIALS'
DISCLOSURE ACT
Hon. Mr. Macdonald moves introduction and first reading of Bill No. 132 intituled The Public
Officials' Disclosure Act .
Motion approved.
Bill No. 132 read a first time and ordered to be placed on
orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the
House after today.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Saanich and the
Islands.
MR. H.A. CURTIS (Saanich and the Islands): Mr. Speaker, may
I ask the House to welcome members of my family visiting here
from Kamloops and observing our proceedings.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. First Member for Vancouver Centre.
MR. E.O. BARNES (Vancouver Centre): Mr Speaker, I would like
to ask the House to join me in a similar request and also I
would like to confess to the Minister of Education (Hon. Mrs.
Dailly) that I have asked two of my daughters and two of their
friends to come to the House today, which means they are out of
school. I thought it might be a worthwhile experience. Although
they are not here yet, they will be arriving about 11 o'clock.
I would like to take this opportunity to wish — let's see — I
think one of their names is — (Laughter) Connie, Beverley,
Linda and Colleen. Colleen and Linda are the friends.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Minister of Mines.
HON. LT. NIMSICK (Minister of Mines): Mr Speaker, I don't
know whether they are in the House yet, but there is a whole
hockey team along with its coach Bob Jones coming from
Cranbrook, and they will be in the galleries. I don't see them
right now, but I thought I had better tell you when they do
come in. I want you to welcome them.
MR. SPEAKER: The Hon. Member for Chilliwack
MR. H.W. SCHROEDER (Chilliwack): I would like the House to welcome to
the galleries the mayor of our fair city of Chilliwack, Mayor Allan Holder.
Orders of the day.
House in committee of supply; Mr. Dent in the chair.
ESTIMATES, DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR
(continued)
On vote 124: Minister's office, $72,978.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Kamloops.
MR. G.H. ANDERSON (Kamloops): Mr. Chairman, I welcome the
opportunity to discuss this matter of the Minister's salary.
There have been quite a few comments made in the House and I
think they can be added to, for the Minister's information and
the information of the House. I certainly can't agree with some
of them that were made with respect to the trade union
movement.
Since moving to Kamloops 16 years ago, I have been a member
of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union. It
is a good union of which I am proud to be a member. I have
taken
part in its activities for approximately 12 years, both
in bargaining and in annual conferences.
I think the House should know that we don't accept any
dictatorship from our international office in Denver. We do
have a director at the Canadian office in Edmonton, who is
elected every two years by the Canadian membership. He is given
full authority under the international constitution to be the
voice of our union on public and union affairs and any matter
of public policy of our union. At present his views on the
transportation of oil down the west coast of Canada are in
opposition to the international president and he isn't going to
move from that position.
We have had a couple of strikes, of course, over the 16
years too, which isn't too bad.
MR. P.L. McGEER (Vancouver–Point Grey): Why did he say "of
course"?
MR. G.H. ANDERSON: There are a couple of organizations, Mr.
Minister, through you Mr. Chairman, in this country which have
extremely tight closed shops which restrict their membership
and police them very severely. I'm speaking of the medical
association and the bar association. I would like to see any
lawyer come to this province and try to practise without being
called — as they call it — to the bar.
I don't know what their checkoff system is but I
[ Page
1390 ]
believe they have a system of dues of some kind. I would
like to see them continue to practice if they fall too far
behind in their dues or violate their internal constitution in
some way. I mentioned it one time before in the House but I
would like to refresh the House's memory of one of the longest
and most disastrous strikes in the history of the province of
Saskatchewan that was carried out by that closed shop, the
Saskatchewan Medical Association.
The good of the public wasn't mentioned very often in the
Press, and they had an excellent organization to carry out
their publicity for them. They called it simply a "withdrawal
of essential services." Now, we have some strikes going on
today in school boards and children have to miss school in some
cases. We have had strikes on the Vancouver Transportation
System and people have had to find some alternate form of
transportation. I just wonder: what do you do when you call
your doctor and he says: "Well, is it essential?" You have to
make this decision on whether it is essential or not. Or
perhaps he has simply gone on an extended vacation or he
doesn't answer his phone. There are many, many ways of
withdrawing services.
Mr. Minister, I won't belabour this point too long, but I
would like to find out, while we are discussing your salary, if
there are any plans this year or next year, in your department
or by your committees, to bring these two closed shops under
some kind of control under a labour Act or some type of
regulation under your department.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Minister of Labour.
HON. W.S. KING (Minister of Labour): Mr. Chairman, in
response to the question by the Member for Kamloops (Mr. G.H.
Anderson), I can state that there are no plans to interfere in
the internal policies and the internal structure of the two
organizations he referred to. I would reiterate my response
last night which I made to one of the Hon. Members that I would
much prefer that individual, private organizations bear the
responsibility, both social and to the members, of regulating
their own affairs in such a manner that it would not invite
regulation from the government. That would be my response.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Columbia
River.
MR. J.R. CHABOT (Columbia River): Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Last night I posed a series of questions to the Minister.
Apparently it will be necessary for me to repeat these
questions to him as I was cut off by the Member for Oak Bay
(Mr. Wallace).
I'm not going to stand in my place today and defend the international union
movement or the American unions. Although I belonged to an international union
for 25 years, I think that individuals should have the right to belong to
the unions of their choice. I don't know whether the Minister wants to answer
some of the questions that I put to him or if he wants me to restate the questions.
HON. MR. KING: Mr. Chairman, as I recall, the Member for
Columbia River (Mr. Chabot) last night asked the question with
respect to elevator inspections, and was concerned that there
were elevators which had not been inspected for three
years.
This is not the case. There are no elevators in the province
which have not received an inspection within that duration of
time.
What happens, I am informed, in this type of situation is
that many of the inspection cards are either removed from
elevators — in fact when the inspection is completed and an
inspection card is issued, it is issued to the owner, not
affixed to the elevator by the inspector. As a consequence,
many of them are not posted. Others are tampered with perhaps
by the public, and so on. So you don't really receive an
accurate reflection of the up-to-date situation in elevators in
that way.
We have made provision to increase the elevator inspectors
by three as of April 1 of this year. I indicated, I believe
last fall in the House, that when I assumed this office there
was a backlog of some 1,800 elevator inspections, which were
overdue simply because we lacked the number of inspectors to
keep pace with the demand. We have acted as quickly as
possible. In the estimates you will see provision for increased
moneys to secure additional inspectors.
The Member, Mr. Chairman, restated a question on a variation
of certification for people who are not employees of an
employer. He asked whether or not it would be possible for them
to be included. The answer is no, it would not. Certainly, if
there is no employer-employee relationship I would not think
they would be able to be included.
However I would point out, Mr. Chairman, as I would imagine
the Member knows, the determination of people who may be
included in a unit is decided upon by the Labour Relations
Board. Certainly in making their determination of any specific
application, they take into account all the circumstances of
that particular case and they hear representations by any
interested party if it's warranted.
I believe he raised a question on injunctions. My comments
on injunctions, that he referred to in a Press release, were
simply that I thought injunctions are a very poor way of
achieving solutions to strikes. I think they're a device that
is certainly not conducive to establishing a harmonious
industrial relations climate in the province. What is more, I
would suggest to the Hon. Member, Mr. Chairman, that
injunctions should not be held out as the only effective
method
[ Page 1391 ]
that management or indeed unions have in terms of securing
redress from illegal actions that may take place. There are
other statutes on the books which adequately provide protection
in that respect too.
Injunctions, as they apply to labour disputes, became very
popular under the previous administration. I think the fact
that they are not as prevalent today is rather through the
exercise of prerogative in the courts than a policy of the
former government. I reiterate, I strongly feel that they are a
poor weapon to be used in an attempt to develop any harmonious
relation between employers and employees. Certainly that's not
one of the types of methods that I'm looking for in an effort
to try and bring about a greater degree of peace and stability
in the industrial relations world of British Columbia.
MR. CHABOT: Public input on the whole hearings?
HON. MR. KING: I think I did answer that last night. I did
indicate that we will be announcing the sites for conferences
around the province at a number of other locations — conferences similar to the Harrison conference. I have stated
publicly, and we will be sending out definite publicity on a
method by which interested parties can make representation
through my office or through the special advisors which I have
secured for the purpose of assisting me in the review. So
anyone who is interested will have adequate opportunity for
input and suggestions.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Columbia
River.
MR. CHABOT: On the question of elevator inspectors, it's
really unfortunate that you had to inherit such a backlog of
inspections when it was deemed that three additional inspectors
in 1972 would be satisfactory to meet the needs of elevator
inspections in the province at that time.
I think really if you suggest that all elevators have been
inspected and are fairly current, it should be contingent upon
the inspector to have some of these outdated cards removed from
the elevators. It was just a couple of months ago, when I was
in the Doric Howe Motor Hotel there was a card in the elevator
there that indicated it hadn't been inspected for over three
years. There is another building whose name escapes me, here in
the City of Victoria, with outdated cards. I think the
inspector, in his inspection, should look at these cards and
have the things removed.
It is NDP policy, I understand, for a minimum of government and court interference
in the question of labour-management relations. I'm not going to raise the matter
this morning, because the matter is presently under negotiation, but I have
conclusive evidence, really, at this stage — and I don't want to interfere with
what's taking place — that you did issue a directive which does take a particular
side in the collective bargaining process. I'll raise it at a later date and
probably through correspondence rather than on the floor of the House. It has
to do with contracts and a first contract.
However, I do want to say that I think in many instances,
even though you don't agree with the court procedure in
settlement of certain disputes, I think some worthwhile
decisions can be brought down by the courts. And the one
instance in particular that I'm thinking of is the one in the
elevator dispute. I think a far better solution was resolved
through the courts than could ever be brought about by the
process of compulsory arbitration, such as is being considered
in the Province of Ontario at this time.
