British Columbia Hansard — WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26, 1989
34p 03s 890426p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1989 Legislative Session: 3rd Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26, 1989
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page
6367 ]
CONTENTS
Routine Proceedings
Ministerial Statement
Organ donation. Hon. Mr. Ree –– 6368
Mr. Perry
Oral Questions
Fish-processing regulations. Mr. Harcourt –– 6368
Mr. G. Hanson
Mr. Gabelmann
Committee of Supply: Ministry of Attorney-General estimates. (Hon. S.D. Smith)
On vote 13: minister's office –– 6371
Mr. Sihota
Mr. Rose
Mr. R. Fraser
Mr. G. Hanson
The House met at 2:07 p.m.
Prayers.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
It's indeed a pleasure for me to introduce some longtime friends and
residents of Kamloops, now retired and living in Celista. They're
visiting this wonderful city and are guests in the gallery. I would
like the House to welcome Joan and Archie Phillips.
MR. CASHORE :
Mr. Speaker, visiting in the gallery today are two individuals who have
provided outstanding leadership in the area of the environment and
wilderness preservation — preservation of our parkland. I would
like the House to join me in welcoming Colleen McCrory and Grant
Copeland of the Valhalla Wilderness Society.
MR. PELTON :
Hon. members, on behalf of our Speaker, I would like to introduce a
couple of gentlemen here this afternoon from the city of Vancouver, Mr.
Ernest Hui and Mr. Lyall Knott, and would ask that you make them
welcome, please.
HON. MR. VEITCH : In the gallery
this afternoon from the great Moscrop Senior Secondary School in
Burnaby, in the great constituency of Burnaby-Willingdon, I would like
to introduce to the House today a group of 29 grade 10 students. They
are led by their teacher, Mrs. Morgan, and they are in the building
today conducting a debate entitled "The Destiny of British Columbia:
Confederation or Annexation." Those history buffs in the Legislature
will realize that that debate occurred from 1866 to 1871. With this
group today is a very special young person who worked as a work
experience student in my office during the last election campaign,
Farah Nazarali. I would like the House to bid them all welcome.
MR. PERRY :
I would like to second the welcome to those two special guests from New
Denver, Colleen McCrory and Grant Copeland, who have more to do than
anyone but a few others with the Valhalla Provincial Park.
would like also to introduce to the House, if she's here now, the new
legislative assistant to me and the first member for Vancouver-Point
Grey (Ms. Marzari), Arlene McAuley. She is a very welcome addition to
the Legislature.
HON. MR. REID : It gives me a great
deal of pleasure to introduce today two very prestigious people, both
past governors of Kinsmen District 5, both very dedicated to the
community's greatest needs: Rich Coleman from Aldergrove and Jim Watson
from Port Coquitlam. Would the House please welcome these two gentlemen.
MS. EDWARDS : Japan, as a nation, is celebrating its international ice
hockey diamond jubilee — 60 years of ice hockey in Japan. In honour of this,
Japan is having an invitational hockey meet in the city of, I believe, Hachinohe.
They have invited 14 teams from throughout the world, and the one Canadian team
invited is the Cranbrook peewee team. I would like, when I send them a telegram
when they begin play on the 30th, to say that all of the Legislature joins me
in offering congratulations.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON :
I stand to speak as the minister responsible for sports. A very
important announcement has been delivered to my office which I feel
should be shared with all members of the Legislature. Informed sources
have revealed that the team captained by the hon. Speaker of the
Legislative Assembly defeated the team of lightweights purportedly
headed by the second member for Boundary Similkameen (Mr. Barlee) at
tennis at the Oak Bay bubble on April 25 and 26, 1989. When
interviewed, the second member for Boundary-Similkameen conceded
vanquishment and promised to abide by all rulings of the Speaker in the
future.
MR. G. HANSON : In response and in fairness,
it should be duly noted that the second member for Boundary-Similkameen
used a gold-panning thing instead of a tennis racquet.
HON. MR. PARKER :
I'm pleased to introduce to the House today Mr. Norman Slavik,
president of Norvik Timber Inc., and Mr. Jim Watson, chairman of the
board of the Man in Motion Society. With the cooperation of my
colleagues the Minister of Regional Development (Hon. Mr. Veitch) and
the second member for Vancouver-Little Mountain (Mr. Mowat), we have
been working over the last several months with Norvik to establish an
alder-manufacturing plant in the province. We are pleased to see that
our discussions have brought together all the necessary elements for
Norvik to purchase the Fletcher Challenge Tilbury sawmill. When this
project is completed, approximately 90 sawmill workers presently
employed in the Fletcher Challenge Tilbury operation will be employed
with Norvik. They will be upgrading and modernizing the plant into a
value-added manufacturing facility that will be operating on alder, and
will hire additional workers, many of whom will be disabled. I would
like the House to please make them welcome.
MRS. GRAN :
In the members' gallery today is a very special lady from
Esquimalt-Port Renfrew who I would like to pay tribute to. She recently
retired after over 30 years of looking after geriatric patients with
the kind of love and compassion that you seldom see. She raised six
children and supported them on her own. Would the House please welcome
my mother, Hilda Masson.
[ Page 6368 ]
Ministerial Statement
ORGAN DONATION
HON. MR. REE :
On Monday, my colleague the Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. Dueck) clearly
outlined the importance of organ donation and the need for all British
Columbians to carefully review their feelings about organ and tissue
donation. Unfortunately, at that time I was called away to Toronto and
could not make a statement.
In support of the organ donor
program, our Premier launched the B.C. organ donor registry in August,
1988. The registry operated by the motor vehicle branch of my ministry
records the names of all those who wish to be organ donors. The
registry, accessible to the British Columbia Transplant Society, gives
them an indication of an individual's willingness to be a donor.
[2:15]
When an individual's driver's licence is up for renewal, he or she
is sent a "Gift for Life" pamphlet to give them time to consider
becoming an organ donor registrant. When individuals arrive at the
motor vehicle licence office, they are asked if they wish to be donors.
Upon their consent, they are included in the registry.
Research
tells us that many people will volunteer to be donors if they are only
asked. Once you have registered at the motor vehicle licence office,
you receive a licence with the words "Organ Donor" printed next to your
photograph.
Almost one-third of all organ donations occur
as a result of sudden death from motor vehicle accidents. The licence
an individual carries can serve as a signal for the doctor and the
family of his or her wishes. Since August 1988, over 80,000 British
Columbians have made the choice to register. British Columbians have
shown, once again, that they care and are willing to make the difficult
decision to register as organ donors. I wish to do all I can to help
other British Columbians make the same decision.
In 1988 we began issuing a new tamper-proof security driver's licence and
a B.C. identification card. Under our present program of asking each driver,
upon renewal, if they will become an organ donor, it will take five years to
fully canvass all drivers of this province. As an incentive, commencing May
1 and continuing for six months, anybody wishing to replace their driver's
licence or B.C. identification card for the new tamper-proof security card may
do so without paying the $10 replacement fee. They may do this by registering
as an organ donor at any motor vehicle licence office. The new card will have
the words "Organ Donor" imprinted thereon.
wish to stress that it's only by attending a motor licence office that
a new tamper-proof security card can be obtained. Also, the forgiveness
of the fee applies only to the replacement card. If the individual
requires other services such as change of address or renewal, they will
be required to pay the usual fee This offer is one way of thanking
those who have made the important choice to support the gift of life
program.
To ensure that all British Columbians — not just drivers —
can register, we have developed an organ donor registry card which can
be mailed in by anyone who wishes to register. This card has been
included in the "Gift for Life" pamphlet and is available at all motor
vehicle licence offices, Autoplan agencies, health units, government
agent outlets and hospitals.
Mr. Speaker, since a kit
developed by the Ministry of Health and my ministry has been made
available to all MLAs, I hope they will also be available at their
constituency offices throughout the province and that they will support
this program.
The Premier, the Minister of Health and I,
just prior to the sitting this afternoon, signed up as organ donors. At
this time and until 5 o'clock this evening, staff of my ministry will
be in the Hemlock Room downstairs, where any member of this chamber or
any member of the media may also go and sign up as an organ donor and
receive, of course, the tamper-proof security driver's licence.
The
proof of the importance of organ donation can be seen in faces, the
faces of the family of the recipient of the recent heart and lung
transplant performed at Vancouver General Hospital last week. My best
wishes to that family, and my encouragement to others to register as
organ donors.
MR. PERRY : I am delighted by the
announcement and by the fact that the government has seen fit to deal
with this issue on two occasions this week, which I think is
appropriate. I would just like to say that I canvassed members of our
opposition caucus, and many of us have already signed up. Our staff in
the NDP caucus have been asking how they can sign up as organ donors as
well, and I will be informing them of the opportunity this afternoon
between two and four, which I assume is open to them as well.
HON. MR. REE : That's 2 o'clock and 5 o'clock.
MR. PERRY : Wonderful.
I'd like to commit myself as well to writing to the Canadian Medical Association Journal
to inform the rest of the physicians of Canada of the initiative taken
in this province, which I think is a wonderful example for the rest of
the country.
Oral Questions
FISH-PROCESSING REGULATIONS
MR. HARCOURT :
I have a question to the Premier. Today the federal government
announced changes to the fish-processing regulations which would lead
to the destruction of the B.C. fish-processing industry at the cost of
millions of dollars and thousands of jobs. Can the Premier inform this
House that he is now prepared to amend provincial legislation over
fish-processing and buying to protect those B.C. jobs?
[ Page
6369 ]
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : We have had discussions before today
with Mr. Crosbie and others in the federal government regarding this
matter. Yesterday I also spoke to Mr. Crosbie and urged him to come out
here today with Mr. Oberle and explain to us just exactly what the
government in Ottawa entered into with the U.S.
After a
meeting this morning with Mr. Oberle, Mr. Crosbie and the ministers
responsible in government and getting the details from him, I am
terribly disappointed with what has taken place so far. It doesn't go
far enough. We obviously now will have a landing requirement for salmon
and herring. There will be provincial buying stations, and anyone,
regardless of where they're from, will need to deal with these buying
stations. That's one way of ensuring that there's proper conservation
and proper management of the resource.
But when you're
dealing with herring, you're dealing with more than just the herring;
you also must consider the roe. Simply taking account of herring, or
weighing the herring, doesn't go far enough. So we need to have a means
of processing the roe right here in British Columbia — eviscerating, taking out the roe —
in order to have a proper means of ensuring that we're managing the
resource and conserving the resource for the industry and for the
people of the province.
This morning Mr. Crosbie and Mr.
Oberle assured us that before the end of June and before the herring
season, they will take the necessary steps within GATT to make certain
that we protect that right of being able to process the herring in
order to remove the roe, as a part of that conservation and resource
management process.
Based on that assurance, we're willing
to see what happens as a result of what they do and how they do it
before the end of June. Several suggestions were made. However, they
must be within GATT, because we don't want to be faced with this again
and again, or we'll have a totally uncertain industry. So it has to be
within GATT; we were told it could be done within GATT. It will be done
within GATT before the end of June and before the next herring
season — food herring in the fall and roe herring in the spring of next year. It will be done before that.
the meantime, we've made our displeasure known to the federal
government, with the fact that they hadn't gone far enough. We'll await
their further decision.
