British Columbia Hansard — Thursday, May 14, 1987, Morning Sitting — British Columbia Legislative Assembly (34th Parliament, 1st Session)
34p 01s 870514a
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1987 Legislative Session: 1st Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
THURSDAY, MAY 14, 1987
Morning Sitting
[ Page
1143 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Vancouver Museum Foundation Act (Bill PR405). Mr. Mowat
Introduction and first reading –– 1143
Teaching Profession Act (Bill 20). Committee stage. (Hon. Mr. Brummet) ––
Mr. Jones
Mrs. Boone
Mr. Gabelmann
Appendix –– 1155
The House met at 10:07 a.m.
Prayers.
MR. PETERSON: Mr. Speaker, in your gallery this morning are
two members of the B.C. Printing Industries Association: Mr. Don Ogden
and Mr. George Smith from Vancouver. Would the House join me in
welcoming them.
MR. WILLIAMS: Mr. Speaker, I would hope the whole House might
acknowledge the presence in the precincts of Mr. Ed Broadbent — I think
the most popular leader in the country today.
HON. MR. REID: Mr. Speaker, I wanted to make special mention
of the famous tourist in Victoria today, because I understand he's here
in Victoria to be part of a film called "King for a Day."
MR. JONES: On a more serious note, I would like to have the
House acknowledge the presence of 31 grade 7 students, who are here
today from St. Helen's School. I think it's appropriate that they're
here today when we're debating the Teaching Profession Act. I would
like the House to make them very welcome.
Introduction of Bills
VANCOUVER MUSEUM FOUNDATION ACT
Mr. Mowat presented a bill intituled Vancouver Museum Foundation Act.
Bill PR405 introduced, read a first time and referred to the Select
Standing Committee on Standing Orders, Private Bills and Members'
Services.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I call committee on Bill 20.
TEACHING PROFESSION ACT
(continued)
The House in committee on Bill 20; Mr. Pelton in the chair.
MR. CHAIRMAN: When we closed last evening, hon. members, we had just completed
section 46.
section 47.
MR. JONES: Mr. Chairman, perhaps before we begin I would like
to thank publicly the minister and his staff for materials that they
have supplied to me, with very kind regards. I appreciate that very
much and I think it speaks well of the spirit of cooperation that we've
talked about so often in this House. Hopefully those materials will
help the debate and make it a more interesting and worthwhile debate.
section 47, Mr. Chairman, I only have one question and that is just a mere
clarification of the meaning of that section. If I'm reading the
section
correctly, it's just one of those housekeeping amendments that removes the
power of cabinet to determine the types of certificates, the suspension and
cancellation of those certificates, and all we're doing here is transferring
the powers from the cabinet to the new college of teachers.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the comments
from the member. As I think we've indicated, we want to make sure that
the bill is discussed and understood in all of its aspects, and
hopefully it can be without having to cross-reference three or four
documents. It should make it easier, and with any luck even expedite
the debate. However, the answer is yes; since the issuing of
certificates has been turned over to the college, then the
Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council and minister will no longer state the
type of certificate. So it's simply a transfer of power to the college.
Section 47 approved.
section 48.
MR. JONES: I think on the surface this looks like a similar
kind of situation. It appears that what we're doing here is amending a
section by striking out the words, "to whom has been issued a
certificate of qualification for teaching or a letter of permission for
teaching under this act and," and it appears that this is again because
of transferring the power to grant certificates from the cabinet to the
college. However, presumably the decision to remove this requirement
was part of a mechanical amending process in the ministry and merely
taking out sections of the act that referred to certification, but
there does not seem to be any corresponding transfer of this
requirement to the college. As I see it, what we're doing here is
removing certification and letter of permission requirements for
someone who is paid for teaching students in one of the remote rural
areas of the province where there are not enough children to form a
public school. But inadvertently the government appears to have opened
a loophole which would allow persons without a teaching certificate to
be paid by the minister to teach in areas where there are too few
students to qualify for a school.
If I'm correct in that, I might make a further suggestion. In order
to achieve what I think was the intent of this amendment, it was
probably a better procedure to amend by substituting some reference to
having to hold a certificate which now, after the passage of this bill,
would be issued by the college. Was it the intention of the minister to
remove the requirement to hold a certificate to teach in these rural
areas? If that's the case, then does the minister agree that the
striking of the words suggested here does open a loophole that would
allow the minister or some future minister to employ someone without a
certificate, or even a letter of permission, to teach in an area where
there are too few students to establish a public school?
[10:15]
HON. MR. BRUMMET: The initial change here was necessitated by
removal of "for permission for teaching under this act." In other
words, it has also allowed a certificate or a letter of permission
under the act in the future. At the same time, we recognized that we
didn't, in some cases where you have a remote area where there are no
schools or there are no other educational opportunities available....
By deleting this, the minister can proceed to try to provide
[ Page 1144 ]
some educational opportunity without having to go to the college for that.
I can give you perhaps the best example, that in some parts of the
province there might be three students taking correspondence courses
and there may be someone without a teaching certificate who could be
assisting them, and this empowers the minister to assist them. It is
just opening up that opportunity to provide education. It's fairly
specific. It is only in those instances where there aren't enough
students to create a school.
MRS. BOONE: It is my understanding that the letter of
permission is generally given to those people who do not hold a
certificate. Does the minister not think it's appropriate, before a
salary is paid to a person to teach, that they be given some
acknowledgement that they are at least qualified in some way to
actually teach, and that a letter of permission should be granted to
these people before they are paid any salary?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: The option is still there for someone who
is qualified and has a certificate to be employed, but it just says
now: "a person...who is employed with the sanction of the minister to
give instruction in the prescribed courses of study for public schools
to children of school age in a part of the Province where there are not
enough children available for the establishment of a public
school...." There are funds that can be put towards this salary, so
we're not trying to somehow or other put in unqualified people.
In a very remote
section of the province, where there is no teacher
available, we could give a letter of permission, I suppose, but then
letters of permission are limited in time, and that has now been turned
over to the college. So this simply allows us to pay someone or
remunerate someone who is, say, assisting students with instruction. If
it's a teacher, so much the better. That would be our preference in
every case, but there may be areas where there is no teacher available,
but some parent or member.... I was going to say "community," but
usually there is no community in a remote area. If there was, there
would be a school. Some person from that area can be reimbursed for
assisting students with their education, and instruction, of course,
could include supervising of correspondence courses.
MRS. BOONE: Well, it does say here that they are, with the
sanction of the minister, to give instruction. It seems to me that the
ministry is leaving this wide open when they are enabling people to
give instruction without even knowing if these people have any ability
at all or if they can even teach. Surely a letter of permission is the
least one could expect before you give the sanction to people to
instruct, which is what this act says — that you are sanctioning people
to give instruction. If the ministry is doing that, then I believe we
should at least have some form of letter, some form of recognition of
these people's qualifications that they are capable of doing this.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: The part that has been deleted is the part
that says "to whom has been issued a certificate of qualification for
teaching or a letter of permission for teaching under this Act
and...." This act, in this case, refers to the School Act. Since
certificates for teaching and letters of permission will now be issued
by the college, then, as I indicated, to have it under the School
Act.... There is no longer such an animal. There will be nobody issued
certificates under the School Act; they will be issued by the college.
So it removes that. You have to read the whole phrase. Yes, it does
leave it open to someone who is employed, with the sanction of the
minister.... The minister, through his ministry, is hardly going to
sanction someone and pay someone to assist somebody in a grade 11
sanction implies some assurance that that person is capable of doing
that.