Last night you did ridicule my question that I put to you.
The question was very simple: would the certification of a
non-existent unit be considered an appropriate unit for
collective bargaining? You thought it was very ridiculous that
I would put such a question. So I'll put it in a little
different form to you, about a variation of certification. I
have correspondence here now that indicates that this has taken
place, that the board has certified a non-existent unit of
employees of an employer. My correspondence goes this way:
"Briefly in
summary we were initially advised that the trade
union had applied to the board to be certified for unit of
employees which we believe and still believe does not
exist."
When I brought the matter up last night, you ridiculed me,
having been a former Minister of Labour, to have brought up
such a foolish and asinine question.
HON. MR. KING: They're your words.
MR. CHABOT: Here is the copy of correspondence from an
employer. It goes on:
"At a later date advice was received that the application
for certification was withdrawn by permission of the board, and
instead the trade union requested a variance or consolidation
of existing certificates, incorporating into the bargaining
unit the same non-existent unit of employees for which the
trade union had initially requested certification. Naturally we
registered our objection with the board to the trade union's
oblique approach towards achievement of the same end, namely
certification to represent a group of employees in a
classification which we have claimed does not exist."
I am wondering whether you have any comments on that subject
which I raised last night. Also, without going through the
question of national agreements which I raised last night, I am
wondering whether you want to
[ Page 1392 ]
comment on national agreements and what your attitude is
relative to them.
HON. MR. KING: On the question of elevator inspections
again, the concern of the Department of Labour, of course; is
that the safety of the public be protected. We're more
concerned in knowing and recording that the inspections are in
fact carried out than we are with whether or not the particular
certificate is up to date on the elevator that the Member may
have observed.
However, if he is concerned about any particular elevator, I
would suggest, Mr. Chairman, that he refer the matter to the
elevator inspection branch and certainly they'll look into the
matter.
The certification thing that he has raised, Mr. Chairman, is
a matter that I certainly haven't got all the facts on. I would
suggest to the Member that he provide me with the facts and the
circumstances of the case he refers to. I will certainly look
into it. I don't pay particular attention to every
certification adjudication that the Labour Relations Board
makes. As long as I am satisfied that they have acted within
the laws as they are presently constituted, then I have no
reason to interfere with their adjudication of a particular
case.
Variations of certificates is a somewhat different matter
than the original question raised by the Member. If he's
referring to a variation to allow for the inclusion of
additional employees into a certified unit, this is very
common. If he's suggesting, as I understand it, that a group of
employees who weren't presently employed was involved, I could
only assume that that was a case where a union expected a group
of people to be hired and they were applying for the right to
represent those people before the jobs were actually created.
That may be the case; I don't know.
I would suggest to him that he provide me with the details
of that case and I'll certainly do my best to provide him with
the board's reasons for adjudicating it in the manner in which
they did.
As far as national negotiations are concerned, as the Member
for Columbia River (Mr. Chabot) indicated, he belongs to a
union himself in which national bargaining has been the
practice for the last 100 years. Certainly I happen to be in
the same situation with respect to my railroad union too. In
this respect we're governed to some extent by federal and
provincial jurisdiction. I certainly have some views on this
matter, views which I will be raising with the federal
Minister of Labour when I attend the federal-provincial
conference with him in May.
However, the main thing is that if a system of bargaining such as the national
pattern is successful and there's a low incidence of strike action, such as
the case in the elevator dispute, then I would reiterate that I would certainly
be reluctant to interfere with a situation which seems to be very successful.
I don't think anyone would want to interfere with that type of structure.
In certain areas of federal jurisdiction there are problems
as they relate to the province, not only with respect to
negotiations but with respect to other aspects of our labour
legislation. These include safety inspections under the
Workmen's Compensation Board and so on. I'm very concerned
about these areas. As I stated earlier, I do intend to raise
these matters at the federal-provincial conference when it
comes up.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Oak Bay. I
would ask the Hon. Member for Columbia River if he wouldn't
mind letting some of the other Members ask questions for a
while and come back and ask some more later. I recognize the
Hon. Member for Oak Bay.
MR. G.S. WALLACE (Oak Bay): I'll be asking on a different
subject matter.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Well, continue as long as the question is
relevant.
MR. CHABOT: All my questions are relevant. You know that,
Mr. Chairman.
The Minister has indicated that it is possible to vary a
certification to include a hypothetical classification of
workers — workers that are non-existent. He's indicated that
it's possible. I don't think that it should be possible unless
the workers are in place. I don't think that the certification
should include a classification of workers that are not
employed by that employer. I'll bring the matter further
because it's a technical situation. I'll bring the
correspondence forward to the Minister. I'm very happy to see
that he will give me full reasons.
Incidentally, the board doesn't give reasons for their
decisions, and you know that. I'm glad to see that on the floor
of the House this morning you promised to give a reason for the
decision brought down by the board on this very question of
variation and the inclusion of non-existent employees into a
unit.
It appears that you've misconstrued the question of national
agreement. A national agreement is not necessarily an agreement
belonging to a union in the United States whose members are
working in Canada. A national agreement is one which can be
signed just about anywhere. It can be signed in Washington,
D.C., it can be signed in Montreal or Toronto, it can be signed
in Vancouver, and it can be signed in Victoria as well.
It's an agreement that really, in my opinion, bypasses all
the laws of British Columbia. It's called a national agreement.
In many instances there are "No strike" clauses and so forth.
It becomes a haven for
[ Page 1393 ]
other workers who are locked out or on strike or involved in
other disputes in the province. It also becomes a form of
financial assistance to unions that are in a dispute with a
local British Columbia contractor.
What I'm saying is that it's detrimental to the well-being
of the workers of this province and to the contractors of this
province to have national agreements. This is primarily in the
construction industry. I'm wondering what the Minister's
attitude is relative to national agreements: whether he thinks
they're a good thing; whether they're contributing something
worthwhile to our society, to the people of British Columbia,
to the contractors of British Columbia.
They were necessary many years ago when British Columbia did
not have the type of large and efficient contractors that exist
here today. I'm sure that the contractors that are in British
Columbia right now can handle most construction projects that
are available. I don't really think that there's a need for
these secret national agreements which prey upon the
contractors and the workers of this province, and which
contribute greatly to the labour strife in British Columbia.
I'm wondering what the Minister has to say about that.
HON. MR. KING: Mr. Chairman, I don't think there's any way
that the provincial government can intervene in an agreement
which is mutually acceptable to two parties in Alberta or Nova
Scotia or anywhere else. His approach seems to be somewhat
inconsistent, though. He's concerned on the one hand for the
interests and rights of the working people. Yet he said that if
they have the benefit of a national union organization in a
strike that exists in British Columbia, they may have an
advantage. They may be too strong.
I would draw his attention, Mr. Chairman, to the railway
industry, which I would have thought he would know something
about. When he suggests that there is advantage in that kind of
a national situation, I would draw it to his attention that the
members of a union negotiating under a national arrangement
have to comply not only with the federal statutes, but also
with the provincial ones. They're subjected to five different
pieces of legislation: The Railway Act of Canada, the
Criminal Code and the national Labour Act , as
well as the provincial Acts respecting trade unions — the
Trade Union Act and the Labour Relations Act — and so on.
I would think, in that situation, that it's a distinct disadvantage to the
railway workers particularly, who are one of the largest groups involved in
national bargaining, to be locked in on that kind of process. As to whether
or not I have views on the matter, certainly I do, but I really don't think
they're relevant at this time. I think that we're in a situation that the Member
for Columbia River should certainly be familiar with. He existed under it for
some 20 years with his administration. I'm wondering what he would suggest as
an alternative.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Make it short, please.
MR. CHABOT: Really, you've left the impression here this
morning, Mr. Minister, that the so-called national agreement
signers — call them what you want; that's a misnomer really — you've suggested that they must comply with all the laws of
British Columbia. That's a bunch of nonsense. I think that the
law should be changed so that they must comply with all the
existing laws of British Columbia that protect the workers of
this province and protect the contractors of this province as
well.
It's not difficult either. If you want me to give you
suggestions — if you'll assure me on the floor of this House
this morning that you'll implement those suggestions, which
will be reasonable, Mr. Minister — I'll give you suggestions
tomorrow morning that will eliminate the type of strife that
has been created by national agreement signers in this
province.
HON. MR. KING: Well, it is rather unfortunate that you had
to wait until this late date to solve all those problems. I
would have thought that you would have taken the action that
was needed during your 18 months' tenure in this office.
However, certainly I'm willing to listen to suggestions,
particularly if we arrive at the unique situation where I
receive a responsible one. I'll certainly listen.
I would reiterate again that the national unions are indeed
subject to the Trade Unions Act . I can tell you with a
degree of chagrin that they are subject to those laws in the
province. I at one time manned a picket line during a national
strike on the railways and had that picket line removed by an
injunction that was provided for on the statute books of this
province, placed there by the former administration.
The injunction was granted on a blanket basis for the total
of British Columbia. There had been no acts of violence or any
other nature which would justify an injunction removing the
picket line at Revelstoke, British Columbia.
Yet, an injunction was granted in Vancouver — a blanket
injunction that was flown to interior points and served
simultaneously on all the divisional points in British Columbia — adjudicated in Vancouver without any knowledge whatsoever of
what was going on in Penticton, Revelstoke, Cranbrook, and
Nelson and so on.
So I happen to know something about the effects of
provincial legislation on national unions. I also happen to
know something about the effects of arbitrary injunctions
issued to break strikes that are not illegal, and that are
being conducted in a peaceful way.