MR. HARCOURT : Mr. Speaker,
to the Premier. Your government walked out of the talks with the
Americans three months ago claiming federal incompetence. We'd like to
know what specific measures you've taken since that time to protect
these B.C. jobs and these millions of dollars that are going to be lost
HON. MR. STRACHAN : Give him the long answer this time, Mr. Premier.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : No, Mr. Speaker, I don't think I need to be too long in my answer; it's relatively simple.
we took the approach as outlined by the Leader of the Opposition and
said we were going to forget about GATT, free trade and whatever
agreements happen to exist between nations or between various groups
within the world economic community, not only would we endanger the
whole of the fishing industry but we would endanger the forestry
industry, the mining industry and the manufacturing industry. We would
irresponsibly be putting every job and the future of every British
Columbian at risk. Therefore we in government cannot take an
irresponsible position. We have to act responsibly in these matters.
MR. HARCOURT :
The Premier just said they haven't done anything except sell out the
lumber industry and the fishing industry in the last year and a half.
In November 1987 your fisheries minister said that if the free trade
agreement was going to harm the fish-processing industry, we would
reassess our support of the free trade agreement. Mr. Premier, are you
prepared with this sellout by John Crosbie, rolling over Tom Siddon, to
reassess your support of this free trade agreement?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM :
I think perhaps if the Leader of the Opposition has questions to ask of
members on this side, he should get the information in order to
properly ask the question in order for us to provide the necessary
answers, because he's obviously not aware — and I would suggest he
do some homework before he comes to the House — that this is not a
free trade matter but a GATT matter.
MR. HARCOURT :
Then why is it that all of the Maritime premiers were able to take care
of their fish-processing industry and you left ours out to dry?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : It's easier to deal with ignorance than with irresponsibility, so I think I can answer this question fairly easily.
The
reason that the matter of fish was dealt with differently for the east
coast as opposed to the west coast is that during the time a free trade
agreement was being negotiated there was already a GATT application in
process. It's this GATT application that is now being dealt with.
The
Leader of the Opposition is still confusing free trade with GATT. He's
obviously not aware that if we do not act within the provisions of
GATT, then every country could in turn retaliate against us. The
retaliation — which could come from the U.S., obviously —
would be or could be considerable. If we were to act irresponsibly and
fly off the handle in such a way as has been suggested by the Leader of
the Opposition, then we would be endangering not only the fishing
industry — which I and every member on this side wish to see
maintained in this province, and which we will fight to see
maintained — but we would be risking forestry, mining,
manufacturing, all other forms of industry.
[ Page 6370 ]
We owe it to our people, to our children, to our children's children, to act responsibly in this matter.
[2:30]
MR. G. HANSON : A question to the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries.
is apparent that the Premier doesn't understand that what we're
fighting for is to protect B.C. jobs in the fishing industry. I want to
ask the minister what specific proposals he has advanced to protect
jobs. Fish could be trucked to fish processors at Bellingham in the
United States. Fish processing ships from the United States could come
into our waters and process fish. What steps have you taken to Stop
that?
HON. MR. SAVAGE : Just to correct the statement
of the Leader of the Opposition, first, that nobody had attended a
couple, we did have staff at every meeting in the joint negotiating
process.
To answer the question: what process have we
taken? We do not license processing vessels in this province. We have
not licensed them. Further....
MR. MILLER : You haven't refused to, either.
HON. MR. SAVAGE : I beg your pardon?
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please.
HON. MR. SAVAGE :
We've never licensed one. On the other occasion you asked what we have
done to protect, you said, jobs. To use that term is not GATT
consistent, as the opposition well knows. We have stated very clearly
that we are, as a government, coming wholly on-side with the Fisheries
Council, the fishing industry and the UFAWU, supporting exactly what
they're asking for. This government has shown leadership in that
respect, and I commend the Premier and all the members of cabinet for
doing so.
MR. G. HANSON : That minister was asked for
regulations on the landing and evisceration of salmon and herring over
a year ago on the floor of this House. Why did it take you over a year
to do that?
HON. MR. SAVAGE : The jurisdiction is federal for landing requirements.
MR. G. HANSON :
I want a specific response to this question: what action will be taken
to stop processors from loading up fish in British Columbia and
trucking them into the United States for processing?
HON. MR. SAVAGE : That question was answered previously. All licences have to be issued by this government.
MR. GABELMANN :
I have a question for the Minister of International Business and
Immigration. Several months ago, when the minister's representatives
were in Washington negotiating together with Ottawa over this same
issue and the talks broke down, the minister's representatives walked
out of the meetings. Why didn't the minister's representatives walk out
of the meetings with John Crosbie and issue a statement yesterday?
HON. J. JANSEN :
I'm kind of curious as to the line of questioning here, because if
there's one issue we've worked on very closely with industry, it's this
entire question of getting landing requirements and getting
requirements regarding our industry. As the member opposite knows, we
have worked on trying to resolve a number of these issues and trying to
ensure that the industry and the conservation and management, as the
Premier has indicated, is protected. Perhaps the Premier has answered
most of the questions in this regard and I can defer to the Premier to
carry on.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : Perhaps this may clarify it for everyone in the House. Most here — and certainly all British Columbians —
will remember the many debates and arguments during free trade. I can
remember the NDP saying: "We don't need free trade; we have GATT."
Today we have a decision by GATT, and where is the NDP, the wafflers?
They are on both sides of the fence, as always. They can't make up
their heads where they want to be. They're no place at all. They are
living in the past. They're a bunch of has-dones.
Interjections.
MR. SPEAKER : Order, please.
MR. GABELMANN :
During the FTA negotiations, the Maritimes and Atlantic Premiers made
absolutely certain that their position was well protected in respect of
GATT under the FTA. British Columbia did not even show up to protect
its own position. My question to the Minister of International Business
is: what steps has he now decided to take to ensure that these federal
regulations will not be in place and, in fact, that proper regulations
will be put in place by the federal minister at our insistence —
at the insistence of all the people involved in this industry: the
unions, the employers and all those many thousands of people who work
there? What is the British Columbia government going to do to make sure
those regulations are appropriate and effective?
HON. J. JANSEN :
I don't know how many times we have to give the message over there. We
have talked about this with the industry on a regular basis. We have
put in place our position to the federal government. The federal
government has given back a number of areas of regulatory response that
are required. The Premier has indicated — and I repeat — that
we are disappointed. We didn't get the number of areas that we wanted
to see, particularly in grading and the herring issues, and we will
continue to represent those. We hope that eventually we can see further
resolve in these areas.
MR. HARCOURT : Mr. Speaker, I
stand under the provisions of standing order 35. I move that the House
do now adjourn to discuss a matter of urgent
[ Page 6371 ]
public
importance: namely, the April 25, 1989 joint announcement of new
federal regulations, done by the Ministers of International Trade and
Fisheries and Oceans to permit the export of unprocessed B.C. salmon
and herring.
As my motion indicated, I rise to seek leave
for the adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a
definite matter of urgent public importance; namely, the threat to the
B.C. fish processing industry and the jobs of about 6,000 British
Columbians — many of them women — as posed by the federal response to the GATT ruling.
The
matter is urgent, because if we are to stave off his federally created
disaster, we must put up a united front against Ottawa and let them
know that their capitulation to the American demands is absolutely
unacceptable to British Columbians. With the watering down today of the
federal landing regulations, it's clear that no progress has been made
in the last three months to protect B.C. jobs.
The
conditions and concerns that prevailed in January prevail today. There
is no other immediate or timely parliamentary opportunity to discuss
this. We need to discuss it today.
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
On a point of order. Mr. Speaker, if it will assist the Chair, I have
just a couple of points. First of all, I think that the Leader of the
Opposition's motion is flawed in that it says "a joint announcement of
new federal regulations," and we would like clarification of that.
Secondly,
I would submit to you, with all due respect, that the debate on this
issue has just taken place in question period, and that the reasoned
response of the government clearly prevailed.
MR. SPEAKER : I thank the Leader of the Opposition for giving me advance notice. I will take this under advisement and report later today.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. RICHMOND :
Before we get on to Committee of Supply, I would ask leave of the House
for the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Fisheries to meet
this afternoon as requested.
Leave granted.
The House in Committee of Supply; Mr. Pelton in the chair.
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF
ATTORNEY-GENERAL
On vote 13: minister's office, $254,015 (continued).
HON. S.D. SMITH :
I know that members opposite are prepared with a number of questions
that they want to send along today. While I am waiting for some staff
to assemble, it would be appropriate for me to advise the House of some
of the things taking place within the ministry, particularly as they
relate to the office of the Crown counsel in the criminal justice
branch of this ministry.
Upon assuming this responsibility,
I said it was my view that we ought to buttress the resources of the
Crown counsel's office to ensure that the Crown counsel's office
understood its role in the criminal justice system. It would be one
where we had a considerable number of people on contract — be they
fixed-term contracts or ad hoc Crown counsel appointments — and also
the Crown counsel's office itself would be a place where people might
aspire to develop a continuing career in the public service.
One
of the most important moves forward in that regard was the appointment
of Mr. Bill Stewart as the ADM responsible for the criminal justice
branch. Mr. Stewart has high regard throughout the system, not only by
members in the Crown office, but also by those many members in the
defence bar with whom he has come into contact, as well as members of
the judiciary throughout the province of British Columbia who know of
his work and his ability to lead within that Crown counsel system. So
it is the case that in the budgetary allocation this year there are
more resources, both in terms of funding and in terms of personnel, to
improve the service levels and the ability of the Crown counsel office
to perform on behalf of the citizens across this province. More about
that will become known, in terms of the specific allocation of those
resources, when we introduce in the next two or three weeks or a month
the specific enactments associated with the justice Reform Committee
report.
[2:45]
As well, I would like to apprise members of the House that during
the next two days the Crown counsel of British Columbia are having a
conference of some 250 members. They have chosen to hold that
conference in the city of Kamloops. The conference is going to deal
with a number of issues which I think are important not only to them
but to many members of our community at large. There will be a session
dealing with how one approaches and works with witnesses, particularly
children, who are involved in matters relating to cases where there is
a prosecution of sexual assaults.
It is probably one of
the most challenging areas of all for the Crown office, because often
the evidence of the witness is obviously critical to the advancing of
charges and putting fairly before the courts the circumstances and
information that has been collected by policing agencies. As well, that
has to be done in a way that, above all else, shows a certain
sensitivity to the age of the witnesses and the traumatic effects that
may impress on those witnesses simply as a result of their being in the
courts to begin with in that kind of a trial.
In addition
to that, workshops will be held during this conference that will deal
with three recent Canadian cases: the Thatcher matter out of
Saskatchewan; the Nelles matter in Ontario; and the Marshall matter
from Nova Scotia. The focus of those workshops will be on the issues of
ethics and the liability, or potential liability, of Crown prosecutors,
associated with their
[ Page 6372 ]
work,
and the focus of that will be in relationship to those three relatively
high-profile cases. In addition to that, there will be a number of
other workshops dealing with jury addresses and matters involving
impaired driving and the admissibility and
interpretation of various
kinds of evidence.
I would like, on my own behalf, to thank
Jean Connor, who is one of our senior and very outstanding Crown
counsel. In addition to her many other functions, she has taken on the
task of organizing this very worthwhile conference that is going on as
we speak in the city of Kamloops. I will have the pleasure of
addressing the 250 delegates at some time over the next couple of days.
That said, we'll carry on.