The other alternative, if the member is leading to that, if there is
nobody with a teaching certificate, and someone doesn't qualify.... If
you put in a temporary letter of permission, they're generally
temporary for a specific purpose — to help, say, two students in a
remote area and assist them with correspondence. The instruction is
provided by the correspondence school. The supervision and the
assistance can be provided, and we can pay that person something to
help them, which does not require a teaching certificate. The
instruction is generally provided by the material from the
correspondence course.
MR. HARCOURT: Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask leave of the House to
make an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. HARCOURIP: I am very pleased to be able to introduce a
visitor to British Columbia who is in Victoria today and then goes back
to Vancouver — a national leader with a 67 percent approval rating in
the polls who was very pleased to be here in Victoria to see, as
somebody from Ontario and from the Ottawa area, that we have our fifth
crop of flowers blooming. I hope we can give a very warm welcome to the
leader of the New Democratic Party in the federal parliament, Mr. Ed
Broadbent.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Chairman, I want to take this
opportunity of congratulating the federal leader of the New Democratic
Party for the tremendous results which were obviously evident in the
media only a day or two ago. I think it speaks well for the leader; he
certainly has done a tremendous job. I had the opportunity of meeting
Mr. Broadbent in Ottawa only a week or two ago, and I am very
impressed, and I wish him well.
MRS. BOONE: Mr. Minister, I find it really difficult to
understand. In the past we have had this
part in there that made it
necessary for a person to have a certificate or a letter of permission
in order to receive funding from the provincial government to give
instruction. Now, for some reason or other, we have decided that it is
no longer necessary to have a qualified teacher — or even a teacher
with a letter of permission — to instruct in remote schools, and that
even if there are only two children, those children should not be
required to have the necessary qualified people there.
I understand that this has to be taken out to keep in line with the
college, but why was not something put in there that would make it
necessary for someone to have a letter of permission, at least — as a
very bottom line of qualification — in order to receive some kind of
funding from the provincial government? Surely that is not too much to
expect at this point.
[ Page
1145 ]
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Perhaps it would be something to expect the members
to also listen to the answers when I give them. I had indicated that the minister
can no longer issue a letter of permission. Therefore that has to come out of
the act. That is turned over to the college. However, the minister has a mandate
to try to provide an educational opportunity for every student in the province,
so we wanted to leave open the possibility for the minister to assist someone
who can assist some students in a remote area without having to go to the college
to apply for a letter of permission to have somebody supervise two students
way out there in the wilderness on correspondence course. Yes, it removes some
of this, but in the past it was a letter of permission. The minister could issue
the letter of permission. The minister can no longer issue a letter of permission;
that's up to the college. But the minister still has an obligation. If a
couple of students in September have moved out into a very remote area and need
some help, it should be possible for me to provide that help through my ministry.
So I think with the sanction of the minister....
I tried to indicate also that it is hardly a case of saying that we
are going to suddenly set up an instructional system where teachers do
not require certificates. Anytime we set up an instructional system, it
has to have a teaching certificate. We're talking about a few isolated
cases where the minister should be able to move to help those students
to get an education without having to go through the whole process.
I don't know if I can make myself any clearer. I'm sure the member's
going to stand up and ask the same question again. I can give you the
same answer.
MR. JONES: Perhaps what I should do is stop trying to find
loopholes in the drafting of the legislation, because obviously it was
drafted to produce the intent that the minister wanted.
I was suggesting that because these are public school students, and
we are talking about public education, and because I assume that it is
past practice to give some kind of sanction to these people.... It will
have been the minister who was allowed to do that; now this process is
being transferred to the college. If in my mind this was a
consequential amendment, and we were not changing things in the change
between the two acts, then we would have transferred that power that
the minister formerly had to the teachers' college. The teachers under
that college would now be able under legislation to grant letters of
permission to people in the situation that we're describing.
I don't know if it's appropriate to use the example of two students,
because I assume that in the past it was required to have a letter of
permission to do this kind of instruction for the government and
receive public moneys to do that. The short-term nature of letters of
permission I don't see as being a problem, because the minister has
said in this discussion that if there was a qualified teacher
available, then that would be the person the minister would prefer to
have teaching those students. So because school years do go on an
annual basis, it may be within the realm of possibility that at the end
of that school year there would be another person available who would
be better qualified and better able to give that instruction and
receive public moneys to do that.
[10:30]
So I was looking at this thing as a consequential amendment and as not a change
from what was past practice. We would simply transfer powers from the minister
to the college, and that doesn't seem to be what has happened. That's
what in my mind would be the result of a consequential amendment ––
I suppose the minister certainly has the right and privilege to change practice
as we're amending these bills, but I think it is clear that it is a change
of practice, and if that's the minister's intent, then we're clarifying
that process right now.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, the college may issue letters
of permission to these people. That would be a form of sanction that
the minister would accept. The college can issue a certificate to
whomever applies and they feel qualifies. The college can issue
certificates to these people, but the college has absolutely no power
to fund some salary or some assistance to someone who is going to help
these students. So if we had scrapped the whole thing or turned the
whole
section over to the college, we would have given them a power
that they don't have. If we had left this deletion in, we would have
given a power to the minister that he no longer has. If you read it
correctly, the college can still issue certificates or letters of
permission — any of that. What this retains for the minister is the
right to provide some financial assistance to someone. So it is a
consequential amendment. It does make sense. It does technically
provide the powers to the minister that he needs in order to guarantee
that a student in a remote area can get some assistance with education,
and it still gives the college the right to issue a letter of
permission.
MR. JONES: I hesitate to tell the minister how to do his job,
because certainly he has worked hard on drafting this legislation. It
seems to me that if we want to continue past practice there are
legislative ways of achieving that, and, to me, that would be by
transferring the powers — as has been done, as the minister points out
— to the college to issue letters of permission. But it is the
responsibility of the government to pay the people in those situations,
and the legislation could simply say that we will fund only those
people who have been sanctioned to do this educational activity by the
college, whether it's through a certificate or through a letter of
permission.
I hope the minister appreciates the concern here, which is that
there be protection of students and that the whole business of
certification and letters of permission and all those kinds of things
is to ensure a vetting process — to ensure that the people who are
instructing the children of this province have gone through some
process. The minister quite rightly says — and I would trust him — that
he wouldn't pay anybody who wasn't the best qualified person to do that
job in the circumstance, but past practice has been that that has also
been sanctioned by a piece of paper — a certificate or a letter of
permission. The college can grant those and the minister can grant
funds to people who have been sanctioned by the college to do that
instructional activity.
I think it is a change in practice, and our concern is that it does
open up.... Let's suppose for example that I have a particular view of
education and I can't get a teaching certificate and I can't get a
letter of permission and I can't set up a school, so all I have to do
is take my eight students off to some remote part of the province and I
can be paid by the minister to do my will with these students. I'm sure
the chances of that example happening are remote, but it's a
possibility with this
[ Page 1146 ]
kind of thing, and I think that's the concern on this side of the House because of the change from past practice.
MR. GABELMANN: Mr. Chairman, I have a couple of quick
questions on this. Does this mean that the parent choosing to educate
his or her children at home could conceivably be paid a salary by the
minister, despite the fact that that parent holds no certificate?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I'd say, Mr. Chairman, only in the possible
situation where a parent in a remote area might be reimbursed somewhat
for supervision of correspondence courses, but I don't see this as
opening it up to paying parents to teach their children. If you read
the whole thing, you'll find out that it's only applicable where there
are not enough children available for the establishment of a public
school — so it's pretty limiting to remote areas. It only takes ten
students to open up a school and eight to keep it open. So it does
that. Hopefully that clears it up for the member.