[ Page 1394 ]
So I wonder whose advocate the Member for Columbia River
(Mr. Chabot) has become. It seems that during the course of the
evening he was rejuvenated with gems of information provided by
someone, which he didn't seem to have in the past. We can only
speculate on that.
However, this is the situation. There is an overlap of
legislation between federal and provincial areas. But to arrive
at the suggestions that the Member put forward, I would think
that an amendment to the British North America Act would
be required. That's not easy to come by, so if he has a
suggestion for accomplishing that, I'd certainly be willing to
listen.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Oak Bay,
followed by the Hon. Second Member for Vancouver South.
MR. WALLACE: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. A few points I think
are worth raising, one about which we've had a considerable
amount of correspondence. It is the question of whether or not
persons of religious conviction should be exempt from paying
union dues; or rather putting it more accurately, that they
should have the choice to have their union contributions paid
to a charity or a charitable organization of their choice.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order. I would point out to the Hon. Member,
if he's referring to the so-called conscience clause, that
there is a private Member's bill on the Order paper on this
matter. Therefore I would ask him to refrain from discussing
it.
MR. WALLACE: I have another matter and I'd like, to just ask
your views on this, Mr. Chairman. There's also a bill on the
order paper to do with the Workmen's Compensation Board. I
would hope that it is the feeling of the House, since that
bill deals only with review boards, that we are at liberty in
this debate to cover the affairs of the Workmen's Compensation
Board if we avoid discussing review boards. Is that the correct
understanding?
MR. CHAIRMAN: That is correct.
MR. WALLACE: Yes, thank you. The Workmen's Compensation
Board is a very important part of service to society, to the
injured workman or to the workman who becomes disabled because
of disease. I really regret having to offer some of the
criticisms that I propose to offer, but I feel that some of
these matters should be said.
In the first place, there is good reason to believe that the
medical department of the Workmen's Compensation Board should
be abolished. By that, I'm suggesting that an injured workman or a workman who
develops disease as a result of exposure should be treated from
the medical point of view exactly like any other patient. He
should go to his family physician, who in turn refers the
patient to specialists of his choice, exactly in the same
manner that any other illness or affliction is treated.
Compensation as such should be the decision of the Workmen's
Compensation Board. But contrary to the general feeling I think
that the public have, that there is liaison between the medical
profession and the Workmen's Compensation Board — and there is — the fact that the compensation board medical employees of the
staff of the medical department, not infrequently veto the
stated written medical opinion of the ordinary private
practitioner. Oh, you clapped — that's fine. In other words,
you are obviously of the sentiment that an employee of a
government agency must obviously be correct when perhaps five
or six other doctors are wrong. That is the point I'm making,
Mr. Chairman, and if I haven't made the point, I'll try
again.
MR. L. NICOLSON (Nelson-Creston): We're supporting you.
MR. WALLACE: Oh I'm sorry, I beg your pardon. I thought you
were supporting the fact that one employee of the board
obviously knows more than sometimes five or six other doctors.
I apologize, Mr. Chairman.
I'm glad to hear that you accept the fact that a medical
judgment is based on a great deal of evidence. It's very
frustrating to medical men trying to both protect the patient's
health and his interests by giving a fair opinion of what the
medical condition really is and how it was created. It's very
frustrating to have three or four, sometimes five medical
opinions agreeing about the patient's condition and then to
have a decision and such a consensus vetoed by medical staff of
the Workmen's Compensation Board.
I'll have a great deal more to say in this regard when we
discuss the bill on review boards, because what I'm trying to
put across is the fact that we must have completely objective
medical advice. With the utmost respect to the medical staff of
the board, they are employed by the board and it's the old
story, that not only must justice be done, but it must seem to
be done. The present mechanism causes a great deal of hardship,
I believe, for many injured and diseased and disabled
workmen.
I would hope, in passing, Mr. Chairman, that the Minister
would answer the question on the order paper — I forget the
number, but it's relating to decisions of the board. Before we
come to debate the bill it would be most useful to have the
information in that question.
On the same theme, there is often delay before a
[ Page 1395 ]
workman is treated because the attending physician has to
contact the board to get certain measures of permission to
proceed with treatment. In that regard again, I feel that if a
physician and perhaps one or two specialists have decided that
a man should have a certain operation, I really don't feel that
some other doctor sitting in an office in Vancouver is likely
to be able to know with any degree of certainty or efficiency
that the advice of these three other doctors should or should
not be approved.
It seems to me again, the essential medical justification of
the case should be decided by the local private physicians or
surgeons, as the case may be. I understand, for example, in
Saskatchewan they have a very small medical staff which acts
only in an advisory capacity, and that this has worked very
well.
The other point that I think should be raised, and where I
again think that workmen are not fairly treated, relates to
this delightful escape hatch called pre-existing disease.
What I'm trying to explain, Mr. Chairman, is that if you
X-rayed the spines of all of us sitting on the floor of the
House, almost without exception — except for perhaps the
youngest Members of the House — you could detect what we call
lipping of vertebral bones, which is apparently a part and
parcel of the ageing process of the human being.
Time, and time, and time again, the Workmen's Compensation
Board simply takes refuge in X-ray pictures which show
pre-existing disease. Now we don't want to take up the time of
the House quoting examples, which I certainly could quote. I
have one particularly distressing case which I will mention.
But ask any doctor who deals with the compensation board, "What
is the most frustrating element of indecisions?" This is the
frequent statement, "about pre-existing disease," and in
particular, I'm talking about back problems.
I won't belabour that any more, except to say that I hope
that this kind of problem will go far beyond the question of
review boards — it's the whole realm of functioning of the
board in this regard.
Another problem which concerns us in trying to help the
workman, is the disclosure of information. There is often
difficulty, even when the workman gives his written permission;
that is difficulty in having information disclosed to unions,
and to MLA's.
The other day — I'm dealing with another case — I got the
most apologetic letter from one of the members of the board of
the medical staff on the compensation board, although I had
sent him a written signed document by the patient giving her
full permission to disclose the details of the case. In this
case I was acting as her MLA, not as her physician.
I think a point that is lost sight of in this whole question of compensation
is that when the legislation is introduced or when it was first introduced,
the principle exists that the workman is to be given fair play equivalent to
the kind of justice he would receive were he dealing with the courts. If I'm
wrong on that I'll be happy to be corrected, but it would be my understanding
that in providing legislation and compensation and access to the compensation
that the individual is actually surrendering certain rights which he would otherwise
use to take his case to court.
Therefore — if that is a correct premise — surely in trying
to ensure that he gets fair play and fair compensation the same
rules that apply to the courts of this land should apply to the
compensation board. If you take a case to court — a civil case,
a car accident or some such situation — you can subpoena
witnesses and you can ask any information that is relevant to
the case to be disclosed.
I am coming dangerously close to getting onto the question
of review so I'll leave it at that. But the fact is that in
general terms for some of these reasons the workmen of this
province I do not believe are getting fair play with the
Workmen's Compensation Board.
I would like to say a little bit about rehabilitation. We
don't feel, as practising physicians, that there is a complete
degree of liaison and understanding between the Department of
Rehabilitation and Social Improvement and the doctor out in the
community. It is often the arbitrary decision of the board as
to whether or not a person receives rehabilitation.
Here again, cases quite frequently occur where the
rehabilitation staff are at odds on the question of the
diagnosis, and sometimes on treatment also. I think Alberta can
teach us a great deal. They have a high reputation nationally
as emphasizing rehabilitation in a very effective way.
There's also a lack of success in relocating workers after a
disability or disease has been treated. I think again it isn't
just a question of how much money or how much compensation the
patient might receive. It's a question of being able to
function again, if not in the job he was previously in,
certainly in some suitable other type of employment. This does
not carry a good record in this province — the whole record in
relation to rehabilitation.
Finally I would like to raise the case again that I've
mentioned in this House — this is now the third time of asking.
It's like trying to get the Minister's salary — you have to ask
more than once. This is in relation to the subject of exposure
to asbestos. I know that the Minister is well aware of the
problem, but I'm not sure that the severity and the risk
involved here has been fully appreciated in the past.
I won't go through the whole detail of this case, but it's
to try and emphasize the point when I'm talking about justice
for the workmen. I'm repeating what I said twice already in
this House: if that is our sincere purpose in setting up the
compensation board then surely we must accept the same
principle that I
[ Page 1396 ]
mentioned in the courts of the land — that, if there is
reasonable doubt, that reasonable doubt should be cast in
favour of the workman.
In court you can't always completely prove that somebody is
guilty or innocent. Very often with disabled workmen,
particularly in the realm of lung disease, which probably is
caused by prolonged exposure to asbestos, you cannot prove it
100 per cent.
This case of Mr. Jack that I've quoted before is the most
shameful example, in my view, of how the compensation board is
taking a completely rigid, unbending and almost inhuman
attitude to a situation where the evidence is overwhelmingly in
favour of the fact that this man now has 20 per cent of lung
function, as it happens — and I don't want to go into medical
details.
I just want to talk in general terms and say that here we have a man
seriously disabled. The record shows that he was working in close
confined quarters for the federal government — in the dockyard, in
engine rooms, in boiler rooms, and in very confined spaces where the
lack of preventive measures is absolutely shocking in this day and age.
It's all documented here and the Minister knows about it.
The fact is that the federal government even today have not
upgraded, to the degree that they should, the known safety measures
that are required in the presence of asbestos — damping the dust, using
exhaust fans, giving masks to the workmen, and so on.
The point is that this man worked for several years. He left
the navy one week in grade A condition and started in the
dockyard the next week. We have this bugaboo again — that he
had some pre-existing disease in his lungs. But there's not a
shred of evidence, none whatever. Somebody, somewhere along the
line in the compensation board, dropped in this phrase
"pre-existing disease."