MR. SIHOTA : I will be
commenting a little bit later on with respect to Crown counsel and some
of the experiences in that office, and also in relation to the
difficulties with sexual assault. We may, depending on how we proceed
today, get on to those matters fairly early in the afternoon.
have some thoughts I would like to share with the Attorney-General in
terms of sexual assault and the way in which we handle those matters;
specifically, lessons we have learned from one case in particular that
I want to canvass in some depth with the Attorney-General.
Yesterday,
I started off dealing with legal aid. After I had concluded my opening
comments, some of my other colleagues wanted to speak. In order to
facilitate them, I didn't really get into legal aid beyond duty
counsel. I want to spend some time this afternoon talking about legal
aid funding in particular.
In that regard, I note that the
Attorney-General made several comments — during my absence, in part —
with respect to legal aid, some of which I heard. I had the opportunity
to read it in Hansard again today. It's interesting that the
Attorney-General yesterday in his comments talked about a 56 percent
increase in legal aid funding and omitted to indicate that in the case
of family law alone the cases being handled by the Legal Services
Society still, in numbers, fall below the '82-83 restraint levels, when
all family law cases met the income eligibility standards and were
being handled.
In actual numbers, my information is that
we've dropped the second.... I'm not suggesting that there was anything
intended here, but I think it should be clarified for Hansard and for
the record. If you read the Attorney-General's comments from yesterday
morning on page 8, you get the impression that funds for maintenance
are going up at quite a level, and a level I wouldn't mind seeing. But
it's not true — because the Attorney-General seems to have added
numbers twice —
that they are getting $640,000, as he indicated on
page 8 yesterday, plus another $500,000. It's my understanding that
the $640,000 that is being provided for maintenance includes the
$500,000 that he seemed to add twice during the course of his comments.
Also,
it's my understanding, with respect to the comments he made about young
offenders, that that money is mandated through the federal legislation,
which is then administered through the Legal Services Society. Anyway,
those are just minor points.
Dealing with legal aid, I said
yesterday that I'm going to be building the case that the government
has severely underfunded legal aid in British Columbia over the years
and certainly has not met the standard expected of it, both from the
1984 task force and with respect to the Hughes commission. I want to go
through some of the matters, starting with non-family matters in the
civil realm, to talk about where, as I said yesterday, the government
is not meeting the statutory obligations.
The legislation
is set out to ensure that legal services are available to all those who
don't have the financial eligibility to secure service and are
threatened with a legal problem. But under the legislation, provision
is made, or the desire is expressed, that the service be provided to
individuals when their family's physical or mental safety is at risk,
and when their ability to feed, cloth and provide shelter for them and
their dependents or their livelihood is threatened.
In 1984
the federal evaluation of legal aid identified in their study, which
I'm sure the Attorney-General is aware of, the absence of an office in
a community as a major deterrent to anyone seeking assistance for a
legal problem who may be financially eligible for legal aid. There are
a number of areas in this province where no civil assistance is
available without substantial travel, and some of those areas are
Vernon, Golden, Revelstoke, Invermere, Kaslo, Port Alberni and Sechelt.
My question to the Attorney-General is: when is the government
intending to provide service in those areas I've just enumerated?
HON. S.D. SMITH :
We work with the Legal Services Society to identify the areas in which
resources ought to be directed when we add services, community offices
and so on. As I indicated yesterday, we are working with the Legal
Services Society and presently adding the office component in Terrace,
Maple Ridge and Cranbrook. In addition to that, I have entered into a
whole host of discussions with the Legal Services Society and will
continue to do that on alternative models of providing service in a
number of areas, so that we might better use the resources that we have
to provide a broader range of services around the province in areas
that may now not be served.
Just so that the arithmetic
doesn't get confused here, the $500,000 amount and the $640,000
amount are indeed separate. The $500,000 amount applies to social
service matters for the family obtaining and varying family maintenance
orders, and the $640,000 is for the non-social services.
MR. SIHOTA :
The Attorney-General was talking about alternative models, and I know
that his ministry looked at models in Cranbrook, Maple Ridge and
Terrace for the provision of those services through
[ Page 6373 ]
the
private bar. It's my information that the proposal with respect to that
model in Cranbrook was not met with any degree of universal acceptance,
and similarly in Maple Ridge there wasn't a tremendous amount of
interest in providing that through the private bar.
I'm
just wondering if the Attorney-General could elucidate, then, the
government's intentions in that regard, given the reaction received in
Cranbrook and Maple Ridge — and tell me if I'm wrong on that. Is the
Attorney-General reassessing his view that these services ought to be
provided through the private bar?
HON. S.D. SMITH :
One of the things I have found most comforting — in some senses, I
guess — about my work in relation to legal aid is the tremendously good
relationship that has developed between my office, the ministry and the
Legal Services Society I meet with them frequently, both formally and
informally, and when I say that we're exploring a number of models, I
mean just that. Some will be tried and found wanting, and others
doubtless will be tried and successful. I think it's a good and useful
part of the process, and it will continue. It's very helpful. As I
indicated yesterday, when I think the member wasn't in the chamber, as
much as we have done in substantially augmenting the budget for legal
aid.... I'll go through it again in detail in a moment, all the matters
that we've done with respect to tariff and non-tariff items and the
money that goes in in an ancillary way from other parts of the
provincial budget. As much as we have done in that regard, I want to
see us do more, and we will do more. That's a responsibility I have. I
believe very strongly in the proposition, and I know that the Legal
Services Society does as well, because we've had many discussions in
that regard.
One of the ways that we can best assist in
enhancing the resources available to legal aid.... Some people have the
view that those resources somehow go to fatten up a profession already
too fat; I reject that notion, but it's fairly widely held in our
society, and it knows no political boundaries. I'm of the view that one
of my primary tasks is to be certain that the resources are available
for us to be able to fulfill our commitment and our desire to broaden,
enhance and augment people's access to justice.
In order to
do that, it seems to me important to acknowledge successes where they
occur and not simply to try to diminish the improvements being made.
Certainly the Law Society, too, but I know the Legal Services Society
and I have a good deal of common cause about that. We have put
significant amounts of new resources into providing legal assistance to
people. We've changed the flexibility so that the people at the
margins, the working poor, are assisted. We've provided more
discretionary authority and that sort of thing, but I would certainly
like to do more.
[3:00]
MR. SIHOTA :
I think we'd all like to do more, but I really take issue with the
Attorney-General when he suggests that they've made steps to assist the
working poor. We'll get to that in a minute, the lack of coverage for
clients of modest means. I vehemently, in very strong terms, take issue
with the Attorney-General on that matter. At the same time, I want to
tell him that at the end of all of this, I intend to make some
suggestions to him in terms of how to operate, because I believe that
it's just not adequate for me to say more and more without offering
some suggestions on how you ought to proceed.
Dealing with
this matter of models, first of all, you say that you have reviewed
many of these matters, Mr. Attorney, with the Legal Services Society
and that there are several models. Perhaps you could indicate to me
again what types of models you are actively considering with respect to
the delivery of legal services.
HON. S.D. SMITH : One
of the important components of a process of consultation that I like to
embark on is to not presume that I have all the answers for all the
models. What I have done, in fact, is say to the Legal Services Society
that together we should look at ways in which we can deliver those
services more effectively to the public, number one, and at a greater
ability to use the resources, number two. They've made some suggestions
to me and I've made some suggestions to them, and together we're going
to continue to look at a whole host of ways we might be able to do
those things. When we come to some specific conclusions, then of course
we'll make everyone aware of them. That's the process going on, and I'm
very pleased that they're willing to participate in it, because they
have the same concern as I do that we have to maximize the use of our
resources — and in part that will help us get more resources.
MR. SIHOTA :
I don't think that's much of an answer in terms of what models you're
looking at. That's all I was trying to find out. I know the
Attorney-General has a bias towards making sure these services are
provided through the private bar; he publicly expressed his interest in
doing that to many forums shortly after he was sworn in. I think he
would agree with me that experience has demonstrated that the bar is
resistant to that mode of delivery simply because of what is required.
would like to have heard the Attorney-General — and I will allow the
Attorney-General an opportunity again, I guess — saying he now realizes
that delivery of this type of service through the private bar is not
the best way to do it and that the model we have embraced to date is
indeed better. I will leave that up to the Attorney-General. I don't
want to belabour the point.
I indicated during my earlier
comments that without substantial travel, civil assistance is
unavailable in communities such as Vernon, Golden, Revelstoke,
Invermere, Kaslo, Port Alberni and Sechelt. I don't think this is an
acceptable state of affairs. The Attorney-General replied that he was
trying to remedy the situation, which the government cut back several
[ Page 6374 ]
years ago with respect to the elimination of the three offices in Terrace, Cranbrook and Maple Ridge.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA :
That was the implication of what the Attorney-General had to say. If
the Attorney-General does not believe that was the implication, then he
has an opportunity to correct the record, and I invite him to do so.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
Perhaps the best way to correct the record would be to invite the
member to put accuracy on the record in the first place. That would be
a more productive use of our time, particularly when the accuracy is
staring one in the face.
I just want to clarify a couple of
things. With respect to the expenditure of legal services money, the
largest proportion of the service is, of course, spent in the private
bar; that's who does the service. That is the model now used by the
Legal Services Society. I don't have the percentages here, but the
overwhelming proportion of the money that they spend goes to hire
people in the private bar to provide the service The Legal Services
Society and I sit together and try to develop where the resources might
more appropriately go and where the priorities ought to be. I don't
bring to that piece any biases about delivery of service. I try to
bring to the piece some sort of ability to do a decent and honest
analysis and to advise this House in a decent and honest way what that
analysis is so that we can inform people and not in any way cause any
opportunity for disinformation to get out.
There's no
question at all that I want to get more resources for legal assistance,
as I said yesterday. I want to do that not only from the public
treasury, but we're looking as well at some of the other foundations —
that is to say, the Legal Services Society and ourselves working
together. I want as well to do my part to try to ensure that the public
understands and that all politicians in this chamber understand. From
time to time I have listened to several on both sides of the House who
don't see the provision of public moneys for legal aid as an access
issue; they see it as only an issue of paying money to lawyers. Of
course, you do pay money to lawyers, but they somehow see it as a kind
of guaranteed annual income for lawyers rather than as an issue of
access for those who are served by lawyers. That's a real challenge
which I know one will have to face as they seek those additional
resources.
MR. SIHOTA : In terms of more money for
lawyers — let's deal with that very quickly — it seems to me that the
Attorney-General has his work cut out for him. I want to draw his
attention to the debates of the Legislature during my comments on the
budget on the afternoon of April 4, 1989. 1 was talking about the
Premier and his attitude with respect to the provision of legal
services in B..C., and in response to my request for additional
assistance for legal aid the Premier said, if I may quote from Hansard:
"More money for lawyers." On several occasions he indicated that I was
asking for more money for lawyers.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM : Some lawyers.
MR. SIHOTA :
No, you did say that, Mr. Premier. Don't say you said "some lawyers."
I've got it here in Hansard. The Premier said: "More money for
lawyers." That's the Premier's
interpretation of what legal aid is all
about, and it seems to me that to begin with the Attorney-General has a
selling job to do on the Premier in order to get some of these things
through cabinet. If education begins, it must begin over there with the
Attorney-General correcting what the Premier had to say on April 4.
any event, having made that point with the Premier present, I'm sure he
will recollect heckling me on that point, and I'm sure that now the two
of you will be able to caucus and the Attorney-General will be able to
draw to the Premier's attention the need for the Premier to understand
what legal aid is all about. If he wishes to chastise the Premier in
public in the House I invite him to do so, and if he wants to do it
privately within the confines of the woodshed I invite him to do that
as well. I'll leave that up to you guys to decide.