MR. GABELMANN: Perhaps, because I wanted to be brief, I
didn't do enough
preamble. A considerable number of communities in my
constituency — and, I assume, in the minister's constituency too; but
certainly in mine — have numbers of children anywhere from two or three
through to eight or ten, and they get into those marginal areas of
whether a school is appropriate or not –– I can think of at least half
a dozen communities where there are less than the eight for the
effective retention of a school. The situation there is that those kids
are often bused — not bused, but taken by boat, or by one form or
another — to a school, and often are boarded out. I'm wondering if the
intention of this was to allow for some person in that community,
whether it's a parent or somebody else, who (
a) is not an employee of
the board and (
b) is not a teacher holding a certificate from the
college –– I don't understand what the intent is, other than for this
kind of purpose: is it the purpose that there would be the opportunity
for, in effect, schools to be opened where there are less than eight or
ten children, and for those children to be taught by non-certified
teachers?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: It seems that the intent was very clear
until, I guess, some of your research people were looking at it. Where
a public school is available through busing, there are enough children
to make that. That has nothing to do with trying to remove the busing.
What you're saying is that there might be two or three pupils who are
now bused to a public school. There's nothing in this to suggest that
since 1920 anything has changed. Public school is available, through
walking access or through busing access or through whatever means. It's
where it's not available that we're talking about this — where there's
no public school.
I might as well point out at this point, too, about this whole
letter-of-permission line of questioning, that the college can issue
letters of permission for people to teach in the public school system.
There is no public school system here. These are not public school
students, because there is no public school. They are students who need
some help, and this is a way for the minister to provide it.
MR. GABELMANN: I don't want to get into a long discussion
about it, Mr. Chairman, but I thought the minister, coming from a rural
riding, would understand what I'm talking about. I'm talking about
communities that are not on a bus route; communities where when
students go to their school, it is overnight sometimes, or they go for
the week because they can't get back on a daily basis — logging camps
in inlets in various parts of the area. These kids at the present time
have these kinds of choices: they have the choice to be taught at home
by their parents, in the camp; or they have the choice to go and board
in a community some hours away. As I read the section, the minister
would now have the opportunity to pay these parents, or other people
who don't hold a certificate in that logging camp, to actually teach
these kids, rather than sending them away from home or spending the
excessive costs of the daily transportation to a school which may be
two, three, four hours away. Is that a fair...? If this were to pass
and be proclaimed, can I now propose to these parents that here's an
option for them, in terms of getting their kids educated?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: There is nothing new in this. Parents,
under the old system, could choose to educate their students there, at
home, or they could choose to send them to boarding school. That hasn't
changed. The right to pay has been in here.
MRS. BOONE: Mr. Minister, it has changed. In the past, those
people were required to either be certified or to get a letter of
permission. Those requirements no longer exist. So any person can apply
to the minister for sanction and receive funding for that. I know the
minister's time is very limited, and I can't see him or any one of his
staff traveling out to a remote area to ensure that the person who is
teaching them actually knows, or is qualified to teach, the various
subjects. So it has changed substantially, and I'm having a difficult
time understanding why the minister doesn't see that it has changed
substantially. You have taken out the requirement that makes it
necessary for a person to have a level of education themselves in order
for them to get funding from the ministry. You have taken that away.
There is nothing in here that indicates that a person must achieve any
kind of level, or achieve any kind of certificate, or do anything, in
fact, other than receive your sanction. I don't know how the ministry
is going to go about giving their sanction to people in remote areas,
without going in and investigating them and finding out different
things. It just seems a very difficult thing to me.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Well, I wonder if the member could perhaps
give me her
interpretation of what it took to get a letter of
permission in order to do this in the past as compared to what it will
take now to be sanctioned by the minister to do that. The minister had
the full power, for anyone he wished to pay to help these students, to
issue a letter of permission, and that's the sanction. There wasn't a
set of requirements, some magic set of requirements for a letter of
permission that was somehow distinct from the sanctioning.
So I could have sanctioned under the past legislation. I could have
someone that could read and talk; I could have given them a letter of
permission to do that. The college now has certain requirements for a
letter of permission; now it's simply a case of sanctioning it. So in
that sense I don't see what has changed.
MRS. BOONE: Is the minister then saying that those people out
there with letters of permission who are teaching in our schools — and
a good portion of them are teaching in
[ Page 1147 ]
the private schools — have not met any qualifications and do not
have a standard that is applied to them before a letter of permission
is given to them; that teachers who are teaching in our private schools
can just be walking and breathing and you will give them a letter of
permission which allows them to be paid to teach? I mean, is that what
you're saying? Is that what has happened in the past? Is that going to
continue on in the letter of permission?
If that's the case, then why did we bother with the whole procedure,
the bureaucratic procedure of issuing letters of permission, and why
are we continuing to issue letters of permission through the college?
If it's an automatic sanction and anybody who is walking and breathing
has the sanction of the minister to instruct, then why don't we just
eliminate this whole bureaucracy and not even make it necessary to
pretend that we have qualified teachers or qualified people or
partially qualified people in our system?
Can the minister explain to me if there were no criteria ever
developed for the issuing of letters of permission for teachers in
either our public school or our private school system?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, you see how the remarks are
distorted. There was no formal list of criteria for a letter of
permission. The letter of permission was determined generally by
someone who was recommended and could do the job until a qualified
teacher could be found. So that letter-of-permission aspect.... I said
that no formal requirement has been required for that letter of
permission, that the sanction of the minister would have turned that
into a letter of permission if and as required.
How you work the independent school or the private school situation
into this at all is beyond me, because there never has been a
requirement for someone to apply for a letter of permission to teach in
the private schools or any of the independent schools. There never has
been, not by the minister or anybody else. So this is not a change, and
how you infer, then, that because there has been no requirement for a
letter of permission for the private school the minister doesn't I care
about the quality of education is absolutely beyond me.
The private schools have to attract students; they have to I have
people there who can do the job. That's their job. So to say that I
don't care, that I want to sort of set up a system here of trying to
put unqualified people teaching students....
You keep referring to these students in these schools. There is no
school; that's why we have to help. If there is a school, all the rest
of the machinery kicks in.
[10:45]
Section 48 approved.
section 49.
MR. JONES:
Section 49 is repealing a
section that eliminates
dues check off for the B.C. Teachers' Federation, and as a result of
this change boards will no longer be required to deduct union dues for
any teacher organization. So we have dues check off now for the B.C.
Teachers' Federation and for, I presume under that umbrella, local
associations of the B.C. Teachers' Federation.
The minister has argued in debate on this bill — or at least it's my
interpretation — that he is taking a neutral role in all of these
things with regard to the B.C. Teachers' Federation and that this
change is a natural consequence of the changes in the bargaining
legislation and flows out of that. I realize that it's now possible for
the local association to negotiate such things as dues check off, and I
presume that will be true for both unions and voluntary local
associations. But if the minister is really suggesting a neutral change
here, and getting back into how I might have drafted the legislation,
wouldn't we see an amended wording rather than just a deletion?
Wouldn't we see a neutral version that might read something like:
"Boards shall deduct dues wherever the board and association is bound
by a collective agreement"?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I thank the member for asking he question
and answering it as well. The compulsory membership, as we've
indicated, is not there, so you can't have a compulsory check off
system for the B.C. Teachers' Federation, as it states here.
The local association, which will be the primary agency now, can
negotiate, as part of the agreement, an automatic check off system if
they wish, with their school boards. But it's pretty difficult for the
act to require that. I might even point out to the member that the
automatic check-off system is a convenience that where the members have
the support and the requirement to pay their fees, I'm sure that most
boards would provide that convenience to the association. But there is
no automatic check off to the BCTF. That's why his
section has been
taken out.
MR. JONES: I think I was trying to be a little subtle and a
little clever in tying what I perceive as the position the minister has
taken on this whole issue with respect to the B.C. Teachers' Federation
and the impact of this legislation on that organization to what I see
here. I see the perception of what has happened by this change as not
being a neutral position. We've wiped off the boards in provincial
legislation — although it's not precluded — the sanction under
legislation for those kinds of agreements to take place and spelling it
out clearly so that it's there.