Because you can have asbestosis for up to 15 or 20 years
before it shows up on an X-ray, the man can only produce a
great deal of evidence, such as the fact that of the 7 or 8
workmen that he was in closest contact with for several years
two of them have died, with exactly the same symptoms. Their
diagnosis was proved at autopsy: they both had asbestosis in
conjunction with cancer, which is caused by the asbestos
exposure. We have a third man in the team who has now been
proven — and he's still alive — to have asbestosis.
Three out of 8 of them who worked together, and this is the
fourth man — how much more evidence we have to provide before a
man can get justice and compensation I just don't know.
As to the question of this other man, I am not at liberty to mention his name
since I haven't talked to him. But he has been re-located, I understand, in
the dockyard doing a clerical job but being paid tradesman's wages. He's paid
as much as he would have been paid if he had been able to continue his original
occupation.
I think it's important not only for the workmen but for
society as a whole — the whole question of asbestos exposure,
not only in confined quarters or in industry.
I'm sure everybody saw the headline in the paper that it's a
"time bomb ticking away." I think that was a rather
overdramatic description. But this Doctor Selikof from the
Mount Sinai Hospital in New York is a very well-known and
highly-respected international expert on this subject.
I would just like to quote some of the statements that he's
made about asbestos. He said that he feels that exposure to
this will claim a million lives by the year 2000 and that
millions of other persons are exposed to asbestos fibres to an
unknown degree every day of their lives without their
knowledge.
He told the committee that more than 3,000 consumer products
and a host of building materials contain asbestos, which
accumulates in the human lung. He gives some examples — talcum
powder, polished rice, papier mache used in art classes, and so
on. The food and drug administration last year issued
regulations banning the use of asbestos in garments and has
proposed a ban on the use of talc and talcum powder in food
packaging, because of its asbestos content.
I won't read the whole article, but the fact is that here is
an element in our environment the danger of which is well
recognized at close quarters. But now we have to realize, as
we're doing about many elements in our environment, that
greater danger exists than was previously considered.
Just to finish up, what really distresses me is the fact
that a workman can produce a whole body of evidence, and yet he
cannot prove it. In this particular man's case he could only
prove it by having a surgical operation to remove a piece of
his lung and have the lung diagnosed under the microscope. The
man's health is such that the operation would kill him.
So he's probably like the other two unfortunate gentlemen,
in that his diagnosis will be proved on the autopsy table. Then
everybody'll say, "Oh, what a pity. Really he should have had
help while he was still alive." That's really what I'm
asking.
[Ms. Young in the chair]
HON. MR. KING: Madam Chairman, the points which the Member
for Oak Bay makes are certainly well taken. Having dealt with
workmen's compensation cases for quite a number of years
myself, I'm intimately familiar with the problems he
outlines.
I would make the observation that many of the cases that come before the board
are really impossible
[ Page
1397 ]
to make a completely accurate medical determination on. I
can only agree with the Member for Oak Bay that in those
instances certainly I feel that the benefit of the doubt should
by all means go to the workman. I'm certainly receptive to any
changes in the Workmen's Compensation Act which would make this
more implicit.
It is my intention to include the Workmen's Compensation Act
in the hearings that I will be conducting in the coming months.
Certainly I want to take a look at the whole situation.
I am interested in the Member's recommendation, Madam
Chairman, that perhaps there's a case for the total abolition
of the medical staff of the board. It's something that hadn't
quite occurred to me in that sense. But I would point out
further that there is an avenue where decisions of the medical
staff of the Workmen's Compensation Board can be challenged and
appealed now, through
section 55, medical appeal.
The composition of the appeal tribunal is a recommendation
of a medical person by the union, one by management and an
independent chairman. So there is that appeal process available
to the workman, once a case for a bona fide medical dispute is
established in the adjudication of the case. So they do have
that avenue; the medical staff of the board do not have the
absolute final authority.
I cannot but agree, though, that it seems that there have
been inflexible decisions made. Certainly I'm sympathetic to
many of the comments that the Member has made. I would look
forward to and indeed invite the Member to by all means make
submissions to me over the coming months on some of the changes
that he thinks might be brought about to grant a better degree
of justice to injured claimants under the Workmen's
Compensation Act .
MS. CHAIRMAN: The Hon. Second Member for Vancouver
South.
MRS. D. WEBSTER (Vancouver South): Thank you, Madam
Chairman. I am very glad that the Member for Oak Bay (Mr.
Wallace) brought up the problem of medical treatment under
workmen's compensation, I get a great number of cases in
relation to this and very often I am not convinced that the
decision of the Workmen's Compensation Board is exactly what I
had hoped for.
In this relation I would like to say that these are people who have been on
compensation for quite some time. They are probably older workmen who, as a
result of their injury or illness, have had either emotional or mental problems
that result in back pains or leg pains or something of that kind. Their own
doctor will verify that they require the needed medication; but when the Workmen's
Compensation Board is phoned, they say that it has no relation to the injury.
I contend, Madam Chairman, that it does have relation to the injury; that mental,
emotional and physical ailments are so closely connected that I'm sure that
most doctors would find it difficult to be able to separate them.
Secondly, I would like to mention something concerning
bargaining rights for the public service. I hope that
consideration has been given by the Labour department to expand
bargaining rights for people in the public service so that they
will feel compatible with others, and that promotions will not
necessarily have to be on a political level but can be in
relation to tenure.
I would also like to ask the Minister if anything is being
considered in relation to apprenticeship and demand for joining
a union of people who are working in service stations. By this
I mean the mechanics and the other employees. Complaints come,
not only from the public but also from the automotive
retailers, that a lot of the young people who are employed as
mechanics come in without any training at all. Not only is it
bad for the name of the station where they're employed, but it
also is bad for your car and mine.
I don't know whether this has anything to do with labour,
Madam Chairman, but I should like to ask: has the BCTF been
restored to full membership or are teachers still allowed to
opt out of the BCTF?
I believe that our trade union movement and the various
authorities in relation to the British Columbia Teachers'
Federation are the ones that have raised the level of the
working class and given them better working conditions
throughout the years. Breaking down trade unions or breaking
down organizations like the BCTF is bad for labour in general
and for the standard of living of all people.
As the trade union movement and the BCTF, organizations like
that, raise living standards and raise wage levels, other
people get the same. We would never have had these wage levels
if it hadn't been through the work of the trade union movement
over the years.
MS. CHAIRMAN: I'm sorry, Hon. Member. A point of order. That
would come under the Public Schools Act , the relationship of
the BCTF.
MRS. WEBSTER: I wonder if the Minister could comment on some
of the other things.
MS. CHAIRMAN: The Hon. Minister of Labour.
HON. MR. KING: Madam Chairman, I presume when the Second Member for
Vancouver South was referring to bargaining rights for public employees that
she was referring to civil servants, government employees.
[ Page
1398 ]
MRS. WEBSTER: That's right.
HON. MR. KING: Unfortunately, Madam Chairman, that
jurisdiction comes within the Provincial Secretary's (Hon. Mr.
Hall) department. So I can hardly comment on that at this
point.
The points which she makes on the Workmen's Compensation
Board are well taken. As I indicated earlier, the whole
Workmen's Compensation Act will indeed come under
review. Certainly we're taking a close look at the entire
operation.
While I'm on my feet I might respond to the comments again
for the Member for Oak Bay (Mr. Wallace) on the asbestosis
problem that he outlined. I think it's related to some of the
comments the Second Member for Vancouver South made too.
The problem of asbestosis is grim in terms of its effect on
the adjudication of the claim by the workman. But I think
perhaps what is more significant is the need that it
demonstrates for much more knowledge in the industrial hygiene
area and much stricter preventive measures to protect workers
against silicosis, asbestosis and these types of diseases,
respiratory problems and so on.
It does seem to me that there must be much more
collaboration between my department and the Workmen's
Compensation Board and my colleague here in the Health
department (Hon. Mr. Cocke), to establish a greater degree of
expertise, a greater degree of knowledge in finding the areas
where there is a real problem and establishing preventive
measures to protect the workers and also developing strict
enforcement of such provisions.
We're certainly working on this and I anticipate that there
will be action taken very shortly between our departments to
this end.
MS. CHAIRMAN: The Hon. First Member for Vancouver South.
MR. J. RADFORD (Vancouver South): I want to make a few
remarks on the speech of the First Member for Vancouver–Point
Grey (Mr. McGeer) yesterday. It was quite apparent that he was
not aware of the labour legislation in B.C. where workers in
this province do have a choice in the seventh or eighth month
of each year to decertify or change unions. It is quite
apparent that he is against international unions. I shudder
when I think what would happen on this question if he were in
the Government here today. I think, Madam Chairman, that there
is a place in the trade union movement for international unions
and national unions.
In the face of the development of international conglomerates, the need for
broad international trade unionism is today far greater than at any other time
in our history. If the interest of the workers throughout the world are to be
protected, this principle of international trade unions will have to be much
further extended. The word conglomerate has come into everyday use to describe
the rapidly growing practices of the octopus-like corporations with tentacles
extending into the most remote parts of the world.
Decisions vitally affecting workers and their families now
are often made in boardrooms thousands of miles away, by
financiers who have never seen the plant where these people
work and who, at any event, may be regarded as a relatively
insignificant part of the conglomerate's operations.
There was much criticism of international unions in Canada,
but the critics conveniently ignore the fact that the
corporations for whom the trade union members work are becoming
more and more international. The truth is that today a great
many workers in both our countries don't really have any idea
of exactly whom they are working for. Certainly they get their
pay cheques from some specific company, but the ownership and
the effective control of that company is often lost in the maze
of corporate structures.