With
respect to coverage for people of modest means, I guess I should get on
with the point I was trying to make. I disagree with the
Attorney-General. First of all, civil assistance is not available in
the communities that I've outlined without significant travel;
secondly, coverage is not available in a whole realm of civil areas
where it ought to be available for people of modest income.
Coverage
is not available in matters such as foreclosure. There are situations
where people come forward to the Legal Services Society with a defence
to a foreclosure that they're facing. I know the Attorney-General,
during his time as a practitioner, and I myself, during my time as a
practitioner, received many calls from individuals in communities
wanting legal assistance with respect to a foreclosure matter. They may
have a legitimate defence, but the bank has all the resources and the
individual has few, and he cannot secure legal aid. Working people in
this province who can't afford counsel can't get the legal defence they
need on a civil matter to deal with a bank that wants to take their
house away from them within six months, or sometimes less. Surely it
ought to be a priority for government to begin to provide that type of
service.
Nor is legal aid available when the
Attorney-General suggests inroads are being made with respect to the
people of modest means. Nor is service provided with respect to WCB
matters; I elaborated on that yesterday. It is frightening for an
individual to have his stream of income interrupted due to an injury at
work, through no fault of his own, and to have to deal with a
bureaucracy that turns him down — as the WCB often does — and then have
to deal with that massive legal network at the Workers' Compensation
Board and not receive assistance for legal aid.
If you're
affluent, you can do it. When we talk about access to the courts, it
seems to me that legal aid ought to cover those areas where individuals
of modest income don't have access to either an admin-
[ Page 6375 ]
istrative system such as workers' compensation or to the courts in terms of foreclosure matters.
There
are other areas. I think the Attorney-General would agree that in all
our constituency offices we get a fair number of complaints on landlord
and tenant matters. A quick survey of the bar would indicate the extent
to which individuals require assistance in landlord and tenant matters.
Little assistance is available in this area to tenants who wish to
ensure that their premises are in a proper state of repair in order to
resist an eviction application which may be wrongful.
There
are other administrative areas. There is the whole matter of refugee
claims and the area of unemployment insurance and appeals under the
social assistance program. I am aware of several situations in New
Westminster and Vancouver where people have been scoring close to 100
percent in succeeding for their clients through advocacy centres with
respect to handicap allowance appeals. But again, there's no legal aid
provided in that regard, nor is there the broad range of services that
ought to be available in a community.
[3:15]
Someone served with an illegal eviction notice who is receiving UI
at $850 a month often doesn't have a lot of options in terms of where
to go should he be evicted. If that notice is not proper, clearly the
person has a potential remedy, but he can't afford it because of the
inadequacy of legal aid coverage.
I've talked about
matters in the non-fairly civil end. My question to the
Attorney-General isn't as to whether he'll provide these services
overnight, because I don't realistically expect that either; but I
would like to know whether the ministry has made a commitment to the
Legal Services Society to a two- or three-year funding plan to begin to
provide coverage in these areas.
It's great to say that the
government is desirous of making sure that the service is provided, but
the record of absence of coverage, of cutbacks between '82 and '83, and
of neglect with respect to the task force recommendations in '84
suggests that the government has little commitment to beginning to
provide services in these critical areas that other jurisdictions do.
question to the Attorney-General is not so much will you begin to make
inroads, but what types of commitment are you prepared to make to the
Legal Services Society with respect to a financial plan that will see
us getting to that level of coverage so that people know that the
government will indeed deliver those services within a certain time?
HON. S.D. SMITH :
Unfortunately some of these matters were dealt with yesterday. I know
that the member had a lot of work to do outside the chamber, and so I
will try to go through them again somewhat more briefly perhaps than I
did yesterday.
In relation to the issue involving immigration matters, there is currently,
as I said yesterday, a process being developed which is being headed by staff
in the Premier's office working with Canada to develop policies for immigration
matters generally. As part of that, any changes that are wrought with respect
to assistance on these refugee claims, and so on, we would have to make consistent
with that process.
One
of the things that I want to correct for the record is in relation to
the member's comments on the Premier's support for additional moneys
for legal aid. I want the record to know — although I suppose I run the
risk of touching on the outer limits of what is cabinet solidarity when
I say this, but I've never been particularly disinterested in taking
risks, so I will go ahead — is that the fact of the matter is, as I
pointed out before, that there are members on both sides of this
chamber who share the view that funding for legal aid is somehow
fattening up the wallets of a profession that is already seen to be
fairly well off, thank you very much. It is not seen as an issue of
access. Each of us has a responsibility to make certain that we try to
negate that notion to the extent we can and advance the notion that is
au contraire.
When I was able over the last ten months to
get a significant increase in the coverage of legal aid in this
province — and it has been a tremendously significant increase in terms
of inside the system, inside Legal Services Society, money through the
family maintenance enforcement program, eligibility criteria, new
offices opened up, and so on — I gained a tremendous amount of support
for that from the Premier of this province, in my discussions within
cabinet and within caucus, and a very real and full understanding that
that issue is one that deals with access.
When the Premier
in this House, in response to some comments from the member for
Esquimalt-Port Renfrew, asked the member if he was talking about
wanting more money for lawyers, that's precisely the nub of the issue.
When we increased our resources to legal aid, we made certain that the
first thing we did was broaden the coverage and the eligibility; in
other words, put the resources into the services, put the resources
into those areas that were going to help people first, put those areas
into providing new offices, put those areas in together. We asked
ourselves whether, as a matter of priority, we should raise the tariffs
first. Because it's important, and we have raised the tariffs. That's
important. The money that is paid to lawyers is very important, and we
asked ourselves that issue. We asked ourselves: which should we do
first? Should we broaden the service coverage base, change the
eligibility criteria to make that the focus of our initial buttressing
and increase the lift in money to the Legal Services Society? Or should
we make the initial focus the question of more money for lawyers and
increasing the tariff?
You can make the argument for either
one of those propositions. There is no question that there is a great
deal of pro bono work done by lawyers. Lawyers contribute well in this
society to subsidize legal aid greatly. Someone asks the question: "Do
you want more money for lawyers — an increase in the tariff — or do you
want it to reflect an increase in service to people?" It seems to me
that is a perfectly legitimate question to ask.
[ Page 6376 ]
The
point I want to make to the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew — and he
should understand, because I think all members of the legal profession
should know this — is that when I went, as I have on three or four
occasions in cabinet, to get additional resources for legal aid, that
was strongly supported by the Premier of the province. To no small
extent, the success in that regard has flown as a result of that
support.
To get to some of the other issues that the member
for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew raised: there are a number of ways in which
I think some of our programs that we are now looking at will go towards
assisting on the civil side, in terms of cost. One of them, obviously,
is the initiatives that have been taken by the Ministry of Labour and
Consumer Services to provide a different system for recovery of damage
deposits, so that people will be able to do that outside the system
they are now doing it in and at some lesser expense.
The
workers' compensation organization is providing more assistance —
advisory people — to claimants who have appeals. Right now we are
examining — and I am very inclined towards giving greater priority to
this, because prior to getting involved in the public service, I was
interested in it and tried to develop one — the provision of pre-paid
legal service plans through the non-government agencies who have some
collective strengths. I sought to do that and indeed initiated a
program like that with the credit union movement on a lawyer referral
service basis. It worked out well and expanded, actually, before I left
the private practice, with a trade union organization that was looking
at it. I know that the Law Society is looking at that.
in our ministry are going to be looking at some very exciting options
available to us to draw together the resources in the community to deal
with legal services on a pre-paid legal plan basis. That would bridge
some of the areas that now are not covered for people who simply don't
have eligibility. But perhaps more importantly, that would provide an
ongoing system on a pre-paid plan basis for those who might even be
able to afford it.
Additionally,
one of the most exciting
things coming out of the changes to the system contemplated by the
Justice Reform Committee report — which we'll see in the next
little
while when I introduce the new Supreme Court Act and other
legislation — is the economical litigation program. The object of
the exercise
there is to reduce, the cost rather than to pay people to go in and do
something and leave the same old system in place; to change the system
around to reduce the cost in a way that will allow people either to go
in themselves — in the case of small business people where they
have
liquidated amounts — or to allow the profession to undertake some
those matters, particularly on the civil side, at fees that bear some
reasonable relationship to the amounts in dispute.
As the
second member for Central Fraser Valley (Mr. De Jong) is well aware, in
many instances someone may have a legitimate dispute but simply doesn't
go forward with it, because they know that at the end of the day
they're going to be paying out more in expenses than they might
actually collect, assuming they're successful. I hope those initiatives
will disclose some currency on the part of the government to look at
some progressive ways to deal with these problems in that area. I
suspect, without knowing the answer, that they may not be sufficient to
satisfy everyone, or indeed the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew.
Certainly, we're alive and sensitive to the issue, and we're working at a number of ways in which to improve our system.
MR. SIHOTA :
I'm not suggesting that you're not working at ways to try to resolve
the system. What I'm asking for is a commitment from the government,
because at the end of the day, all these things cost dollars. We need
some kind of commitment on the part of government to enter into some
type of plan to take us towards the provision of these services, as has
been recommended to you in at least one study of the two done. It may
well have been recommended in the second one; I can't remember.
want to address several of the comments that the Attorney-General did
deal with, but I want to come back and ask him basically the same
question.
By the way, since the Premier is still here, let
me say that I was here in the House and the Attorney-General wasn't,
and I can tell you that the Premier pulled out a scratch pad and was
mocking me about wanting more money for lawyers. I would suggest to
you, sir, that it wasn't a matter of the Premier understanding the
nature of legal aid. Of course, he had ample opportunity yesterday and
that day to clarify his position.
All those alternatives
that the Attorney-General went through as a way of addressing some of
the matters that I talked about aren't working, and that's why we are
raising them. If they were working, that would be fine. Let me give him
examples of where they're not working and of how they could be dealt
with.
The first one that the Attorney-General mentioned is
the recovery of damage deposits. I assume — correct me if I'm wrong —
that the Attorney-General is talking about the small claims process
with respect to the recovery of damage deposits. The Attorney-General
may not be aware of this, but the waiting-time in Victoria to get one
of these cases set down is six or eight months. Most people,
particularly in ridings like mine, where many people are in the Armed
Forces and serve this country in that capacity, can't wait six or eight
months to have a damage deposit of $300 or $400 resolved. They are on
their way to Calgary or Halifax or elsewhere.
I assume that
when you talk about damage deposits, you are talking about recovery of
the same through the small claims process. There's a tremendous amount
of revenue that remains fixed in landlords' hands because people just
don't recover, because they don't want to take it to small claims. If
[ Page 6377 ]
we're talking about something different, then correct me.
The
economic litigation program you mentioned is a good program, and I've
already said publicly that I support it. I'm not convinced that it will
do wonders in terms of opening up access to the type of people I'm
talking about. It's a good program for what it desires to achieve, but
it's not going to help a single parent whose income is around $1,200 a
month, who faces an application to have a maintenance order reduced.
It's not going to help that, and contrary to what the Attorney-General
said yesterday, that situation in all likelihood would not be remedied
by the flexible criteria provided.