The minister must agree that the perceptions in this legislation are
important. We get reactions to this legislation. I think often the
government is wondering: "Why don't they like this?" It's often because
the true intent is not clearly spelled out, and the shades are not put
in there when they are intended.
I was suggesting, because of the neutral position of the minister,
that a more neutral wording that would not compel.... Again, the
minister used the word "require." I was not suggesting "require." I was
suggesting a wording like: "shall deduct wherever there is agreement."
I consider that neutral; it provides both for deduction and for
non-reduction where there is not an agreement.
I'm not talking about "require"; I'm talking about spelling out that
it is the option where there is an agreement to deduct; and where there
is not an agreement, not to deduct. That would be a neutral position.
My subtlety was in suggesting that the minister had taken a neutral
position, and in legislation this wording would be neutral, rather than
elimination of the whole section.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Shall
section 49 pass?
MR. JONES: I was hoping the minister would respond to the
neutrality point. If a wording such as I was suggesting — "shall
deduct dues whenever there is a local agreement" — is not acceptable to
the minister and he doesn't perceive that as
[ Page 1148 ]
a more neutral wording than merely elimination.... Maybe I am
talking about perceptions as much as possibilities, but I think they
are important.
What about a wording that just says "may deduct"? It requires no
compulsion. It spells out clearly that that is one of the possibilities
that a school board may or may not exercise. In legislation the word
"may" is permissive. This government would be sending a signal to local
associations and unions that that's an avenue that may result from a
local agreement, so they may or may not deduct local association dues.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, certainly I'll comment on the
neutrality. I'm doing everything possible to stay neutral in this
situation and give the choice to the teachers. As to saying that the
option should be provided that they may, I say this legislation very
specifically provides that. It says the association may negotiate all
whether it's in legislation for other unions — that specific
requirement in the legislation that the employer "shall" do that.
That's usually negotiated and written into the agreement.
So yes, I am providing all of the options –– I don't need to say
"may be done" for everything that they may possibly want to negotiate
–– I have said they may negotiate any and all terms of conditions with
their board. It provides every possible option that you could think of.
Section 49 approved.
section 50.
MR. GABELMANN: A couple of things on this section. First of
all, the way in which
section 89 of the School Act is amended appears —
and I ask the minister if I am correct in this assumption — to say to
school boards that their powers are as broad as they want, except where
they are prohibited by law. That would be the new situation: that
school boards have whatever powers of management or responsibility they
choose, except where prohibited by law. Heretofore the powers were the
other way around: school board powers were only those powers granted by
law. Is that a fair assumption to conclude from these changes?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, what this clause does is
provide the school boards with the power to perform management
functions, even if they are not specified in the legislation. To use a
ridiculous example, nowhere in the legislation does it say that a
school board may provide drinking-water to students where the well goes
dry. But if they have these powers, then they can do it, and they have
the right to spend the money to do it. That is as I understand this
legal phrase which is put in — to make sure that boards can do things
that are not specifically stated to be done in the School Act.
However, I would remind the member that the agreements that people
negotiate in place and the act and all of these things preclude them
from doing just anything they want. These are just minor things that
they can do in the management function.
MR. GABELMANN: The last part of the minister's answer opens
up the next question I am going to get to in a minute, which is another
major issue.
What the minister said in the first part of his answer does answer
my question. Essentially, boards heretofore have had the power to do
things that were prescribed, and if they did anything beyond what was
prescribed by statute or regulation, then they were in effect acting
outside the law. Now they are being given these management rights to do
whatever they want in terms of managing the system, except those things
prohibited by legislation or regulation. I assume that that's what the
minister was saying to me, and I just wonder if that is correct.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: No, Mr. Chairman, I didn't say that they
can do anything that isn't restricted by the act. There are still other
restraints, and it could be challenged and that sort of thing.
What it does is provide the management function to perform acts that
are not specifically provided for in the legislation. That has come
from several Court cases. It is being included in more legislation so
that if a board does some minor thing, and someone says it is not in
the act, and therefore they did not have the power to do that.... This,
in effect, gives them the power to do it, but I am sure that it is
challengeable if it is beyond that.
It is not ominous. I don't think it is intended to be anything of
that nature. I am told by the legal advisers that for the board to be
able to carry out certain management functions, this type of clause is
necessary.
MR. GABELMANN: I am not going to pursue it any further. I'm
not sure we are entirely on the same wavelength, but I am not sure
either that it matters at this stage.
I want to talk about the words: "Each school board is charged with
the management of the public schools in its school district and of
persons" — in effect, the management of persons employed by it in those
schools. The key words are that the board is charged with the
management of the public schools. That's the kind of clause that exists
in virtually every public sector statute that establishes authority to
manage.
Section 10 of the Hydro act is an example of that kind of
section.
It is impossible to discuss this in any detail without discussing it
in context and in conjunction with
section 35 of Bill 19, because that
section effectively says: "Where a provision of a collective agreement
would, if implemented, have the effect of preventing, or in any way
limiting the exercise by any person of a power, authority or discretion
that is conferred by
an Act, that Act prevails...." So to set the
argument, the proposed amendment that we're discussing ostensibly
provides management authority to school boards. It's a
management-rights clause, of a kind, and gives the right, in effect, to
do all of the things you do when you manage — you hire, you do all of
the other things — in the constraints of the legislative framework. But
section 35 of Bill 19 takes away the right of the union or the
the rights of management to manage.
Unless there's an indication — perhaps from the Minister of Labour
and Consumer Services (Hon. L. Hanson) — that
section 35 of Bill 19 is
going out the window, we can't have a reasonable discussion about
section 50 of this bill. Because all of the rights that are ostensibly
granted to a group of employees, should they choose to certify with
their school board employer.... All of the contract language that might
mitigate against, if I can put those two words together....
[ Page 1149 ]
School board powers will be thrown out by what would become
section 65 of the Industrial Relations Act.
I don't know whether the minister has considered the implications of
this
section in connection with
section 35 of Bill 19. I'll stop at
this point, because if he has, and he has a good answer for me, or if
the Minister of Labour has a good answer for me on this, then perhaps
we don't have to have a very long debate about it.
[11:00]
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I think we do need to deal with this. In
subsequent sections there are clauses or amendments that will clarify
what the board can or can't do — what can or can't be negotiated, and
that sort of thing. But I also maintain that if we get back into the
principle of Bill 19 and all of the clauses of Bill 19 in relation to
this, we could be here all day on Bill 19, and I wouldn't want to
deprive the Minister of Labour of that pleasure. You're presupposing
that that
section will pass — which I can't presuppose at this point. I
might be hopeful, but I cannot presuppose the House.
MR. GABELMANN: Mr. Chairman, the problem we have here is that
in parts of the bill under discussion we have rights being given that
haven't existed before: rights to trade union activity by teachers,
rights to collective bargaining and all that that entails. We've got a
clause now under discussion that takes away all of those rights to
bargain collectively — potentially, if
section 35 of Bill 19 passes.
And in all the discussion that's gone on since April 2, I don't know
that this point has been understood by many people. It may well be
properly and thoroughly understood by members of the government caucus;
it may be. I'm not convinced, however, that it is.
What we have is a situation where on one hand, powers or rights of
trade union activity in certification — bargaining, presumably the
right to strike and all of those things that go with the right to
certify under trade union legislation.... All of those rights are being
granted. Then a management rights clause is inserted, through the
section we're now discussing, in the School Act, which is negated by
another
section of a bill that's to be discussed in committee some days
from now.