About 70 per cent of the trade union members in Canada hold
membership in international unions. In a number of industries
this is just plain common sense. As far as the Canadian members
are concerned, it provides far greater union strength than
otherwise would be within their reach.
In our country we are now experiencing frequent attacks on
the principle of international trade unions. Employer groups
and others sympathetic to them, including such people as
newspaper editorial writers, are proving very free with their
advice to Canadian workers, suggesting they should have their
own purely Canadian unions instead of having alliances with
their brothers and sisters on the other side of the border.
It would be foolish to minimize the recent rash of
breakaways from continental unions. I say "continental" unions
because, really, international unions — we are not using them
in that term when we talk about the U.S. unions — these are
bi-national unions.
However, it should be noted that they are by no means the
only ones affected. There have been several cessations from
national unions in recent years, but nothing in modern labour
history even approaches, in size, the importance of the massive
breakaways this year in Quebec of some 60,000 workers from the
Confederation of National Trade Unions to form a new labour
body. Both of them are Quebec-based organizations without even
the slightest hint of internationalism.
As long as unions continue to do the job for their
collective membership, they should be maintained in whatever
form is desirable to do that job. Should they fail to live up
to their mandates, then adjustments or changes should certainly
be made from within their own structure. History is replete
with such occurrences as the movement continually re-
[ Page
1399 ]
generates itself.
The one recurring theme throughout the entire history of the
organized labour movement is that it belongs to the membership
and is entirely a creature of their desire and as such, it can
only change direction and shape at the membership's command.
There has never been any deviation from this principle.
Self-appointed saviours — such as the first Member for
Vancouver–Point Grey (Mr. McGeer), if we can call him a saviour
of the union movement — have appeared from time to time
throughout our history, and will no doubt continue to do
so.
The messages these people, or groups of people, bring to us
are often couched in persuasive terms, but more than often hide
the true nature of their intent — the problems that tiny men
with the small axes to grind seem to have.
The current crop of some politicians and some ex-politicians
is certainly no different, although they appear to be burning
with a convenient nationalistic zeal. The men and women of the
organized labour movement in B.C. and Canada will judge for
themselves if what they are saying is in concert with their
desires.
The First Member for Vancouver–Point Grey, yesterday, did
not mention the central labour body in Canada; did not mention
that there are over 1,800,000 workers who belong to a Canadian
labour organization which is central to that of Canada. A body
that has a convention once every two years and passes policy by
Canadians and for Canadians.
It is often said that there is control in this organization
by the AFL-CIO. There is absolutely no control over the central
body by the AFL-CIO. To illustrate this fact, take a look at
some of the differences that have occurred in the past. The
most recent one is the Burke-Hartke bill which is a
protectionist bill and the Canadian labour movement has been
violently opposed to this bill which is supported by the
AFL-CIO.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. RADFORD: I certainly don't. The only true relationship
between the Canadian labour movement and the AFL-CIO is purely
fraternal. Relationships between the CLC and its American
counterpart, the AFL-CIO, however, are friendly at times, as
they are with all of the other labour movements in the free
countries of the world. As I said, while they agree on many of
the fundamental issues, there are some such as the Burke-Hartke
bill.
In international affairs, the Canadian labour movement advocated the diplomatic
recognition of Red China and her re-admission to the United Nations long before
this became fashionable in other Canadian and U.S. circles. Similarly, in relationship
with the Cuba situation, it has taken a position diametrically opposed to that
of the AFL-CIO.
The CLC is also an enthusiastic supporter of the
international labour organization while the AFL-CIO have been
decidedly cool toward this agency of the United Nations. The
CLC for years has been one of the most vocal opponents of the
U.S. involvement in the Vietnam war.
In the matter of affiliations, the United Auto Workers, who
left the AFL-CIO some years ago on ideological grounds, have
remained an active affiliate of the Canadian labour
movement.
Finally, on the issues of political action the Canadian
labour movement, strongly supported by its national and some
continental unions, endorsed social democracy. This is not
entirely true of the AFL-CIO.
Yesterday, a statement was made that thousands and millions
of dollars go across the line. The statement was made that
these figures are available in Statistics Canada. This could be
true that they are available in Statistics Canada, but the
ex-leader of the provincial Liberal Party should know that the
Corporations and Labour Unions Return Acts are a federal
department. Any such examination of international unions would,
of course, be incomplete without also looking at the
Corporations and Labour Unions Returns Act , called
CALURA — the federal Department of Trade and Commerce report
which attempts to portray in statistical form the structure and
financial picture of labour unions operating in Canada.
Earlier this year, an item in a Canadian newspaper based on
the 1969 report of the Corporations and Labour Unions Return
Act , was headed: "U.S. unions spend $31 million, got $41
million in Canadian dues." The item was typical of the
treatment usually given to CALURA and findings by most of the
media. The method of reporting information on labour unions
used by the federal Department of Trade and Commerce, is
responsible for much of this misleading information.
The incomplete and imprecise nature of the financial data
concerning Canadian operations of international unions and
national unions virtually invite unfair comparisons and provoke
wild headlines.
When describing the contents of the Corporation and
Labour Unions Returns Act reports, the media invariably and
unscrupulously avoid any mention of the following disclaimer,
which is carried prominently in each edition of the report, and
I quote:
"It should be emphasized that the data presented in the
tables do not provide complete information on labour unions' financial affairs
in Canada. For instance, compliance with the reporting provisions of the legislation
request that financial statements filed by international unions disclose only
those selective expenditures incurred on behalf of their membership in Canada,
namely (
a) salaries, wages and remunerations of officers
[ Page 1400 ]
and employees resident in Canada; (
b) strike
payments to members of locals in Canada; and (
c) pensions and welfare
payments to beneficiaries in Canada, thus ignoring the cost to
internationals of any additional services rendered to their Canadian
membership.
"Furthermore, the reporting provisions of the statute apply
to parent labour organizations only. The financial statements
required by the legislation reflect only financial transactions
within the authority of the parent labour organizations."
John Crispo, the dean of the Faculty of Management Studies
of the University of Toronto, recently stated that the CALURA
reports as they are now prepared, "play into the hands of the
nuts…"
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. RADFORD: I think he is.
"They play into the hands of the nuts — rabid
ultra-nationalists who claim that the international unions are
making a profit in Canada.
"The distortion stems from the limitations of the Canadian
expenditures of international unions through the previously
mentioned strike benefits, salaries, pensions and other welfare
expenses."
Crispo was concerned that some voices opposed to
international unions are vested interests and cited the
Committee for an Independent Canada as nationalistic and a
bandwagon for their own benefits.
Studies have been done, Madam Chairman. Two years ago
studies were done by the central labour body in Canada which
proved that more autonomy was needed by many of the Canadian
workers within international unions in Canada. It was felt that
many of the constitutions of the international unions required
changes and that many international unions were still in love
with their constitutions.
As I say, Madam Chairman, there is a need for international
unions and there is also a need for national unions within
Canada. The speaker yesterday, the Hon. First Member for Point
Grey (Mr. McGeer), forgot to mention that two of our largest
unions in Canada, CUPE — the second largest union in Canada — and PSAC, make up a great number within the Canadian labour
movement.
I'd like to quote again, Madam Chairman, from John Crispo's
book on international unions. He states this:
"The future of international unions in Canada probably
depends more than anything else on their willingness to adjust
themselves to the Canadian fact.
"Whether or not nationalism becomes a potent force, the
challenge of accommodating international unions to the special
needs of the Canadian membership will remain.
"The Canadian-American trade union relationship may
eventually set the pattern for a worldwide development. Unions
can no longer think in terms of narrow national boundaries if
they are to protect the interests of their members. It seems
possible that as international corporate empires spread
throughout the world, multi-national unions will follow.
"The Canadian-American experience is unlikely to be taken as
a precedent, however, unless the international link between
Canada and the United States proves successful."
I say, Madam Chairman, for the future of the working people
of both countries and perhaps the world, let's hope that this
will be the case. I'm not yet finished, Hon. Member. It's
always nice to have two punch lines.
MR. L.A. WILLIAMS (West Vancouver–Howe Sound): Let's have
the first one. (Laughter).
MR. RADFORD: Before I close, Madam Chairman, I'd like to
pose two questions to the Minister of Labour. The first
question is — and I've asked this before: is the Minister going
to consider, or has he already looked into, the question of
excessive overtime being worked by some of the corporations
within the Province and some of the union members within the
province? As I pointed out in a previous speech, there are many
members within a unit working overtime while some of the other
members are being laid off.
Another case came to me the other day, where in Kamloops
three workers at a pulp mill are going through an arbitration
case right now because they refused to work more overtime. They
were laid off because of this. Apparently in the past three
months these three workers have worked hundreds of hours of
overtime. They were just fed up with working so much overtime.
Because of this they were laid off and there's an arbitration
case right now in fact.
I related before the case in Prince George, where 21
maintenance men within one department worked a total of 7,400
overtime hours last year. I think, Mr. Minister, that we should
be looking into this. We should cut out the blanket permits
that have been issued in the past for working overtime.
Another question I'd like to ask the Minister is whether he
is considering changing the so-called open season of the
seventh and eighth month to any other date. Thank you.
MS. CHAIRMAN: The Hon…
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MS. CHAIRMAN: So you're willing to relinquish your place in
the speaking order, I gather. The Hon.
[ Page
1401 ]
First Member for Vancouver–Point Grey.
MR. McGEER: Ms. Chairperson, just a brief word or two on the
remarks on the Member for Vancouver South. I know that you
yourself are keenly interested in this matter of Canadian
versus American unions.