[3:30]
Secondly, that economic litigation program is not going to help a
separated individual, living in an interior community in British
Columbia, who has a small business that's failing, deal with a
maintenance application when his or her income is $700 per month. It
won't help such people. They can't afford legal counsel, because their
income is $700 a month and they are not eligible for legal aid under
those circumstances. Economic litigation isn't going to help them, nor
is it going to help someone on welfare, living in a community in
British Columbia, who wishes to obtain a divorce and — particularly in
the case of a woman — get on with her life. Economic litigation is not
going to help such people.
Economic litigation is not
going to help an individual who works periodically and sometimes
collects UI, and who wishes to adopt some children, particularly
children of someone he is married to. In those instances, because the
requirement is not urgent, legal aid assistance is not available, and
economic litigation is not going to help that type of person.
would grant to the Attorney-General that the economic litigation
program is a good one, and I would support it when legislation comes
forward to make the appropriate amendments. It will help some people in
some circumstances. It will help somebody deal with debt collection or
builder liens problems — that kind of stuff. But it's not going to help
those kinds of common, human examples that people face, such as I'm
talking about here, which relate to maintenance, adoption and divorces.
Those are things that people experience on an ongoing basis in this
province.
To try to suggest that all this falls under the
rubric of economic litigation is ignoring the fact that legal aid is
not available — as I said at the outset — to those working people of
modest income who can't afford counsel. Therefore they are left on
their own to deal with it, whether it be a foreclosure or WCB problem.
On the matter of prepaid insurance, I agree that it is a good idea. I know
that the Attorney-General in Kamloops and I in Esquimalt entered into those
types of relations — with both, in my instance, trade unions and credit unions.
The more of that we see, the better. I also know, as the Attorney-General I
trust knows, that there are some problems with the super-intendant of insurance
in that regard, and those things have to be worked out, and, you know, we'll
let time run its course. That is indeed one answer. But the examples that I
raise aren't covered by the models the Attorney-General put forward to remedy
problems. They don't touch upon the types of problems that I've dealt
with; they don't deal with a person on foreclosure or a person with those
types of family problems.
any event, the only thing I'm looking for is a commitment from the
Attorney-General, through his ministry, for the 18 months or so between
now and the next election, for the government to enter into an
agreement with the Legal Services Society, a funding formula that will
see a commitment from government to take us toward those task force
recommendations so that we can provide some of those services that
we're talking about. All I would ask is that the government make the
commitment. Like I say, I would talk about the alternatives. We would
be prepared to enter into a two- to three-year program to fund legal
services to the point necessary. I've asked the former Attorney-General
to do that in the last two years, and that hasn't happened, and I guess
it won't happen until we're elected, unless this current
Attorney-General wants to make some commitments.
I've dealt
primarily with the civil end of the claim. You know, there is the
criminal end of the service that requires coverage. Some very serious
crimes do not get covered. A classic example is someone who's facing a
charge of assault causing bodily harm — I've got two cases that I can
refer to here — where a person earns about $875 a month and, again, is
not eligible to have legal aid coverage in those types of situations. I
don't want to belabour the point, in terms of legal aid. I get the
Attorney-General's point that he's trying to do his best, and I can
assure him I'm going to do my best to push the government along, as I
have in the last two years, to begin to recognize the importance of
beginning to deal with the requirement to provide assistance to that
segment of the population that does not have eligibility to legal aid
and hence no access to the courts, and to remedy the problem that those
who can afford it get into the courts.
I do not intend to
make any further comments with respect to legal aid, because I am
mindful of the time and the need to canvass other issues. But out of
deference, I will sit down for a second — maybe longer, I guess — and
allow the Attorney-General the opportunity to respond to those points.
Like I say, I think he's got my point and I've got his, and we'll move
on to other matters. But I'll give him the chance to make a remark or
two with respect to legal aid before I move on to some of the other
matters I want to canvass.
HON. S.D. SMITH : Mr.
Chairman, let me do them in reverse order. With regard to the criminal
matters that the member raised, I quite frankly would have to respond
in the specific. If there is someone who is being denied eligibility,
then if I could get the particulars I will take a look and find out
why. If there's
[ Page 6378 ]
some reason for it that does not accord with the policy of the Legal Services Society, then I'll deal with it.
The
Justice Reform Committee report suggested that over the next three
years we put ourselves in a position to implement the report of the
legal aid task force to bring it up to some of the levels that are
suggested there. We are in fact above the levels suggested by that task
force in some areas now, and we are endeavouring to augment those
services, as I've said several times.
With regard to the
questions that were raised respecting a single mother whose income was
a certain level, looking for enforcement of a court order, a family
maintenance order, I said yesterday that I thought that that was
covered, and I stand by that. If you register your court order with the
family maintenance enforcement program, then the program takes steps to
enforce it. I can't understand why there wouldn't be coverage in that
situation. In addition, that program would respond by providing
assistance in certain circumstances where there was an application for
a variation of one of those orders in certain circumstances, and I
think this would be one of those circumstances. I say that only because
that program of family maintenance enforcement is very much part and
parcel of providing the legal assistance that we want to provide —
through a different program, albeit. It really does greatly enhance and
buttress the legal aid services in this province.
Generally,
we are going to go about fulfilling our desire to extend service and
improve service in a number of ways. A couple of them I have mentioned
with respect to some new programs that we are looking at. Some will be
involved with the Justice Reform Committee; others we are working on
together with the Legal Services Society in terms of finding better
ways to deliver services that we now have.
I must make
clear to the House that we work carefully with the Legal Services
Society in this regard. The priority developed by them — and certainly
endorsed by us — is that you seek to expand the flexibility of the
coverage that we are now providing. That's the first priority — that's
what we are doing. Secondly, you broaden the range of coverage. We
acknowledge we don't cover every situation. It will be the case that
every year someone, I am sure — given the nature of the law — would be
able to stand up and point to a range of services that aren't covered.
I accept that.
To give you some indication of how
fast-moving this is, the member spoke eloquently about the difficulties
of recovery of damage deposit for renters, and the tremendous backlog
that we have in our small claims courts. The person moves to Calgary
and so on, as he said, and they have to wait six months for the backlog
in the small claims court.
I know we are not the best in the world at communicating, but we try our best.
Recommendation 133 of the Justice Reform Committee report, which was released
on November 30, recommended that we remove that damage deposit recovery process
from the small claims division. That was something that I certainly endorsed,
and so did the Minister of Labour (Hon. L. Hanson). That is why on December
29, 1988, the Minister of Labour announced that those changes had been made,
that amendments had been made so that there is a new system for recovering damage
deposits that will not involve the small claims division. That was done by press
release in terms of informing the public. We'll see those legislative amendments
going through the House this session.
MR. SIHOTA :
We may be just dealing with a backlog then. Those cases keep on
dribbling in. I wasn't intending to make any further comments on legal
aid. I want to give the Attorney-General the final opportunity to
comment on it. Now we can move on to other areas of coverage, an area
that is similar, I think, in theme to legal aid, and it may be best to
move on to that one.
It gets back to the equality rights
provisions within the Charter. The heart of the Charter — as the
Attorney-General is aware — is
section 15, where all equality rights
are guaranteed, and which prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex,
age, racial origin, mental or physical disability.
[3:45]
Despite the debate we have had with respect to Americanization of
the courts, that provides individuals with a tremendous level of
protection. Recently I did some research into this matter and became
aware of some issues that relate to
section 15 that I want to raise
with the Attorney-General. If you begin to take a look at who is taking
advantage of
section 15 of the Charter, it's obvious that those
provisions are being utilized not by those you would think would be
utilizing those provisions of the Charter — particularly the minorities
and disadvantaged groups as they are defined in legal parlance — but,
interestingly, primarily by corporate interests. It's companies like
Safeway using it to challenge Sunday-opening bylaws; it's decisions
with respect to marketing boards and the regulation of air landing
fees; it's examples such as the manufacturing of pop cans. Those are
the kinds of cases, to name a few, that come in front of the courts
with respect to
section 15 of the Charter.
A study was
conducted recently by a group out of Ottawa with respect to who is
challenging the equality provisions under the Charter and taking them
to court. That study reviewed the first 600 cases that came up in the
last three years. Of those 600 cases, 44 involved sexual equality — in
other words, about 7 percent of all of the matters that have come
before the courts — and 22 involved other disadvantaged groups. It's
evident from the findings of that study that those who have the most
need for equality guarantees have the least ability to utilize the
Charter of Rights. They don't have the funds for litigation; indeed,
the cost of taking a matter to the Supreme Court of Canada can go into
the millions of dollars. Other provinces such as Ontario have funded
Charter decisions and Charter challenges. Is this province intending to
provide that same ability and opportunity to British Columbians?
[ Page 6379 ]
HON. S.D. SMITH :
As the member probably knows, that is one of the matters in the justice
reform report — which changes will, I've said, be announced in a couple
of weeks. That's a matter of policy consideration. I don't know if the
member was in the House yesterday when I referred to the Newfoundland
case just heard by the Supreme Court which specifically addresses his
problem — or the concern that he raised; I don't know whether he sees
it as a problem or not.
Before I get to that, I want to
clarify again something that comes up. A reference was made to my being
concerned about the Americanization of our courts. just to say it
again, perhaps in a way that will make it more clearly understood, my
concern is about the Americanization of Canadian society. That is what
I have said, and that is all I have said. The courts may very well find
themselves taking on a more American tone, particularly in the
appointment of judges, because of the kind of work they are now doing.
But my concern, which I spoke about at length to a Charter conference
at the University of British Columbia some months ago, is about the
change that will, naturally, be wrought to our society, and the
direction it will go. It will become more Americanized.
think there is nothing particularly earth-shattering about that
statement. That was an understood consequence of the adoption of the
Charter. That's the difference between a parliamentary democracy and
one that has its ultimate test of jurisdiction rooted with the courts.
It's the society that changes The court may change as well, but the
society is what changes first.
The Newfoundland Workers'
Compensation Commission appeal that was heard by the Supreme Court —
the decision was rendered just two days ago — deals with
section 15 of
the Charter. In fact, it restricts those
section 15 applications to the
matters that are enumerated in
section 15, as well as those matters
which might be — and I put it in quotation marks — "akin" to them. It
precisely will not allow
section 15 applications to come forward about
pop cans and this, that and the other thing, which is the member's
concern. That is in fact the position that has been argued by B.C. each
time we've been involved in a
section 15 application.
MR. SIHOTA :
That's not my concern so much as it was an example of what the equality
provisions were being utilized for, in terms of the examples that I
gave. I also gave examples, ones which I'm sure the Attorney-General is
aware of, with respect to things like Sunday-shopping legislation. I
don't think the Newfoundland decision will endeavour to terminate those
kinds of challenges, and that decision itself caused me some concern.
point here is that there are all sorts of groups in society that one
would have thought would take advantage of
section 15, and it's turning
out that they're not, largely because they can't afford to take the
matters to court. The Attorney-General has said that there are some
recommendations in the "Access to Justice" report in that regard. I'm
just trying to find out whether or not this province is prepared to
provide funding to groups who wish to utilize the benefits of
section
15 in front of the courts. Will you either act upon that recommendation
or, apart from that recommendation, provide financial assistance for
groups who wish to take
section 15 matters to court?
HON. S.D. SMITH :
Mr. Chairman, I can't divine why people do or don't pursue a
section 15
matter. But the member is not correct when he says Sunday shopping was
section 15 matter; it was, in fact, a
section 2 matter of the Charter
and related to a person's freedom of conscience and religion.