You grant the right to bargain, to certify, to bargain, then you put
a clause in which says, in effect, that none of the management rights
that are conferred by statute can be bargained away. The clause under
discussion is a management rights clause which gives management in
school boards the right to manage, to do all of the things that
managers do.
The jurisprudence on this, the decisions of both labour boards and
courts, is clear, in my view, in terms of what this means: statute
overrides a collective agreement. If the statute says the board has the
right to manage, how can a collective agreement establish some
impediment on that right to manage? The minister says to people near
him that it doesn't say that. The words of the
section under discussion
in subsection (2) are, "Each school board is charged with the management
of the public schools in its school district" — a wide open,
unrestricted management clause. It doesn't say each school board is
charged with the management of the public schools in its school
district subject to whatever collective agreements may have been
negotiated between the school board and its employees acting
collectively, or words to that effect. It says the boards have the
right to manage.
All a collective agreement really does is nip away at management
rights. That's the whole underlying philosophy of the issue. If you
don't have a collective agreement, you have unfettered management
rights. The management rights are to hire, to fire, to set salary
levels, to determine conditions of employment, to decide things like
whether you get paid for lunch-hour supervision — a whole range of
issues. Management has the right to do all of those things if there is
no collective agreement.
The whole idea of organizing and certifying and bargaining is to
take away some of those management rights. That's all trade unionism
has been over the course of history — trying to get some rights into
the hands of the group away from the owners or the managers. So you
establish the right in other sections of the bill to allow this group
of employees to have the right to nip away at the management rights.
Then you have a clause, this clause we're discussing, which says that
the school board is charged with the management of the public schools.
It is not qualified in any way; it's the management of the schools,
period. You look then at
section 35 of Bill 19 and it says, in effect,
that no collective agreement can do anything that would affect the
rights conferred upon managers by their statutes, in this case the
School Act. The rights conferred upon school boards by this act that
we're now debating are the right to manage. You can't have a collective
agreement if you have this
section giving management rights, to be
followed perhaps later by
section 35 of Bill 19.
The whole ability to bargain a collective agreement is entirely
negated. That's an argument we'll make later at another time in this
committee when we get to Bill 19. This is the same situation for all
public sector employers.
Not to stray too far from the point here but just to give an
illustration to try to put it into context, if this legislation is
passed and you work for Metro Transit and your employer has had the
inability to hire part-time drivers because the contract wouldn't allow
it, as this legislation is packaged, the other legislation will now
allow managers to hire part-time drivers no matter what the contract
says. The same thing here in the school situation. School managers will
be able to do things that the contract says they can't do. Why? Because
they have the right to manage, (a); and (b), acts are paramount over
collective agreements.
That's the argument and I've made it in two or three different ways,
and I don't want to keep repeating it, Mr. Chairman, because I have no
intention of abusing the rules of the House; but I'm going to have to
pursue it....
Interjection.
MR. GABELMANN: Well, there's a difference between stretching
and abusing. Unless the point is understood and dealt with, we have a
problem, unless I'm wrong, and I'd love for the minister to demonstrate
to me why I'm wrong about this conclusion.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, given the time and without
abusing the rules of the House, I think I can prove the member is
wrong. If you read
section 53, which we're coming to — and this is one
of the unfortunate things; people are looking at one
section of the act
at a time, and in turn, instead of getting perhaps someone in research
to try to tie it together.... That would certainly be very helpful,
because
section 53(4)(b), for instance, says: "...the terms
[ Page 1150 ]
and conditions, not inconsistent with paragraph (a), of an agreement
between the board and the association...." It says an agreement
between the board and the association. If you look at
section 64, where
an association enters an agreement under subsection (1), the agreement
is binding on the board and the association and all teachers employed
by the board. It doesn't say you can manage and ignore any agreements.
The example that you used of the management right...but there is
an agreement.... The agreement is there. It is the only place where I
think any of this legislation says that the agreement isn't valid if it
is in contravention of the act, but that does not mean that it's in
contravention of management. For instance, the clause that we're
talking about now says that it has been charged with the management of
the public schools in its school district and people employed by it. It
doesn't say: "despite any agreement." Take a look at
section 64(2) and
section 73:
"Where there is a conflict between the Industrial Relations
Act or the application of the Industrial Relations Act to teachers and this
Act, this Act prevails, but nothing in this Act limits (
a) the right of a teachers'
union to declare or authorize a strike, (
b) the right of a board to declare
or authorize a lockout, or (
c) the right of a teacher to strike...."
When you tie it all together, it does not negate.... By saying
boards have the right to manage schools, it in no what negates signed
agreements between them. You can't undermine the agreement, when the
agreement between a board and an association or a board and a union
under the Industrial Relations Act is a binding document signed by both
parties.
MR. GABELMANN: Mr. Chairman, I'm sure that the minister
believes what he's saying, and I am also sure that the minister intends
to have happen what he's saying. I'm not just in a charitable mood; I
honestly believe that the minister would like to have happen what he's
saying, and believes that that's the appropriate way for the system to
work: school boards are given the right to manage in a more broadly
based way by this amendment, and collective agreements can limit some
of those management rights. I'm sure that's what the minister has
intended.
But in law it doesn't matter what the minister's intention is. It
doesn't matter what is said in this Legislature. It matters what the
words are. The minister can cite sections 53 and 64 and 73, as I think
he did. I've just looked quickly at them, and sure, those are areas
that on the surface allow — in different ways — for collective
agreements to exist and for powers therefore to be stripped from
managers in the school system. That's what the collective agreement
does, in effect: reduce the powers, or temper them. But that's not
reading the law the way the law is written. You have to look at how
courts interpret words.
This amendment provides for the unfettered right to manage. By the
statute, there is no qualification of any kind on the right to manage.
When I say by the statute, I mean by the statute as it will be amended.
Each school board is charged with the management of the public schools.
You have to read that in conjunction with this: "Where a provision of a
collective agreement would, if implemented, have the effect of
preventing or in any way limiting the exercise by any person of a
power, authority or discretion that is conferred by
an Act, the Act
prevails."
What is the power, authority or discretion conferred by
an act? It
is the power, as we're discussing right now, to be charged with the
management. We may say in here, and we may all agree, that obviously
that management can be reduced or can be affected by a collective
agreement in a reasonable world. I think 90 percent of the members of
this House would agree that that's a reasonable thing to have happen.
But it can't happen given the language of these two different acts.
I've had enough lawyers — who deal with this kind of stuff daily,
unlike us, and who make a living as wordsmiths or as word interpreters
— tell me that because of the melding together of these two bills, that
will be the effect: the management right, which is unfettered by
legislation.... Each school board is charged with "the management," and
you cannot argue, Mr. Chairman, that subsequent sections such as
53(4)(
a) and (b).... The minister cited 64 and also 73. You can't argue
that
those are reductions on the ability provided by (
f) of
section 89,
because that's the management rights clause. That's the authority
that's referred to in Bill 19.
That's the major argument and that's the major concern. I guess
that's one of the reasons why there has been such an outcry in British
Columbia in the last six or seven weeks. These are the real impacts of
this kind of legislation, and nobody on the government side seems to
understand that.
The minister suggested — just to go up to 53 for a second, without
paragraph (
a) of an agreement between the board.... What he was
arguing, essentially, was that the board can establish a collective
agreement with teachers, one way or the other. But it says: ".... not
inconsistent with paragraph (a)...." Paragraph (
a) says, "the provisions
of this Act....," which means that the provisions of this act are
paramount. You can't bargain something that the act doesn't allow.
Right? There's all kinds of law on that.