The point that I wanted to make last night, and which I
repeat again today, is that I am not against these American
unions, as the Member suggests. I am really in favour of
Canadian unions, if that is the wish of the Canadian worker. I
invited letters from Canadian workers who were members of the
these American unions and said I would apologize to the
Minister of Labour and to the Member if I'm wrong in my
judgment that Canadian workers really wish to belong to these
American unions.
Ms. Chairperson, the people who are being harmed by these
restrictive agreements which the American unions are imposing…
MR. RADFORD: A point of order.
MS. CHAIRMAN: What is your point of order?
MR. RADFORD: He stated that I said "American unions." I
never mentioned the word "American." I said "bi-national"
or "international".
MR. McGEER: Ms. Chairperson, I quite accept that.
"International unions" — that's his term. "American
unions" is mine.
Ms. Chairperson, the companies and the workers for the
companies that have been hurt by these restrictive agreements
imposed by these American unions are not great international
conglomerates. The Victoria Paving Company? Century Steel?
Butler Bros.? Western Reinforcing? These are local British
Columbia corporations.
The three arrangements that have been harmful to the
Canadian union worker are the subcontractors clause, which
prevents a contractor from awarding a subcontract for work
within the union's jurisdiction to any subcontractor, unless he
has an agreement with the union. In other words, all of these
small companies that I talked about yesterday are companies
that have been either harmed or destroyed by the American
unions. That's what's wrong with the subcontractors clause.
It's not these big international corporations that are
suffering, but the growing Canadian corporations and the
Canadian unions that have agreements with them.
The second is the non-affiliation clause, which allows
a member of a union having such a clause in its collective
agreement to lay down tools whenever such a subcontractor
appears on the job.
The third one is the hot-cargo clause, which makes it possible for the union
having such a clause in its collective agreement to refuse to handle, receive,
ship or transport materials from any jurisdiction which they themselves name
as being an unfair producer.
The consequence of these three clauses, which have not been
specifically outlawed under labour relations in this province,
is that American unions can use and have used intimidation and
threats to destroy Canadian unions. This is all that we're
asking the Minister to cure; not to outlaw international unions — that would be wrong and unfair — but to outlaw those
restrictive clauses that are preventing Canadian unions from
getting started and are preventing the Canadian worker from
having his destiny within his own country.
[Mr. Dent in the chair]
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for North
Vancouver–Seymour.
MR. C.S. GABELMANN (North Vancouver–Seymour): Thank you, Mr.
Chairman. I don't want to say very much during these estimates,
but just a couple of points, particularly in reference to some
comments made last evening, in one instance by the former
Minister — in his case the "Minister of Management,
" in my view.
He suggested that there was no problem with workers in
British Columbia having the right to organize in this province.
I'm a little surprised that the former Minister could make that
kind of statement. He knows as well as I do and as well as the
rest of the Members of this House know, that the percentage of
organized workers in British Columbia has gone down over the
last 10 to 12 years since 1958.
AN HON. MEMBER: Twisting words again. Twisting words.
Twister.
MR. GABELMANN: Mr. Chairman, one of the problems when
workers are trying to organize in the first instance is that in
many cases they are excluded from being able to organize,
because the definition of "employee" in the Labour Relations
Act is quite restrictive. Many categories of people are not
eligible to be organized because of the specific definition of
the word "employee."
However, if they are able to qualify to organize, they then have to deal in
many instances with employers who are determined that they not be organized.
In this case the employer has all the marbles again because, in the sections
dealing with the rights of employees and the rights of employers, the fair labour
practices section, the onus of proof that there has been wrongdoing has always
lain with the worker and not with the employer. When we change our labour legislation
I'm hopeful that we will change this onus
section so that employees will not
[ Page
1402 ]
I have to prove they were innocent in their activities and will not have to
prove that the company was guilty.
Let's say a group of workers have been able to get through
all the difficulties that are contained in the legislation and
finally do gain certification, even though many of the workers
in that particular plant or location may feel intimidated and
may not have wanted to sign the cards because of fear of being
fired — and in many cases being fired for some other
reason, according to the company. Let's say they are able to
get through this process.
They then sit down to negotiate their first collective
agreement. In instance after instance in this province over the
past few years companies have effectively refused to negotiate,
and I can cite name after name — Sandringham in Victoria
is one; Dominion Motors in Vancouver is another; Nu-Life
Nutrition, A.B. Dick, and the list is endless. It goes on and
on. They have refused effectively to bargain.
So what do the employees do? Finally at one stage they say,
"Our only recourse is to go out on strike." So they have their
legal strike.
What do the companies do then? They hire "scabs."
They hire strikebreakers. As we know in Sandringham and in a
number of other cases, the union is powerless to deal with that
kind of situation unless the rest of the population in the area
is prepared to boycott the premises, to not deliver goods and
services and to not purchase material from that outfit. But as
we all know, that's illegal in this province — another
law that we're going to have to deal with if working people are
going to be given the chance to organize effectively in this
province.
There's a lot more to say about that point. But I just
wanted to point out to the former Minister that I think his
comments about there being the right to organize now really
aren't quite accurate.
I was more concerned, Mr. Chairman, with the comments made
by the former leader — and possibly the future leader
— of the Liberal Party; the terribly demagogic speech
that he made last night; totally irresponsible in my view, Mr.
Chairman.
AN HON. MEMBER: As always.
MR. GABELMANN: …a speech that leads to a headline in this
morning's Vancouver Province that says, "Canadian Unions
Strangled — McGeer."
AN HON. MEMBER: Irresponsible.
AN HON. MEMBER: That's right.
MR. GABELMANN: The PSAC, CUPE, the government employees, the B.C. Telephone
workers, the Fruit and Vegetable Workers in the Okanagan, none of those unions
is being strangled; yet they're being maligned by this Member who seeks nothing more than
headlines, whether he's in a public accounts committee meeting
or in this House.
AN HON. MEMBER: Oh! Order.
MR. GABELMANN: The Press are doing their job. They hear
irresponsible comment…
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order. I would ask the Hon. Member to confine
his remarks to the estimates, please.
MR. GABELMANN: Mr. Chairman, I think we need some rational
discussion, if that's possible in this House, on the whole
question of where we're going with unions in terms of what kind
of structures they have.
AN HON. MEMBER: You won't get it from Pat McGeer.
MR. GABELMANN: I think of course that it is essential that
the workers themselves make those decisions about what kind of
structures they want. If their particular union has bylaws that
prohibit the kind of structures that they want, they have the
recourse within their particular union to sort that problem
out, as have many unions in this country — the
Steelworkers and the Autoworkers are prime examples of unions
that have gained the autonomy that they require in this
country. The IWA is another classic example.
I don't think that government or elected Members should be
telling workers what to do, though perhaps we should be
involved in a philosophical discussion of the directions that
might be desirable for working people in this world. In my
view, Mr. Chairman, what is essential in this world is that we
really do have international unions. That is an important
function for affluent North America to play in reducing the
poverty-stricken areas in this world.
It seems to me that when a company can put its plants into
27 and 30 different countries in this world, that one union
should be following that company around the world, organizing
that plant, so that the strength of the North American workers
can help to raise the living standards of those people in
Brazil, Italy and other parts of the world.
If we want, as Canadians and North Americans, to improve the
standard of living in the world, the most effective weapon at
our disposal is trade union organization on a worldwide basis.
Our contributions to the United Nations are important, but they
are not going to be nearly as effective as a process of
expanding unions.
This is happening now in the world, Mr. Chairman. There's an
organization called the International
[ Page 1403 ]
Chemical Federation, which is an international trade union,
headquarters in Geneva. Its secretary-general is a former
Canadian. That union has as part of its membership oil and
chemical unions around the world. They're organizing in Italy,
Brazil, Japan and in many other countries in the world. They
are doing more to raise the living standard of working people
around the world than any United Nations agency that I know of.
If we can encourage that kind of direction, Mr. Chairman, we'll
be doing our
part in that worldwide problem of poverty.
The kinds of comments made by the expert on labour from
Point Grey, from the University of British Columbia (Mr.
McGeer), who in my view doesn't know a thing about labour,
serve only a narrow, insular nationalism that will do the
people of British Columbia no good and will do the people of
the world no good.
As a matter of fact, I have some serious doubts about the
trend that's happening in this country towards nationalism.
Yes.
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
MR. GABELMANN: I didn't sign the Watkins manifesto.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. Would the Member confine his
remarks to the estimates.
MR. GABELMANN: I'm concerned that the…
AN HON. MEMBER: Oh, really! Let's be fair, Mr. Chairman. Be
fair to this side of the House. You're bought and sold by the
Opposition.
MR. GABELMANN: That's O.K., Mr. Chairman. I'll leave the
whole question of nationalism. We'll get another chance in this
House to debate that question.
I want to say just another word and then I'll close, because
I have a hunch that some of the Liberal Members would like to
be out of here by May 1. I think I'll just cut it a bit
shorter.
That is the question of why workers are striking out, why
workers are reacting against their unions in this province and
in this country. Workers in Quebec in many instances are
striking out against Canadian unions, asking for Quebec unions.
I have heard instances of workers in this province who have
said, "Look, I want to get out of my union. I want a Canadian
union." I ask them what union they're in. They are in the
Canadian Union of Public Employees.
We're dealing not with a question of nationalism, Mr.
Chairman, but with a question of frustration, a question of
alienation, a question of people not being able to deal
effectively with society, not being able to deal effectively
with their employer, hating their job situation, wishing they
could get out of it, not being able to strike out against the
company because the company in most instances is
foreign-owned, or is remote, or is not in daily contact
with the worker.
The only way he has to strike out is to go to his union
meeting and to raise heck at that point. That's fair enough.
That's the strength of the labour movement; it's democratic and
the workers can do that. But in many instances, they're not
really striking out against the union; they're striking out
against the alienation and the frustration that they feel in
their jobs.