Our
thrust with respect to
section 15 has been to argue that there ought to
be a relatively confined
interpretation of that matter. I agree with
the member that the Charter itself was not intended to enhance the
corporate interests and the pecuniary interests of the relatively
strong in our society. I understood that the Charter, if it was going
to be anything, was going to be a vehicle by which those who had the
view that their individual rights were somehow being adversely affected
by the collective rights of society could pursue them through the
courts rather than through their legislatures, as had previously been
the case. It is interesting to see, however, how this thing has been
interpreted.
MR. CLARK : It's democracy.
HON. S.D. SMITH : As the second member for Vancouver East says, it's a matter of democracy, and that's quite correct.
The
Charter doesn't make anyone any more or any less free per se. What it
does — certainly in the Canadian context — is impose a Franco-American
system of law upon a British parliamentary system of government. It is
also about power. It's about who exercises the ultimate authority and
discretion to make certain decisions. Previously that had been
exercised by legislators. Now, depending on how activist the judiciary
is, the ultimate power rests with the courts, and that, I believe, will
make our society a more litigious one. I believe that making our
society more litigious is not a particularly welcome model.
MR. CLARK : Unless you're a lawyer.
HON. S.D. SMITH : Unless you're a lawyer. I also believe it makes our society more American. That's the context in which I say what I do.
we examine some recent cases in that context, it's very interesting to
take a look.... I know the second member for Vancouver East is
concerned, and he and I have discussed this several times. Let's just
look at the three big cases in B.C. and see what the decision has done
in terms of power.
In the Sunday-shopping case we had the
interesting situation where Canada Safeway was arguing freedom of
religion. I hope they blushed when they made that argument. The
consequence was that communities like Cranbrook, Williams Lake, Quesnel
and Smithers, who had voted not to have that particular form of
enterprise on the weekends, now have it.
[ Page 6380 ]
Who
does that benefit? It benefits large corporate interests: Canada
Safeway, Overwaitea, Real Canadian Superstore. Who does it adversely
affect? Small business people and the people in the community who
didn't want it. That was done in the name of the Charter of Rights and
Freedoms.
MR. CLARK : Are you blushing when you say that?
HON. S.D. SMITH :
No, I'm not blushing when I say that. Listen, I recognize the difficult
situation I put myself in by arguing the position I take with respect
to the Charter, because it's very unpopular. Politically it is an
unwise thing to do, and I understand that. But I believe we have to
warn ourselves about where we're heading.
Take a look at
the billing-number decision. Whatever you may think of the partisan
decision to have billing numbers — Bill 41, or whatever it was — what
is the consequence of the decision? The consequence is that using the
Charter the most wealthy and powerful profession in our society have
had their economic rights advanced by
section 7 and the adverse
consequence rests with small communities in rural parts of the province
who now cannot be guaranteed an equality of medical service.
Look
at the decision we've just seen in the Dixon case, in terms of
electoral boundaries. Look at the consequence of that. This is not a
partisan thing. The two constituencies that were dealt with were Atlin
and Coquitlam-Moody, by way of example. This Legislature, as a matter
of historical record, has taken the view that the constituency of Atlin
ought to have special consideration in terms of representation in this
House. That is an historic consideration by all sides of this House.
Why is that? Because you can't drive across Atlin from east to west
continuously, even if you want to; from north to south it takes you
goodness knows how long to get up and down it. It is an area as large
as France to serve. It is an area where the largest numerical group is
the Nisga'a and Tahltan people. It is a very difficult area to serve.
It's not like the Victoria constituency, where you can ride your
bicycle to the chamber in the Legislature by day and be home on your
wee, little pillow that night. It is a very difficult one to serve, and
historically that has been taken into consideration by this House.
You
have to ask yourself who is best capable to take into consideration
those kinds of anomalous factors, attempting to give some democratic
expression to people in this society. Is that something that should be
left to judges and lawyers, or should that be left to the Legislature?
[4:00]
Interjection.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
It is not a specious argument, Mr. Opposition House Leader. You see,
the fundamental error that those who supported that change in society
never took into account is that, in addition to giving some expression
and another vehicle through which people can advance their individual
rights against the collective will — and that's what it does — it does
ultimately shift power. It shifts power away from the people through
their elected representatives to appointed judges. It makes your
society more litigious. I don't think that's a desirable route.
So I just take those three examples.
Interjection.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
You were in the House of Commons at the time that Charter went through.
I'll bet you dollars to doughnuts — if I were a betting person, and I'm
not — that no one in that House ever anticipated that
section 7 of the
Charter would be used to advance economic rights for a profession as
wealthy and powerful as the doctors.
Section 7 was never
intended to extend economic rights to groups who already have strong
economic rights. I don't think anyone in the House with a straight face
at that time could, in their wildest imagination, get up.... But that
kind of thing is happening. So you must ask yourself who benefits. In
the case of Sunday shopping, I put to you the proposition that the
beneficiary is the large corporate interest. If there's a beneficiary,
there's also a consequence. The adverse consequence is for the small
business person in small communities.
In the case of Bill
41, the beneficiary is the most wealthy and powerful profession in our
society; the adverse consequence is with medical services for
individuals in small communities. In the case of Atlin constituency,
the beneficiaries are those of us who live in more urban areas, and the
adverse consequence is suffered by the Tahltan and the Nisga'a people.
I don't think that is a desirable result.
MR. SIHOTA :
The Attorney-General is full of doublespeak and double standards when
it comes to talking about the Charter. His whole history of dealing
with that issue is symptomatic of that.
Let's take those
cases one by one and take a look at what the Attorney-General is
saying. Of course, with respect to the Sunday-shopping decision, the
parties that are really injured are smaller communities like Quesnel,
Smithers and Vernon which like to close down operations on Sundays — or
on Wednesdays. I can remember working out of Quesnel when everything
used to be shut down on Wednesdays, because everybody decided that
would be a good day to have a half-day or full day off. Indeed, my
notes — later on we're going to get to Sunday shopping — to myself are
in relation to the vested powers in terms of the large corporate
sector, which the Attorney-General would criticize now, which have
enjoyed access to the Charter in challenging those Sunday-shopping
provisions. The two points were made.
If the
Attorney-General is sincere in terms of his talk about the Legislature
being supreme, then the invitation is extended to him to bring forward
remedial legislation. He's got the ability to do that. In fact, many
commentators with respect to that Sunday-shopping decision —
constitutional lawyers; I don't have their work here with me, but I can
bring it back
[ Page 6381 ]
the House later on — have commented on the ability of the
Attorney-General's department to bring forward remedial legislation.
But instead, the Attorney-General's ministry has chosen to bow to those
corporate interests; instead of fighting them through the legislation
he could bring in, he has decided to vacate the field. If you want to
articulate your supremacy, then bring forward the legislation.
[Mr. Rabbitt in the chair.]
Secondly,
if I'm not mistaken, that decision was not appealed. The other
option — and I stand to be corrected on this — was for
the Attorney-General's
ministry to appeal that decision. If it was so concerned about the
powers that had been attributed to a large corporate interest like
Canada Safeway, it could have exercised its option to appeal. That was
a B.C. Court of Appeal decision, and it's my understanding that you
chose not to appeal. I don't know if you got leave or didn't get leave;
if you didn't, well, that's fine.
By the way, I should say
that I did recognize that as a
section 2 case, not a
section 15 case. I
should have made that clear when I was making my original comments.
That's the situation with respect to Sunday shopping.
Then
you have the doctors'-billings case. Again, many constitutional
commentators have reflected on that decision. Your comments flowing
from that, together with the comments of the good Minister of Health
(Hon. Mr. Dueck).... You have juxtaposed those with your desire to
entrench the right to property, and then have suggested that it is as
close to a right-to-property case as one can imagine. I will bring that
to your attention tomorrow. I don't have the
article here, otherwise I
would.
The point is that the Attorney-General, who talks
about a litigious society and the expansion of litigation in this
country — and his "unpopular position, " as he calls it, with respect
to the Charter — would like to introduce amendments to expand the
ability to litigate into the matter of the right to property. You want
to have it both ways. On the one hand you want to play the politics of
the right to property, but on the other hand you complain about the
litigious nature of our society and your deep concern about the fact
that we are becoming a society that is far more anxious to take matters
before the courts.
Then there is the Dixon decision, which
came down from the B.C. Supreme Court. It's a good decision. It
remedies the intolerable situation in this province with respect to the
gerrymandering activities that you, Mr. Attorney-General, are fully
aware of from your tenure in the former Premier's office.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA : You, Mr. Attorney-General — through you, Mr. Chairman — created the problem with electoral boundaries.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA :
I'm going to give the Attorney-General a minute. If he wants to listen
to me, he can listen. If he wants to argue, he can wait.
MR. CHAIRMAN : I would ask the member to direct his remarks to the Chair.
MR. SIHOTA :
The Attorney-General could have remedied that situation quite some time
ago by not getting into the incredible entanglement of gerrymandering
we've seen through the Eckardt commission, Gracie's Finger and
Socred-only double-member seats. It is a web that the Social Credit
Party tangled for itself. It's a web that it was politically
ill-prepared to untangle, so the courts have called your bluff. The
sting the Attorney-General feels with respect to that decision tells
him that his party can no longer continue in the back rooms to tilt the
electoral map to accommodate the government's political desires.
Interjection.
MR. SIHOTA :
What I am saying to you, Mr. Attorney-General — through you, Mr.
Chairman — is that if the government hadn't got into manipulating that
electoral map, it wouldn't have been confronted with the crisis it now
has as a consequence of the Dixon decision.
HON. S.D. SMITH : What's the crisis?
MR. SIHOTA :
The crisis is that the government now has a map deemed to be
unconstitutional, and it has to come forward with a remedial map at
some stage in the game.
HON. S.D. SMITH : Is that a crisis?
MR. SIHOTA :
It is a crisis for the Attorney-General and some of his colleagues, who
are ill-prepared to walk into that committee in the Legislature and
simply move the recommendations of the Fisher commission. We all know
that there is an internal crisis in the Social Credit caucus with
respect to the way in which those recommendations affect the political
life of certain members of this House on the Social Credit side.
Our
position with respect to that matter is very clear. We believe that the
principles in Fisher are bang on. It creates a further crisis — if the
Attorney-General would care to listen — within his own party, which
took the position of there being a 25 percent variance one way or the
other. It is a little obtuse for the Attorney-General to come into this
House and be the defender of ridings like Atlin, when his own party,
during the course of their submissions to the Fisher commission, asked
that those principles that Fisher supported at the end of the day....
MR. CHAIRMAN :
I would like to remind the member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew that we
are discussing the Ministry of Attorney-General's estimates, vote 13.
Maybe we've strayed a little from that, and we could get back to the
estimates.
[ Page 6382 ]
MR. SIHOTA :
This is heading right back towards the question the Attorney-General
has not yet answered. His own party went in front of that commission
and asked for a 25 percent variance, knowing full well what effect it
would have on ridings such as Atlin. It is hypocritical for the
Attorney-General — who is well aware, I am sure, of the representations
his party was making in front of the Fisher commission with respect to
a plus-or-minus 25 percent variance, and that it would have an
implication for Atlin — to be some type of defender of that riding.
MR. CHAIRMAN :
I would just interrupt. It would be my
interpretation that the issue
involving the Royal Commission on Electoral Boundaries falls within the
jurisdiction of the Provincial Secretary, not that of the
Attorney-General.