One of the things the act says is that boards have the right to
manage. All of the legal
interpretations of that are that that can't
then be fettered by a collective agreement. And this is an argument not
just for school boards; it's for every public sector employer in
British Columbia. I guess we'll have that debate when we get to 35 of
19, unless it's amended, which it will have to be. We'd be a lot better
off right now if the Minister of Labour hadn't left and could have
given us an indication of what his intentions are on this section,
which is potentially the most devastating bit of law that I've ever
seen introduced in this House, in terms of its impact in the way that
judges and courts are going to have to interpret it. The minister may
disagree. His advice may be contrary to what I'm saying. The advice
I've had from quite a number of people who are professional in the
field is that, taken together, this means that a collective agreement
that fetters management rights will not stand up because of the acts
taken in
section 35.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I think the member made the point that you
can't read this without reading it in conjunction with something else
and in conjunction with something else. That was really what I was
recommending. There is an obligation. If people are going to look at
one phrase in one clause, it must be considered in conjunction with
everything else. The member, I would suggest, Mr. Chairman.... There's
a lot of questionable.... You're certainly stretching the rules of
order here. I would say that even your lawyers
[ Page
1151 ]
who have been advising you have an obligation to keep up to date. So
I would highly recommend that they read the amendments that we
introduced on Monday in this House. I could refer the member to and
ask, perhaps, that they study the amendments to
section 73, which
indicate that where there is a conflict between this act and the
Industrial Relations Act or the application of the Industrial Relations
Act to teachers, this act prevails. And in this act it gives teachers
that agreements that are signed are binding on both parties. So I
really think that if you're going to talk about reading in conjunction,
then somebody had better do that. Perhaps before we made this
amendment, maybe your lawyers had a valid point, but I question it now.
MR. CHAIRMAN: The member for North Island. [Applause.]
HON. MR. BRUMMET: They woke up.
MR. GABELMANN: Well, Mr. Minister, you woke them up. You
finally got spirited. This is what this committee should be about,
spirited and lively debate.
Let's say for a moment that the minister is right in his....
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Just for a moment?
MR. GABELMANN: Yes, just for a moment. Let's say for a moment
that he is right, that on one hand there are sections — and I agree,
you can read
section 73 that way — in the bill that provide the
following powers. You have to concede as well that there are other
sections in this and the other bill that provide other powers. The
least we're going to have is litigation coming out of our ears for the
next year or two that is going to do no good whatsoever to developing
some peace and harmony and some educational values in our education
system. Not all school boards are going to litigate on this point; most
of them are going to say: "We want to allow for our unionized employees
to have full bargaining rights." But you can bet there will be some
school boards in this province which, faced with a situation where
teachers have chosen to certify, will take advantage of advice given to
them by management lawyers, which will be that they have a fair shot
using
section 35, the new 65 of the Industrial Relations Act. They've
got at least a fair shot — if not a winning case at throwing out a
collective agreement.
I'll leave it at that; I've made my point. Anything more I say is
just repeating the case; but there is at the very least a lot of
argument on this point, and I would contend that, in fact, they may
well have a winning case, at which time we'll have to come back to this
Legislature to amend legislation after the fact, after having gone
through a year or two of expensive and counterproductive litigation. We
don't need that kind of thing in this society anymore.
Section 50 approved.
HON. MR. VEITCH: I beg leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
HON. MR. VEITCH: Seated in our gallery today is a very
distinguished British Columbian, the chairman of the British Columbia
Public Service Commission, Mr. Graeme Roberts. I would ask this House
to bid him welcome.
MR. MESSMER: I'd like leave of the House to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
MR. MESSMER: I would like to introduce a special person in my
life, a person who is visiting Victoria this week and who will be
celebrating her eightieth birthday on June 2. While she has been in the
House many times, this is the first time she has been in the gallery to
witness democracy at work. I wish the members would give a warm welcome
to my mother Hazel.
section 51.
MRS. BOONE: My question has to do with the original
section
and the fact that.... It is a problem that I faced when I was on the
board. "On the advice of the school medical officer, a board of school
trustees may require a teacher or other employee to undergo an
examination (
a) by a medical practitioner, and to submit to the school
medical officer a certificate signed by the medical practitioner...."
The problem that we had at one point — and this is a very real problem
— was that the school medical officer.... As you know, there's a
tremendous problem in this province keeping our medical health
officers. They are generally in the health units, the head of the
health units, the medical health officer from the health units.
At one point I know the Peace River district didn't have a health
unit officer, medical health officer; the northern interior health unit
did not have a medical health officer; the Skeena health unit did not
have a medical health officer. We were faced with a situation where our
medical health officer was located in Kamloops. We had a situation that
was a very desperate situation, and we were faced with the necessity of
transporting documents down to the medical health officer to have them
approved and signed by him and back to us in order to implement this
section of the act.
It was very scary for us as the elected people, because we were
dealing with a person who we felt should not have any access to the
classroom, yet we legally did not have any right to keep that person
out of the classroom because we were unable by virtue of distance to
get the medical health officer's signature.
Can the minister look at some provisions to enable boards to deal
with this when medical health officers are not in the immediate area?
Right now we are very lucky because you too have a medical health
officer and the Prince George area does as well. But it could very
easily happen that we will be faced with a situation where there isn't
a medical health officer right there, and where something is needed to
be done right away.
Can the minister advise as to what can be done, given the fact that
the situation is here, that it must be signed or submitted to the
medical health officer? Can the minister advise what could be done to
prevent this sort of situation taking place?
[ Page 1152 ]
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I find what the member is putting forth is
very interesting, though highly irrelevant really to this section. All
that this
section does in Bill 20 is say what used to be in the School
Act, and because of the redefinition of teachers, it now simply says it
includes teachers, administrative officers and other employees, where
it said teachers and other employees in the past. So that's all that we
are amending here.
I would perhaps recommend that the member check
section 58, because
this new legislation does give the board some of the powers that the
member is talking about, though not relevant to this section. Could I
point out then that
section 51 does nothing more than.... Because of a
redefinition of "teacher" in the legislation — it includes teacher,
administrative officer, and employee — all it does is make sure that
all of the people that used to be included are included.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Just before we proceed, hon. member, the Chair
also noticed that your previous question was somewhat out of order. But
in view of the mood of the House, I will let you continue. I'm pleased
that the minister responded. But you might bear that in mind, as you
stand to follow up on your previous question.
MRS. BOONE: I understand that
section 51 amends
section 107,
which includes this. I'm not criticizing the amendment. I think the
amendment is fine. I am asking about a very real problem, and I think
the minister should be aware of its existence, because this amends 107
in the act, from what I understand. I don't know why you wouldn't
consider it as being in order here, but....
MR. CHAIRMAN: The problem, hon. member, is that we are
dealing with
section 51, which deals with the administrative officer,
teacher and employee. What you're dealing with is beyond the scope of
this amendment. Perhaps you can phrase your question in a little
different way. I'm sure the minister will be pleased to answer if he
can.
MRS. BOONE: Well, I'll just leave it at this, I think the
minister understands my concern in this area. It is something that I'd
like to see addressed at some point — and maybe it is addressed later
on; it's hard to jibe all these things together. But it is a concern
that we had, and I'd really like to see it addressed sometime by the
ministry.
[11:30]
Sections 51 and 52 approved.
section 53.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, I move the amendment standing in my name on the order paper. (See appendix.]
Amendment to
section 53 approved.
section 53 as amended.
MR. GABELMANN: I have three areas of concern, or queries. Let
me put that another way: there are three areas that I want to talk
about. The first is relating to.... Well, rather than dealing with the
numbers, because they get confusing.... "Every appointment made by a
board, except a probationary or temporary appointment made under the
regulations, and every contract of employment made for that purpose
with a teacher shall be deemed to be a continuing contract until
terminated...." That section, by having repealed subsection (2) and
replacing it with what I've just read, appears to eliminate the
provision which prevented school boards from hiring permanent employees
to replace teachers who were dismissed but whose appeal is still alive.