We should understand that, and we should try as legislators
to try and create situations in this province where workers
don't have to live with the kind of drudgery they have, knowing
that when they leave school at 18 or 20, they're faced with 40
or 45 years of working at a job that has no material or
spiritual benefits to them, knowing that they're living not for
living, but living just for working. That's what is creating a
lot of the problems we are facing in this province.
I want to make one final comment, Mr. Chairman, and I think
it really can sum up why the Member for Vancouver–Point
Grey's (Mr. McGeer) comments should be disregarded.
He was talking about a three-way pact. I just want to
inform the Member for Point Grey, Mr. Chairman, that the
three-way pact is not as he defined it, but rather is the
Operating Engineers, the Teamsters and the tunnel and rock
local of the Labourers' International Union. It was a group
formed not to strangle Canadian unions, but was a group formed
to involve itself in raiding and stopping raiding against
another international union. That's what the three-way
pact was.
I think that the Member for Point Grey should at least, if
he's going to speak on labour matters, try and get some of his
information correct first.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Second Member for
Vancouver–Point Grey.
MR. G.B. GARDOM (Vancouver–Point Grey): Thank you, Mr.
Chairman. First of all I would like very much if the Hon.
Members would join me in welcoming, to our gallery a group of
students. I
[ Page 1404 ]
understand there are two schools here now, one Magee high
school and the other Queen Elizabeth. If I happened to get the
wrong school, I'm very sorry about that.
Mr. Chairman, I'd like to return from the philosophy of the
labour movement and get down to a little bit about the bread
and butter side of benefits and workmen's compensation, which
was being discussed a little bit earlier this morning. I'm
going to be short in my remarks and if I have the ear of the
Minister, I'm going to refer to three specific instances and
suggest to the Hon. Minister that perhaps these are areas
whereby his staff could indeed spend some time studying and see
if we can come up with some kind of an effective remedy to what
are rather serious defects in the Workmen's Compensation
Act .
This is the first situation. We have an individual who is a
logging truck driver in the Cranbrook area in 1950. At that
time he sustained a serious injury. His pay rate at that time
in 1950 was $1.10 per hour. Since 1950 he has been receiving a
pension from the board. He says in his letter to me:
"The medical services provided by the board have been most
satisfactory. However within the past five years it has been
necessary for me to undergo a series of operations all relating
to my original injury. This has resulted in a total of at least
six months when I was completely unable to work,"
and this is the rub,
"But the rate of time-lost payments that I receive is
based on my wages at the time of the injury."
He makes this point, and indeed a very valid point,
"Since my injury occurred 22 years ago, you can easily see
how unrealistic this ruling is."
I gather, Mr. Chairman, that the rate of pay in a similar
job up in the east Kootenay district today would be about $4.95
an hour. Now it is true of course that due to the consumer
price index the individual has received annual increases since
1966. But still, in relating his payments that he received
today to the amount of money that he earned at the time of his
injury in 1950, it is in rough calculation about 500 per cent
lower than he would be receiving today in wage. I would suggest
about the same type of lowness exists in so far as pension
received.
I do hope that the Minister would look into this particular area. Not only
that, I would like to have a statement from him today that he considers that
the philosophy that has been enunciated by this individual in this particular
fact situation is correct, and that we can relate the time-lost payments to
a figure or to a standard that is far more current. Merely going on the rate
of pay at the time of the injury when you get a situation such as this, is really
and truly, in fact, a most unfair standard.
The second point that I would like to refer to is one that
was mentioned a little bit earlier in this session by one of
the more senior and quieter and more pleasant members of the
socialistic cabinet.
He drew to the attention of the House a very valid
situation, and that deals with a person who would be fatally
injured in an industrial accident. He made the point to this
Legislature that the Workmen's Compensation Board is
responsible for his dependents by a pension for his widow for
life, or until she remarries, and an allowance for each child
until a certain age.
But the responsibility, Mr. Chairman, to the family is in
lieu of depriving them of their breadwinner. It's a recognition
that the family is a unit. The board well accepts the
responsibility for this individual and his family by a pension
all based on his past earnings, and I've criticized the
past-earning situation already.
But this pension, Mr. Chairman, is paid in lieu of depriving
him of the ability to provide for himself and his family. But
the responsibility to his family, too his dependents, will only
continue after his death if his death results from the injury
or disease. But if the death results from any other cause, then
the responsibility to the family ceases.
I'd like to ask the Hon. Minister whether the liability to
this family should continue to the same extent it would have
had the breadwinner died from the cause of the accident. The
point that was made by the Minister was this: the compensation
was given for the loss of his ability to provide for himself
and his family, and whether death occurred at the time of total
disability or later should have no different bearing on the
needs of the family than if he had died at the time of the
injury. I think that this is a very, very valid suggestion.
I don't think that if a person does die from some other
ailment that the board should be relieved of its responsibility
to this family unit. In so far as his ability as a breadwinner
goes, it has been substituted by the board at the time he
became totally disabled. The fact of a later death is really
and truly only incidental.
I'd ask the Hon. Minister that where there is a total
disability and death does result at a later date for any cause,
should not the Act apply in so far as dependents are
concerned.
I'm not going to keep it a secret from the House any longer because I can see
him sitting there smiling and blushing and being delighted that someone from
the Opposition is raising his cause. This suggestion was made by the affable
Minister of Mines (Hon. Mr. Nimsick), but he doesn't seem to have made a dent
in his colleagues in cabinet. I wonder why. You know, he's quite a nice chap,
apart from the fact that he's completely sending the mining industry into ruin.
(Laughter). But apart from that, he's quite pleasant.
[ Page
1405 ]
He doesn't beat his wife, she says. So I'd like very much to
hear from the Hon. Minister on that point.
The third and last point. I would very much recommend to the
Minister that he bring in an amendment this year to the
Criminal Injuries Compensation Act or the Workmen's
Compensation Act , whatever would be the appropriate
amendment, to provide an election…
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. I would remind the Hon. Member
that he cannot propose legislation.
MR. GARDOM: Under any circumstances, I'm just suggesting
that the Minister might propose it. I'm just trying to throw a
little bread on the water, Mr. Chairman.
But I do hope that the Hon. Minister would give
consideration to something which will cure this fact situation.
We have an individual and he was working in a store late at
night and it was burglarized — he was shot in the stomach
and very seriously injured. He went to the hospital where he
remained for several months. He had more than one operation and
he had serious post-operative difficulties. He contacted
pneumonia, and still today is far from recovered.
Now by virtue of the fact that he was an employee in a
store, the exemption provisions in the Criminal Injuries
Compensation Act , Mr. Chairman, apply because he was
covered under workmen's compensation.
Now, the point that I'm making is this: there is no
provision for him to receive loss of wages. He receives the
full amount of award that he's entitled to under the provision
of the Workmen's Compensation Act . But he's not entitled
to receive from them the loss of wages that he incurred —
he was the manager of this store. He's not entitled to receive
compensation for his loss of clothing. All of his clothing was
destroyed as a result of blood stains and being ripped apart
when he went to the hospital and was receiving emergency
treatment. Among other things, he also lost such items as his
shoes, his wallet and so on.
Now, under the provisions of the Criminal Injuries
Compensation Act , Mr. Chairman, this individual, had he
been a customer in the store, would have been entitled to make
a claim under the Act, and he would have been entitled to seek
a lump sum award. Under the provisions of the Act —
section 13 specifically — which I draw to the Minister's
attention, there's an arrangement whereby a claimant can
receive a lump sum payment to the extent of $15,000 and, in the
case of periodic payments, the income from a capital sum of
$50,000.
In this particular case of which I'm speaking, the
individual would have far preferred and would have been far
better off and been better compensated by society — and
this is social legislation. It was proposed by our side of the
House, and also by the Government when they were official Opposition. It's social
legislation.
I do feel that the individual should be able to have the
election whether or not he will proceed under the Criminal
Injuries Compensation Act or under the Workmen's
Compensation Act . That is totally denied to this individual
today. He has written letters to the cabinet concerning the
point, and I gather he's unfortunately not received replies. I
don't believe one went to the Hon. Minister — one
did not.
But I would draw this to your attention. I would ask you
very seriously to consider the question that I've raised. And I
would commend you to give serious thought to introducing
remedial legislation this session. And I'd much appreciate
hearing the Hon. Minister's remarks on these three points.
HON. MR. KING: Mr. Chairman, with respect to the last point
that the Second Member for Point Grey made, I'll certainly be
prepared to discuss this situation with the Attorney General.
Perhaps there is a good suggestion contained there for some
more flexibility between those two pieces of legislation. I'll
certainly investigate that possibility.
I'm not familiar with the case you referred to, but if the
Member would like to provide me with a copy of the
correspondence on it, I would certainly be willing to look into
it.
With respect to the suggestion that was made by my
colleague, the Hon. Minister of Mines (Hon. Mr. Nimsick), and
which has subsequently been endorsed by the Second Member for
Point Grey (Mr. Gardom), that is a matter which is basically a
philosophical one. And I think there's a good case to be made
for the proposition that the liability of the board continues
regardless of the reason for death. The earning power of the
worker was obviously destroyed at the outset, and would not
have been restored whether or not he lived. And it's an
interesting point. It's certainly one that I would expect to
hear a great deal more about during the period of time when we
are considering amendments and changes to the existing Act.
Pensions under the WCB, of course, are related to the wage
structure that existed at the time that the injury occurred.
This is a pretty difficult proposition, because were we to try
and relate those pensions on a retroactive basis to current
wage scales, I think we'd be in a position of seriously
impairing the workmen's compensation fund. However, there may
well be some more effective mechanism developed than the cost
of living index as a means of keeping the relationship of
workmen's compensation pensions closer to the cost of living as
it exists today and the wage scales that exist today. Again,
I'm quite prepared to listen to presentations on that type of
situation.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Minister
[ Page 1406 ]
of Mines.