MR. SIHOTA : It may, Mr. Chairman,
but the point here is in relation to
interpretation of the Charter of
Rights. That's what we're talking about, in all respects. That's what
allowed the Attorney-General to make the comments he did, and I am
going to continue to deal with
section 15 of the Charter. It is a
decision in front of that ministry right now in terms of how it wishes
to proceed — i.e., whether to appeal. That clearly is within the
purview of the Attorney-General's ministry.
Threaded
throughout all these comments is an argument with respect to who is
benefiting from the Charter. The argument, which I initiated and which
the Attorney-General appears to have accepted, is the fact that those
groups which one would think would be able to enjoy opportunities
through
section 15 of the Charter have been unable to do so. Of the 600
cases that have come before the courts with respect to
section 15, only
66 have been brought forward by what the study called "disadvantaged
persons or groups": only one case on the matter of aboriginal ancestry;
only four cases on the matter of mental disability; only four cases on
the matter of national or ethnic minorities; and only one case on the
matter of racial minorities.
The answer — as the
Attorney-General correctly notes — to why we have this problem is
simply that certain groups cannot afford to take Charter of Rights
cases before the courts or to defend them. They cannot afford access to
the courts with respect to
section 15 litigation.
What
got
the Attorney-General off on the tangent — which I felt I must
reply to — was his unwillingness to answer that question. You
correctly note
that there is a recommendation before you with respect to funding for
section 15 cases. Will the government provide funding for
section 15
cases to the types of groups I have outlined during the course of my
introductory comments on this topic? Will you assist those groups which
you suggest you are concerned about — the disadvantaged, ethnic
minorities, racial minorities, native groups, women — who cannot
secure
access to the courts under
section 15, and ask for advancement of their
rights, which the Legislature here in this province is obviously
unwilling to expand upon?
I don't want to get into the
matter of the human rights commission, because it falls within the
purview of the Minister of Labour (Hon. L. Hanson), and we will deal
with it then. The simple question to the Attorney-General is: will he
provide funding to those groups requiring assistance with respect to
section 15 matters?
[4:15]
HON. S.D. SMITH :
I am not sure how many different ways I can say it, but let me try yet
another one. The matters that the member is referring to are presently
under consideration and will be disclosed to the House as a matter of
future government policy. I've said that three times now. I'll say it
again if it is necessary.
I would add as well that since I
have been Attorney-General, there have been no requests for assistance
at all in any matter relating to the Charter. We frequently get
requests from individuals who want us to be involved in a related
action and in various ways in private litigation — in this ministry
that's quite a frequent occurrence actually — and who have suggestions
to us about matters that ought to be litigated.
We in this
Legislature, when looking at the rights of individuals and the services
that can be provided, should encourage people to look to the
Legislature itself to advance their rights. I think that is one of our
most noble and fundamental responsibilities. It is an ombudsman role,
of providing additional services to people, and probably why many of us
got here. I certainly would want to have the Legislature considered the
place to do that, before I would shuffle people off to some litigation
lawyer to follow that route.
Nevertheless,
if I can say it
again — because I don't want impressions to be left of lack of
answers — those issues are under consideration, and in due course,
when a
decision is taken, it will be disclosed. I don't know what else I can
do. I say that because it is — and has been — government
policy, I
suppose, since Confederation in British Columbia not to fund those or
similar kinds of actions by all governments always in this House. So
that's the answer.
MR. ROSE : I was provoked by some
of the minister's responses. As he pointed out, I am probably the only
one here that was in the federal House at the time of the Charter, and
it's all my fault. It's not my fault that property rights weren't put
in there, though; it was the fault of a lot of Conservative Premiers,
including the one from Saskatchewan and the one from Prince Edward
Island at the time. It had nothing to do with us in Saskatchewan — or
anybody else as far as our governments were concerned; it was somebody
else. But that's another debate.
I would like to say that
Sunday shopping was a matter of freedom of the individual, and I agree.
I don't think the Charter was necessarily intended for that or to
protect people, but it was there to enhance the rights and freedoms of
individuals so that they
[ Page 6383 ]
would
know, in a written form — if you like, an American form, if that's not
just a distraction.... You don't like some of the decisions so you call
it American as a way of criticizing, which is a bit racist, I think.
AN. HON. MEMBER : Nationalist.
MR. ROSE :
Nationalist, jingoist. We can all do that with great skill, since we're
Canadians because we didn't want to be Americans some hundreds of years
ago.
Sunday shopping. I think it would be very difficult to
find a chamber of commerce person in a small town who doesn't parrot
the old phrase about getting the government off the backs of people,
out of business or out of their lives. They'll believe in that until
they want protection against things, and then they want closing hours.
When I was an alderman, I would say to those people who made those
representations: "Look, I don't believe in cluttering up your lives.
You're always calling for more freedom, so I'm not going to legislate
you to stay open or closed at particular times." That was my attitude
because I have a great feeling for freedom, especially when dealing
with chambers of commerce.
The same thing is true of the
freedom of the individuals. You spoke of a highly paid, lucrative,
powerful, well-educated group that is hosting us for something next
week. They can afford it and we'll probably go there, but they are
individuals too. They have the right to have their rights advanced.
This
applies, I think, to the election question about the Dixon case. What
do you do if you have a Legislature with a powerful majority that can
exert a tyranny over redistribution? We have seen that through a series
of gerrymanders. I think the Attorney-General, in his former role as
assistant to the Premier, knew well the result of creating 12 extra
ridings. As a matter of fact, he bragged about it at the time with one
of his colleagues, and it was reported to me. Do you know how it was
done? It was done by the
definitions.
HON. S.D. SMITH : What did I say?
MR. ROSE :
You said that no matter how badly the Bennett government was doing, you
need not worry because you would create 12 new double-member ridings.
Interjection.
MR. ROSE : No, it's you, Mr. Attorney-General. I'll tell you outside the House who it was and when it happened.
In any event, you succeeded. You did it by definition. As pointed out in the
McLachlin-Dixon case, my riding is the largest in the province. It's got
460 square miles but it's the most populous riding. Central Fraser Valley
has two members and 160 square miles. Based on population, it's lower and
it's smaller This whole thing was engineered by definition to re-elect this
government. I've got good news for you: you can't even change this thing
for a couple of years, because you can't change the boundaries, even if
mine grows, for two elections. Those boundaries have to last six years.
This
is why we have reference to the courts. It's to get over and give the
individual some rights against the tyranny of the majority, and we've
had this kind of tyranny for a number of years now. I think that you,
on other occasions, would be prepared to argue that that's what the
courts are for: to redress unjust laws or unconstitutional positions,
notwithstanding — and I don't use that in the legal sense — the fact
that these were duly elected representatives, even if the election was
rigged. That, I think, was all it was supposed to do.
think to badmouth the Charter on the basis of an Americanization of
something is really specious, and that's what I said earlier. I don't
accept your premise at all, and I hope that you learn to mend your ways — like schoolchildren.
MR. R. FRASER : It's always a
pleasure to address this chamber when you are talking about things to
do with the Attorney-General's ministry and to hear the opposition
refer to the courts and say things as lofty as "tyranny of the
majority." That's the way this country runs, my friend. It's the
majority. That's democracy and it always will be. Of course we can
complain; of course we can go to the courts. Who would object to anyone
having the right to do it? In this country anyone can go the courts.
Interjection.
MR. R. FRASER : I can't believe he would do that. No, the Attorney-General wouldn't do that.
We can talk about Sunday shopping. You're right: it should be left with the municipal districts, cities and things like that.
you want to talk about charters, which we do occasionally, one thing
that I find very frustrating about the Charter, about the laws in
Canada at least.... I think the Attorney should think about it; maybe
we should all think about it a bit more. How is it, for example, that
criminals from other countries can come into this country and be
protected by our laws against us? I don't like that idea, Mr. Chairman,
and I think maybe the federal government should be approached by our
Attorney and others, saying: "What are we doing to endanger our
citizens by keeping criminals here?"
He said he didn't like
dual ridings. We've had dual ridings in the province of British
Columbia for 117 years, and they've done not too badly. I didn't see
one word in the newspaper between '72 and '75 that said the NDP wanted
to get rid of them. They liked them then, didn't they? If they ever won
again, which is unlikely, they probably would like them again, but they
don't like them now.
The member for Esquimalt-Port Renfrew
(Mr. Sihota) some months ago said Fisher was not a realistic choice
because he knew the Premier; therefore he
[ Page 6384 ]
would be prejudiced. Now he wants the Fisher report. Isn't it amazing how we switch like that?
went to talk to the Fisher committee, and I said: "I don't believe in
more than 69 members in this House. We've got enough politicians in
British Columbia now; we sure don't need any more." For me to suggest
that we should have 75 politicians in this House is not possible. I
can't support that and I don't intend to support it, so we are going to
have a lot of fun on that committee, although I suppose I could be
removed by the member over there.
It's an interesting thing
to have more and more people in public life. What we want is more and
more people working, more and more people earning money, and a better
organization here. That's what we want, not more and more people just
because they think they might win one more seat. Go ahead; win one more.
MR. CLARK : Go back to the private sector.
MR. R. FRASER : A tempting idea. It was a lovely place, you know. I still like it. I might do it.
Oh,
it's funny how they change. A little riding like Atlin. Maybe it's
unrealistic to have a riding with so few people, but maybe in Canada,
and in British Columbia in particular, we make special exceptions for
people who are a long way from Victoria, the capital of the province.
Maybe we try really hard to make sure they have representation. They
might need a better representative, but they've certainly got
representation.
For them to suggest that we're against
Atlin is, of course, ridiculous. We've done a lot of things to help
Atlin. You remember the former member for Atlin, who said: "I got a lot
of things for my riding because I went to see the government." The
opposition members would do well to visit the government from time to
time, because if they did what our late friend did, things would be
better in British Columbia.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to hear from the Attorney on some of those things.
MR. CHAIRMAN :
I would like to remind all the members in the House that we are on the
Attorney-General's estimates, and we are endeavouring to keep our
discussions to those estimates.
HON. S.D. SMITH : One
of the interesting phenomena associated with discussion of the Charter
and its impact on the role of this office and the things we do in
government is that there is such a dearth of understanding, in my view,
of what the Charter does and was intended to do. You see discussions
characterized as win-loss versus this government or that government or
whatever, and it is characterized in a partisan way. That's
interesting, but I think that over time what will happen is what has
happened in the United States: it is not discussed in a partisan way
but in terms of looking to — as they call it — the Bill of Rights for
support. You don't see it in a partisan sense, and the debates aren't
articulated in that way.
[4:30]
It's
odd for me to be standing and arguing the position I am, when I speak
of partisanship, because of course what a Charter does and is intended
to do, as I said in the many discussions I have had with the second
member for Vancouver East (Mr. Clark), is change where ultimate power
rests. That's its purpose. It thereby enhances individual liberty and
consequentially diminishes community rights, collective rights,
societal rights. That's an interesting notion for me to have to argue
against, since I believe very strongly that, because of the nature of
our nation, the incredible geographic distances in our nation and our
province, and the level of service that we have tried to get ourselves
to — and have achieved.... One of the only ways we have been able to do
that has been to make certain that we are alert to the need to have
those societal rights and that kind of broad-base coverage — that we
understand the community of interest — and to necessarily accept that
responsibility, even where that diminishes individual rights. That is
not something that one ought to characterize as good or bad; that is
simply a choice about how you organize your society.