That's my understanding of what has happened with these amendments.
Just to say it again, so that we're clear, if a teacher is dismissed
for cause, there is an appeal underway. Until now, the school board
could not hire a permanent replacement until the process of appeal was
complete. As I read it, this change will allow the school board to hire
a permanent replacement for the person who's lost his or her job. If
I'm right about that reading of the implications of these changes, what
does that do to a fundamental right in our society, which is that
you're innocent until proven guilty and your guilt is not determined
until all your appeal avenues are exhausted? When they are exhausted
and your guilt still remains in place, then you're guilty. In other
words, if you're fired, you have an appeal process; you're not guilty
until that appeal process is over.
That's a fundamental — or should be, at least — right in our
society. But by eliminating subsection (2) of
section 119 of the School
Act and replacing it with these words, it appears that school boards
are not — putting it in the negative rather than the positive —
prevented from hiring permanent replacements for those teachers whose
cases are still in the appeal process. And if so, why?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I suppose the member is right in that
sense, but there is also another provision in the legislation where the
board of reference or the inquiry may, as one of their orders, tell the
board to reinstate the member, and they must do so.
MR. GABELMANN: I agree. But then why eliminate the provision
that prevented permanent appointments from being made in these
situations? Why is that eliminated now?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, I suppose the short answer is
that when we go to full bargaining rights and the provision to bargain
MR. GABELMANN: Yes, where teachers choose to certify, but not
in those areas where they choose to go the old route, the association
route. Presumably they don't have the right to bargain those kinds of
conditions there. If they do, it is beyond the salary and bonus
discussion, it seems to me.
I don't know this subject as well as I should, perhaps. But the
minister could perhaps tell me that in those areas the associations
also have the right to bargain protection for these kinds of
circumstances.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I think the member would find in the
subsequent
section that associations or unions, either and both, may
under the amendments.
MR. GABELMANN: I agree. It's confusing....
[ Page
1153 ]
HON. MR. BRUMMET: That's one agreement.
MR. GABELMANN: There are probably more.
It is confusing. I don't understand. Just to make a general point
about this issue, one of the reasons why it causes confusion is that
the word "association" is used to describe associations and also trade
unions, which is a curious kind of drafting suggestion. However, that
is by the by.
The second issue I want to pursue is potentially more important and
more threatening. It is
section 119(4) of the amended School Act,
of a collective agreement. That may not be the best way of putting it,
but that is one way of putting it. The collective agreement in effect
or the contract between boards and teachers in general — small "t" on
teachers — includes provisions of the act and regulations under the act
negotiated that are not contrary to legislation negotiated under the
IRA, and thirdly, individual contracts. I want to come to individual
contracts later.
But then at the end of this section, it says: "...and a provision of
any agreement or contract excluding or purporting to exclude the
provisions of paragraphs (
a) and (
b) is void." At one level you can
read that as the traditional kind of language. If it's to be read this
way, I don't have a lot of problems with it. It would say, in effect,
that you can't have a clause in your collective agreement which says
that provisions 119(4)(
a) and (
b) are not applicable to this
contract. You can't have that kind of contract language overriding
statute. That's what's intended. I think that even without having the
language in the act as you've got it, you've probably got that right,
because I suspect that any tribunal or board or court would so judge.
Nevertheless, you've put it in.
I don't know whether this concern is valid or not, but I want to
express it because it is a concern that's been expressed to me; it's a
concern that I think could exist, and it is as follows. If regulations
are developed after the fact.... Let's go through the process. There's
certification, there's bargaining, there's a collective agreement
signed — all legal under this particular section. Then cabinet says to
itself: "We don't like a certain provision that was bargained, so we're
going to add additional regulations, attendant to the School Act, which
will say that you can't bargain for the following condition that may
have been bargained.
Let me just give a hypothetical example. I don't mean this to be a
real example, because I have no doubt the government wouldn't want to
pursue this. Let's say a contract between teachers and their board
includes the provision that noon hour supervision must be paid at a
certain rate above and beyond the regular pay of the teacher — an
hourly rate of $20 an hour, let's say — and the cabinet says: "We don't
like that. The teachers are paid their fair salary. We're going to pass
a regulation saying that it's not allowed that teachers be paid for
noon hour supervision," after the fact of the bargaining. I would
assume that that would be legal under this section, and if I'm right, I
want to pursue it a little bit further.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I think the member has to realize that this
gives.... I know he doesn't have any trouble with the agreements not
being inconsistent with the act. I think you accept that, but I can't
see the example cited standing up legally when boards have been given
To try to negate an agreement with an order-in-council I don't think would stand up.
MR. GABELMANN: The words are: "....and a provision of any
agreement or contract excluding or purporting to exclude the provisions
of paragraphs (
a) and (
b) is void." So let's shorten that. I'm quite
happy to concede that
I'm on the wrong track here, but I'm not yet convinced.
Shortening that says, in effect, that a provision of a contract
excluding provisions of paragraph (
a) is void. Now could that mean that
if contract language is developed which is contrary to regulations
developed under the act...? Let me put it another way. If the
regulations say one thing and the contract says another, presumably the
regulations apply. Am I right?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: When we get into these supreme legal
technicalities.... I think the member's first reading of the
legislation was correct: you can't use some other way to undermine the
conditions of
section 119. I suppose "valid regulations," by
definition, means that they will stand up; but if they're not valid,
then they won't. I'm not quite sure what the member is trying to get at
here. Hypothetically, anything could be done; a government, or
somebody, could always pass a law to undermine a law that exists. I
don't know that any legislation isn't subject to change of law.
It has to be fairly clear that in this legislation the government
has chosen to give full bargaining rights to teachers, to the best
extent that it is all defined in the legislation. Where conflicts were
pointed out — that it may be taken away, on the other hand — that has
been remedied in these amendments. Having given full bargaining rights,
we are hardly in a position to pass a regulation to negate full
bargaining rights, which we've gone to all the trouble to give in an
act.
MR. GABELMANN: I appreciate the minister's attempt, but that
was a C-minus. The minister didn't really answer my question. We know
what the answer is. My question was: if the regulations to the School
Act and the language in a collective agreement are contradictory, then
the regulations apply. I think the answer to that is yes. Certainly the
answer is yes in respect of the act.
[11:45]
We all agree that the law supersedes collective bargaining, under
the way the statutes are being written — no question about that. The
law also includes regulations. So I think we agree that the provisions
of this act, and any regulations, supersede, if they're in conflict,
any contract language that may be negotiated and agreed to.
Straightforward stuff, and I think that's right. I just want to go
through it step by step to make sure that we agree so far; and I think,
from the minister's response, he does.
Let's just step back a bit. Everyone who's concerned about the
nature of a collective agreement between a board and its employees
knows what the rules are when they go into those discussions. The laws
are clear, they're evident, they're public. The regulations are not so
public. The debate certainly is not public at all, but there is a
process and there are regulations. If teachers negotiate freely clauses
in their collective agreements which are agreed to by their employers,
and which the government doesn't like, the government says: "We didn't
think of this. We didn't think that might occur back when we drew up
the legislation, or when we drew up
[ Page 1154 ]
the regulations. Therefore, we're going to bring in regulations negating that particular contract clause that we don't like."
It's one thing to introduce amendments to the act in this
Legislature and have a public debate about them — about a provision
which would strip a freely negotiated contract clause away from people.
It's bad, and I would argue strenuously against doing that, because of
the retroactive nature of it. But it's another thing when it's done by
regulation, because when it's done by regulation, it's done in cabinet
without any public debate or any public scrutiny; without any
opportunity for affected parties to even make representation about the
change, which may have been generated in cabinet, not through any kind
of bureaucratic process.