HON. L.T. NIMSICK (Minister of Mines and Petroleum Resources): Mr. Chairman
and fellow Members, in case anybody gets the idea that I'm not still interested
in the Workmen's Compensation Act , I thought that I had better say a few words.
To what the Hon. Minister said, I think that I have probably put a "dent" in
the cabinet in regards to some of these things.
AN HON. MEMBER: I'm sure he'll be happy there.
(Laughter).
HON. MR. NIMSICK: I want to say congratulations to the Hon.
Member for Oak Bay, (Mr. Wallace) also, for bringing up the
point he brought up. Because it only proves that the concept of
workmen's compensation today should be entirely different from
what it was at the time it was first inaugurated. The workman
at that time traded off the right to sue his employer for
compensation.
A lot of things were not considered. And the reason that
they traded this off was because there were long periods of
litigation in cases. Many times the worker didn't get the
results that he should have got. And by trading this off we got
the Workmen's Compensation Act .
We've had lawyers with very legalistic minds who have been
trying to interpret the Workmen's Compensation Act over
all these years. I don't think that some of them tried to
interpret it with the intent that the Act should have.
Now the case that the Hon. Member for Point Grey (Mr.
Gardom) brought up, that I brought up previously — I've
taken this up on a legalistic basis. I wrote to the
compensation counsellor. I got a three or four page letter back
explaining to me in legal terms why the
interpretation of the
Act was such. Now, I've sent another letter back — a long
letter, too — explaining why I think that his legalistic
mind does not work in the right way, in this regard. I don't
know what the judge is going to determine. I don't know who the
judge is who is listening to the case. But I hope that when the
judge brings down his reward we'll finally win this case.
I've also noticed that in New Zealand they are bringing in a bill to cover
the loss of the breadwinner, no matter whether he loses it by his job or some
other place. And I've written to New Zealand asking them for a copy of the Act
in order that we may be able to consider it also. I think that eventually there's
going to have to be an overall compensation plan to do away with some of these
inaccuracies or things that happen that we feel are not just, and to determine
where we put the dividing line between whether a person got hurt on the job
or off the job. I'm sure that the Hon. Minister is taking all these things into
consideration but there's not enough hours in the day for some of us to get
everything done that we might like to do.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Columbia
River.
MR. CHABOT: Mr. Chairman, I want to pursue one point a
little further. Before the Minister says that I've accumulated
new material, I want to say to the House that in all fairness
to the other Members, as you indicated a little earlier, it
appears that I was trying to do all the talking. So I allowed
all the other Members to speak before raising my point.
We know very well that there's great pressure on the Premier
to change the Ministry of Labour to the Member for North
Vancouver–Seymour (Mr. Gabelmann). I think that it would
be a mistake, really, to have the Member for North
Vancouver–Seymour succeed the present Minister of Labour.
Because the present Minister of Labour (Hon. Mr. King), despite
the fact that he is cynical from time to time, is a better
Minister…
MR. CHAIRMAN: Order, please. Would the Hon. Member confine
his remarks to the administrative aspects of the estimates,
please?
MR. CHABOT: There appears to be a complete misunderstanding
on the part of the Minister on the question of so-called
national agreements. He talks about changes that are necessary
in the BNA Act. He says he's referred to it on a question of
railways and so forth, interprovincial transport, and things of
that nature. It has nothing to do with interprovincial
companies operating in this province. They're subject to the
labour laws of the federal government.
What I'm talking about is ad hoc national agreements of
multi-national corporations that sign collective
agreements. I don't know whether they sign them in back rooms
or where they sign them. But they are signed. And they're
superimposed upon the provincial scene at the expense of the
existing contractors and workers of this province. They come in
with "no strikes" and "no lockout" clauses and really disrupt
collective bargaining.
The First Member for Vancouver South (Mr. Radford) did read
a small
article from the Crispo report. I don't know if it's
the same one that I'll be referring to. He did indicate that
he thought that he thought that Crispo was an expert in the
field of labour relations. But the Goldenberg-Crispo
report on construction labour relations did have this to say in
1967 on the question of national agreements:
"So called national contractors, or those capable, of handling
multi-million dollar or even multi-billion dollar projects, operate under
special considerations that can wreak havoc with a local
[ Page
1407 ]
collective bargaining relationship. When a national contractor
invades an area to undertake a large project, that contractor pays the going
area wages but does not become involved in local bargaining.
"Suppose that just prior to or during the commencement of a
large scale public or private project, local contractors not
engaged in this project are faced with negotiations involving
several construction trade unions. The unions, knowing full
well that the national contractor not only can help supply
their members with work but will automatically agree to
whatever wage rates can be wrested from the local contractors,
have a field day. It is not an exaggeration to say that
ordinary rules go out of the window. And the pressures the
union might feel from a strike against the local contractors
are removed by the presence of the national contractor."
That was in the Goldenberg-Crispo study on
construction labour relations.
What they are saying there really is that a national
agreement, or a so-called national agreement, puts a
local British Columbia contractor at a serious disadvantage. A
local contractor must abide by the existing rules, regulations
and laws of this province,
whereas a national agreement signer
doesn't have to because he comes in with a "no strike," "no
lockout" clause, pays the going rate, takes the workers away
from the local contractors and puts them on his job site for a
stipulated time — two to three years, depending on the
length of the project.
What I am really saying is that we must take into
consideration the local contractor because he provides a
continuous source of jobs for our local workers in British
Columbia while these multi-national corporations come in just
for specific large projects. They virtually raid the cream of
the workers from the local contractors to put on these specific
projects. Then they're left in many instances with the
situation where the best of the workers have been taken from
them and have gone to these projects. Then, in the natural
course, they must provide jobs for them after the
multi-national corporation has left, having taken their
profits out of British Columbia — which I know your
Government is concerned about. I think that it's in the
interests of British Columbians, of British Columbian workers
and British Columbia investment to consider the abolition of
these national agreements. They come in and they do frustrate
the collective bargaining between the local contractors who
must abide by the laws of British Columbia, and the local
workers who get locked out or involved in a strike in British
Columbia. I think it's a very serious problem, one which is
confronting the contractors and the workers of this
province.
I said a little earlier that I think that the existing
construction industry that we have in British Columbia can cope with the type of projects that we are
facing in the future. They've enlarged and they're capable of
becoming involved in these large projects.
I think that you should really make these multi-national
corporations that come in here with these "no strike,"
"no lockout" clauses on these national agreements, abide by the
same conditions and regulations and face the same type of
problems in the field of collective bargaining that other
contractors in British Columbia do.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Minister of Labour.
HON. MR. KING: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The problems which
the Member for Columbia River outlined have been with us for
many, many years. Certainly they were with us when he occupied
this office. I don't know what his recommendation would be for
solving some of these problems. At the moment there is no
mechanism on the statute books in the province to deal with
those problems that he's outlined. But as I pointed out
earlier, we are undertaking a review, we are inviting
representations from industry and trade unions. Now if
contractors within the province feel that they are being
injuriously affected by the practices which the Member
outlines, I'm sure they'll take this opportunity to make their
views known to this department.
Significantly, I haven't heard too much about this problem
from any group of contractors within the province. The Member
for Columbia River seems to be intimately familiar with the
situation. But certainly we're prepared to listen to any
recommendations that come in.
Vote 124 approved.
Vote 125: general administration and labour standards,
$1,141,488 — approved.
Vote 126: factories branch, $355,256 — approved.
On Vote 127: apprenticeship and industrial training branch,
$6,640,014.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Member for Columbia
River.
MR. CHABOT: A brief question on 127. There's been a
substantial increase in staff in this particular branch. Does
the Minister have any particular programmes in mind of various
trades and apprenticeship programmes? There's been an increase,
I know, in the allotment of dollars — not as substantial
as it was last year. Could the Minister tell us what numbers he
expects to train in the field of apprenticeship
[ Page 1408 ]
training?
HON. MR. KING: Yes. The number of apprentices under training
has increased significantly. What is probably more significant
is that the counselling services to those apprentices has
increased very significantly. There was a severe shortage of
staff which restricted the ability of the department to give
this type of adequate counselling service in the past.
In addition to that, we're experiencing an ever-growing
number of applications for broadening the tradesmen's
qualifications in the apprenticeship training areas to other
crafts and trades. So we anticipate growing demands on this
department.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I recognize the Hon. Second Member for Victoria.
MR. D.A. ANDERSON (Victoria): Could the Minister explain why
office expenses under this vote have more than doubled when the
overall vote itself has increased by a far lesser
percentage?
HON. MR. KING: Well, as I understand it, Mr. Chairman, there
was a shortage of money in the last estimates. Consequently
there was a higher amount in these estimates to compensate for
the shortage last time.
Vote 127 approved.
Vote 128: labour relations branch, $140,072 — approved.
Vote 129: mediation services, $352,036 — approved.
Vote 130: motor vehicles and accessories, $22,000 —
approved.
HON. D. BARRETT (Premier): Mr. Chairman, I move the
committee rise, report resolutions and ask leave to sit
again.
Motion approved.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the Chair.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Mr. Speaker, the committee reports resolutions
and asks leave to sit again.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Order of business. I anticipate pursuit of
legislation on Monday. And then after that back to estimates.
And then back to legislation. And back to estimates. And
Tuesday we'll do some more work. (Laughter).
Interjection by an Hon. Member.
HON. MR. BARRETT: Private Members day? I think it would be
valid if the Whips could come to some agreement on private
Members…
Hon. Mr. Barrett moves adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 12:21 p.m.
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