I know
we'll never get rid of the Charter. I certainly will accept it, do
accept it, and understand what it is and how it operates. I simply
raise these issues because I think it is important for legislators to
understand the direction we're going in. I don't argue the merits of
the decision I've talked about. Once you get past the constitutional
issues of whether the courts or the Legislature should make those
decisions, I find the logic of the decisions themselves quite
compelling. I don't have any difficulty with the logic of the decisions
themselves, but to get to that logic in each instance there has had to
be, by the judiciary, a certain
interpretation of the Charter which
lets them take those powers unto themselves. When you read
section 7 of
the Charter, you wouldn't immediately, through a leap of natural logic,
conclude that it was designed for the purpose it was used for in
relation to Bill 41. That is what I argue about; that's what I am
trying to warn people about.
I think what will happen over
time is that there will develop cases and a body of jurisprudence.... A
lot of people are going to all of a sudden wake up and say: "Holy
George, that ain't the way we thought our society was going to look.
How did we get here?" In our own field, in the case of criminal law,
again it's a matter of power. Yes, individual liberty is involved, but
so is the protection of society. Every time the Charter is used to help
a crook, it makes it tougher for the police to protect society.
I'll
give you a simple example: Regina v. Dupont. An individual gave
evidence admitting an offence — under oath, represented in court, and so
on — and subsequently, through a second trial, the individual decided
not to take the stand. It was given in our courts under oath, through
representation. The Supreme Court of Canada said that in the second
case that evidence could not be heard by the court. It is very
difficult to understand how that enhances our society. Obviously the
Charter can correctly be used to make that kind of
interpretation;
that's what it is
[ Page 6385 ]
there
for. But surely to goodness it's legitimate for legislators to ask what
is the best model to follow to develop, enhance, augment and protect
our society. I think that question is worthy of debate and discussion.
I think it's a question that, in fact, we should think about; I think
it is an issue we should try to deal with.
There's no
simple answer to it. You get into how many angels can dance on the head
of a pin; I understand that. But I think it is fruitless for us, every
time you raise the issue of the impact of the Charter on how our
society operates, to immediately try to fudge the issue with some sort
of personal attack on individual cases. That isn't the issue we're
dealing with at all.
What we're dealing with here is a very
fundamental change taking place in how our society is organized and the
kinds of things we can do. I don't deny that there are incredibly
compelling arguments to be made for the proposition that an individual
should be able to go to the courts using something like the Charter to
redress wrongs. Legislators make mistakes; so, Mr. Opposition House
Leader, do judges. Where the hell do you go when they make a mistake
under this new system?
MR. ROSE : You change the law.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
The point is that under certain circumstances you can't; you don't have
the power. You have to wait for the court to get another case up to the
highest court so it can reverse itself. That's exactly what I was
talking about yesterday with Brown v. the Board of Education in the
United States. People use it, and I've used it, as a great example of
how the courts changed the course of American history, certainly, and
that of many of our pluralistic democracies, by accepting the
proposition that separate was necessarily unequal.
We all
applaud that decision; we all understand the reality and the logic of
that decision. What we don't recognize in terms of process — I'm
talking about process here; I'm not talking about the case — is that for
the 80 years prior to that decision, the same Supreme Court was asked
on several occasions to adjudicate on the same issue and came to the
opposite conclusion. The legislatures in many states wanted to make the
change, tried to make the change, and had laws struck down by that
court. I am trying to say that as a matter of process we have to
understand that we have been reduced in terms of the kinds of things
that legislatures are going to be able to do. It is a change in our
society. It is something we will learn to live with, that we are
learning to live with. There are going to be times when you'll point to
individual decisions and say: "Good on them for doing that." But over
time, what we have done is to transfer ultimate power to nine appointed
individuals. When you transfer power, you take power by extension
somewhere else. What you have done is reduce the power of the people
through their legislature. That is the purpose of it.
MR. ROSE : That argument was used throughout the debate.
HON. S.D. SMITH : Yes, I know it was.
You
ask me why this government, having taken that position — and this
government did; certainly I did, and many members of the former
government did — has a concern to put property rights into the Charter.
It's very simple. If you're going to have a Charter society, then you
should have a full Charter society, not just a partial Charter society.
The process that we're talking about here in terms of property rights
is to protect one of the most fundamental values that citizens of our
society have: the right to own property and to be certain that it
cannot be taken away from them except in accordance with the due
process of law, and to have that embedded in your constitution.
creating the Charter society, what we have done is to create the system
where things that are absolutely certain are no longer in the public
domain but are inside the Charter. It's a Franco-American system of law
imposed on a British parliamentary system of government, as I've said.
Under the British parliamentary system, my friend, you have all those
rights except that which the parliament takes away from you. Under a
written constitutional system, your rights are to be enumerated in the
written constitution. That's the difference. That's the purpose of it.
That's the idea of it.
For you to have some absolute
certainty, you have to embed those rights if you want them in your
constitution. That is why it's important to put property rights, in
terms of process, into the constitution. That's why it's important to
put it into the Charter. That's why the resolution.
MR. ROSE : The right to a job. The right to clean air and water.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
I'm talking to the process. The process of what you own, what you have,
cannot be removed from you except according to due process of law. Then
it is for the courts to interpret the meaning of property. That's what
a property system is all about. That's what a Charter system is all
about. That's the system we're now into. That's what we have to
understand. There's no point being mean-spirited about it and
partisanly objectionable with one another, because it is the system in
which we now are rooted in Canada. It's a system about which we need
greater understanding. It's not a question of good guys and bad guys;
it's a question of understanding.
Interjection.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
No, no, no. Not in a mean-spirited way at all. When I have spoken on
the Charter, I have tried to address the philosophical notion of where
it is we're going. I talk about the Charter not in a partisan way; I
talk about the Charter because I want people to understand the kind of
society we're developing. I run risks every time I do it because I
[ Page 6386 ]
expose
myself immediately to the kinds of personal attacks I hear here today.
I understand that, and I do it in spite of that. I tell you, I will
continue to do it until the last bloody breath in my body, because I
believe it.
MR. ROSE : As I say, even sotto voce the
Attorney-General usually ends up provoking me. I can't be too partisan
on this subject, but I would just like to remind him, whether he
realizes it or not, that I can quote speeches he has made on this very
subject — I can look them up in Hansard — where he has become intensely
partisan and intensely aggressive on this. He's Mr. Moderate today, and
Mr. Philosophical, but that's his new role. I've never seen him dressed
quite like this before. I think it's an improvement, as a matter of
fact. I think he should learn from it. He could become a really lovable
fellow if he....
Interjections.
MR. ROSE :
Everybody laughs, you see; they don't believe that. I'm glad to see him
put away his hatchet and bring out his chamois and polish us all up for
this. His lessons are just a little bit hollow, as far as that's
concerned, when he talks about it.
As far as the Charter
itself is concerned, legislatures had 80 years to do something about
that. You use the example of the Brown case. It wasn't the courts that
prevented the legislatures from doing things; it was the legislators.
The only reason we had the Brown case as being successful was that
there was no other way. That's why it's there.
far as
the Charter and its imposition on us in a parliamentary system, I don't
think anything is perfect, and it should stand the test of time. I
think that some of our rules here are pretty antiquated, too,
especially the ones on rule 35. I'm going to be ruled out of order
here — and the Leader of the Opposition — in a little while
on the grounds
that we are on the business of supply so therefore we can talk about
fish any time. We've got all kinds of senseless, archaic rules by which
we live.
I still maintain that the rights of the individual
are paramount in society. I thought it would be argued there from
across the way. I thought that we were the collectivists, or regarded
as such, and therefore individuals didn't matter very much to us but
the community did, or society did. So I think we have seen a reversal
of roles. I welcome the minister's new one. I urge him to carry on with
the practice. He'll get to like it.
HON. S.D. SMITH :
I must say that I am happy to be partisan at any time if the member
wants. Admittedly, as I have said on many occasions, I am a person
who's fairly combative and, I suppose, a person who holds his views
very strongly. I don't make any apology about that to anyone.
[4:45]
It troubles me when I hear about property rights as I did a few
years ago — last year or the year before, I can't remember when it
was — when I spoke in the Legislature. I had read some of the
things that
had been said and had been said in a partisan way in another chamber. I
certainly responded to those things, and I don't make any apology for
that. I'm a person who believes in playing the game according to the
rules that the opponents want to play. If they want to play in a tough
partisan field, I'm delighted to accommodate them. If they want to have
reasoned debate on the philosophy of something, which I happen to like
doing, I'm quite pleased to participate in that. I'm happy to respond
to whatever avenue my friend wants to walk down.
The
issue, though, that is important I think for all of us to try to....
Maybe it isn't. The member says there are some anachronistic rules
here. I guess there are some anachronistic members in here too.
Goodness knows, maybe I'm anachronistic before my time. I'm indeed
taking a position that I well know is not considered to be the nouveau,
progressive position. Well, fair enough. I believe it strongly. I
believe very much that our society has benefited tremendously from
taking the view that there are certain community rights that have to be
advanced both in social and economic development. On the balance of
convenience between that and certain individual liberties that can be
put forward in opposition to them, we should probably opt for the
greatest good for the greatest number.
Clearly, when you
have a society rooted in that proposition, there rests a much greater
onus on individual legislators to be alert and sensitive to the impact
of those pieces of legislation on individuals. There is no question
about that. I think Canada and this province have had an exemplary and
honourable record in that regard. I think we have achieved many things
that other societies in this world would want to achieve through a
system that allows its legislators to pursue those societal
developments and community rights and the enhancement of collective
responsibility and services. At the same time, we have done it in a way
that has been fair to individuals. We have made mistakes, goodness
knows; of course we've made mistakes. But on balance our society has
been a fair one; it has been sensitive to the liberty of others. On
balance, as well, it can be properly stated that we have done more to
enhance the real liberty of individuals in this society than almost any
other society I can think of anywhere in the world. We have done that
at the same time as being able to pursue our collective interests, our
societal goals and the kinds of services we want for our community.
understand, as I have said several times, that the position I take
leaves me open for attack politically, personally and philosophically.
It is something that if I were looking only at what is politically good
for the second member for Kamloops I would avoid doing. I am not going
to avoid doing it, because I believe it is something that we should be
alert to and sensitive to and that we should understand can take us
down the wrong path. The American model of social organization is not
one that I want to pursue at all. I don't believe in it. I don't want
it.
The effect of the Charter, not the individual cases.... I'm not attacking the judges; I'm not attack-
[ Page 6387 ]
ing
their sense of history or their understanding of the issues. I am
simply warning people that the process upon which we are embarked,
because necessarily to change a process has moved power.... Power: it's
always about power in this human world we live in. It has moved
ultimate power away from the people, through their elected
legislatures, to an appointed judiciary. It has augmented the power of
lawyers. It makes our society more litigious. I don't think a litigious
society is a particularly desirable society. I have said that in my
view — as I have come out of the other side of the law, other than
litigation, I may carry a certain bias — it's a lot better to jawbone
than it is to litigate, and I think Canadians have been darned good at
jawin' over the years, and we've built a darned fine place as a result
of it; and we have in British Columbia. I hope we are sensitive to that
reality, as we see the impact of the Charter take hold over the next
number of years.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Before we proceed, I
would just like to remind all the members that the Chair has been
extremely lenient for the past hour in the debate going back and forth.
I would like to remind members of the rules of relevancy, which I know
all the members of this House are familiar with.
MR. SIHOTA : Mr. Chairman, please listen to the question that I arrive
at at the end of all this, because it's going to be the same question. It
deals with power, and real power.
want to raise a numbe