It may appear to some members of the House that this is nitpicking
or clutching at straws; it's not. It's a fundamental point here.
Whether we like it or not — and some members of the House may well like
it; I don't — we should understand that collective agreements
negotiated under this legislation can be stripped away, eliminated or
have anything else done to them by order-in-council.
I am not suggesting that that's what the government is going to do.
The minister said: "Why would we go to all this trouble to provide
collective bargaining and then take it away?" I am not suggesting that
the government is going to allow bargaining to take place and then take
it all away. But the door is wide open for the government to pick any
negotiated clause it chooses and to say, by regulation, that it is not
allowed. I think that is inappropriate and unwarranted power for a
government to have in respect of free collective bargaining between
employers and employees. I wonder if the minister has any thoughts on
that.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Chairman, I am rather honoured that the
member attributes all these hypothetical possibilities and powers of
the government to this particular clause, let alone this legislation.
Suppose that what the member is saying is correct, that a regulation
could be passed.... Under everything we have now, a regulation could
have been passed in an attempt to undermine any clause in any
collective agreement that now exists or has existed over the last ten
years. For instance, what is to stop the government passing a
regulation to say that there shall be no overtime pay, even though it
is in collective agreements? I am talking about last year, ten years
ago, whatever you like. Hypothetically, I suppose that is possible. But
pragmatically, I cannot see it happening; nor can I see the government
getting away with it. To all of a sudden say that this legislation,
because it doesn't specify somewhere that the government may not pass
any regulations to do anything that is against what is in collective
agreements, somehow or other opens up a whole new door that doesn't
exist now.... The government could come in and change the legislation
to take collective bargaining rights away from the teachers. The
question then is: would it be viable?
So yes, through legislation or through regulation, there are all
these hypothetical and possible powers. They could pass a regulation
tomorrow that the Minister of Education's salary should be halved —
hypothetically. But I would hope they wouldn't. But there is no
legislation that says they can't try that regulation, whether they have
done away with it under other statutes or.... It certainly wouldn't be
with the consent of the minister. These are the sorts of things we are
getting into — these hypothetical straw men that could be created, that
exist now. Nothing has changed.
The legislation here is not the minister's intent; it is not what
the minister foresees or hopes to achieve by this. That's why it gets
so complicated; it's an attempt to draft it to make sure that all of
these things that are possible to cover are covered. If they left it to
the minister, I would write it in one clause and then let people go
ahead, because my intent is that common sense should prevail, but
everybody else wants legal
interpretations.
We've had massive discussions on what might be, what could be, what
it doesn't say and that sort of thing. I keep defending that this is
what we've covered in the legislation to the best possible extent. I
know that sometimes in court cases the lawyers have a lot of arguing. I
guess if all lawyers agreed, there wouldn't be a court case, would
there?
MR. GABELMANN: And if all politicians agreed, there wouldn't be a Legislature?
The minister's salary couldn't be halved by regulation; there's a
statute in place. There's a big difference. It requires discussion in
this place. I think that's what we're talking about here.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: What's different?
MR. GABELMANN: What's different?
I would agree that the intent of the government, as demonstrated by
this legislation and by the minister's statements, is to provide
relatively free collective bargaining. It's hampered in a variety of
ways, but there is a genuine desire to allow that to happen. That's a
point that I would concede. But what the act does is confer authority
on 75 employers out there. It may well be that 70 of those employers
will have exactly the same attitudes and motives and, therefore,
behaviour. But when you allow loopholes or when you allow whatever to
be opened up by words in this act....
Let me just say in parenthesis that I agree with the minister. I
would prefer that the law said workers shall have the right to bargain
collectively, period. Let them go to it: voluntary recognition, develop
their own rules, everything. It's the same as when I go and buy a pound
of nails from a hardware store. If I want to buy 100 pounds of nails
and get a cheaper price, I can bargain with that hardware store owner,
under which I can haggle. It's free collective bargaining between the
hardware store owner and me. I actually prefer it. If that's what the
minister was saying, that he'd prefer laws that were either absent or
simple, then I agree. I think society would be a heck of a lot better
off. If that makes us both libertarians or anarchists, I don't know,
but it sure would be a better direction than the direction we're going.
I only make the point — and I won't pursue it much further on this
issue — that that sword, under law, hangs over every set of collective
bargaining negotiations that go on in each of the 75 districts, the
sword being the potential threat that if the school board members don't
get their way and are "forced" to give up on a clause that they didn't
want to give up on but have to because of the way collective bargaining
works, they can go have a private meeting with a cabinet member —
presumably the Minister of Education, or any
[ Page 1155 ]
other cabinet member — and persuade cabinet that a regulation should
be drawn up that will negate that particular clause that was agreed to.
I'm not saying it'll happen, but the right, power and ability are
there, and I think that's wrong. If two parties, the employer and the
employee, agree freely to do something, the government should keep its
nose out. And it should keep its nose out not just directly, but it
should also keep out of law its right to put its nose in. There
shouldn't be provisions in law that allow the government to stick its
nose into private matters between a group of employees and their
private matter, in the legal sense. They are a public matter in many
ways, in terms of how they impact on the public, the taxpayers and
everything else; I acknowledge that point. But in a legal sense they
are a private matter between the employers and the employees. Yet the
government wants to have all kinds of rights to intervene should it
choose to later on. I just want to make that point because I anticipate
it'll be an issue some day down the road, two, three, four years from
now, and I want to go on the record now so that when it does happen, I
can say: "I told you so." Although I don't much relish saying that.
The third issue I want to pursue under this section, just before the
clock proceeds, relates to individual contracts. That's (
c) of
paragraph (
a) and (b), agreed between the board and the teacher...."
I assume that means the individual teacher, and not the teacher in the
collective sense. Is that correct?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Yes, that is to provide for some anomalies like a
band teacher who might be hired on a fulltime basis, but to work from 4 o'clock
in the afternoon till eight, or something of that nature. So there can be those
contracts without excluding the provisions of subsection (
a) or (b). There may
be a general contract, and there may be an anomaly that they could do with an
individual teacher. So if the contract reads,"The school day for teachers
is by mutual agreement from X hours to Y hours," this is a provision that
allows for them to provide.... Within that, they can also do some other
things, but I'm sure that the collective agreement will look after that.
MR. GABELMANN: The normal way of doing that is if the
employer wants to allow for some flexibility in scheduling work, which
is what the minister is talking about: the band teacher teaching from
four to eight, or a phys ed teacher coming in an hour earlier, or a
whole variety of possible potentialities. The normal procedure there is
that you work that into the collective agreement: the group would
agree, the teachers would agree, the board would agree that you can
vary the work schedule; you can do those kinds of things. What this
clause allows for is a situation where the collective may agree, and
the board acting as management may agree to have a clause, and an
individual teacher can go in and negotiate a contrary clause.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Just very quickly, a teacher cannot go and
negotiate a separate contract with the board, because there is another
place where all teachers are covered. This one does say that it may not
exclude or purport to exclude the provisions of paragraphs (
a) and (b).
Therefore, the individual agreement would be void unless it complies
with that. So it's just allowing it.
MR. GABELMANN: I agree.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
The committee, having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Hon. Mr. Strachan moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
The House adjourned at 12 noon.
Appendix
AMENDMENTS TO BILLS
AMENDMENT
20 The Hon. A. J. Brummet to move, in Committee of the Whole on Bill (No. 20):
intituled Teaching Profession Act to amend as follows
SECTION 53, in the proposed
section 119 (2) of the School Act by deleting everything
after "deemed to be a continuing contract" and substituting:
until
(
a) the teacher has been dismissed under
section 122 or 122.1,
(
b) the contract has been terminated as provided in this Act, or
(
c) the teacher ceases to be a member of the college., and.
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