British Columbia Hansard — Wednesday, June 24, 1987, Afternoon Sitting — British Columbia Legislative Assembly (34th Parliament, 1st Session)
34p 01s 870624p
British Columbia — Debates (Hansard)
1987 Legislative Session: 1st Session, 34th Parliament
HANSARD
The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.
Official Report of
DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
(Hansard)
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1987
Afternoon Sitting
[ Page 1975 ]
CONTENTS
Vital Statistics Amendment Act, 1987 (Bill 27). Second reading
Hon. Mr. Dueck –– 1993
Mrs. Boone –– 1994
Hon. Mr. Dueck –– 1994
Committee of Supply: Ministry of Environment and Parks estimates.
(Hon. Mr. Strachan)
On vote 29: minister's office –– 1994
Mr. Lovick
Hon. B.R. Smith
Ms. Smallwood
Mr. Gabelmann
Mr. Guno
Ms. Edwards
Mr. Vant
Mr. Serwa
Mr. Sihota
Mr. Dirks
The House met at 2:07 p.m.
Prayers.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I have a couple of
introductions. First, in your gallery, Mr. Speaker, is a group of
golden-agers from Prince George. The leader is Anne Orton. The group
also includes my mother, Callie Strachan. Would the House please
welcome these seniors.
As well, I'd like the House to welcome Tony and Trudy Kos, who
are also visiting from Prince George. They're in the Hansard gallery,
MS. EDWARDS: It's certainly my pleasure
today to welcome back to the House another golden-ager. Leo Nimsick
toiled in this metaphorical coal-mine for more than a quarter of a
century and was the Mines minister in the '72-75 government. I ask the
House to join me in welcoming Leo Nimsick. I would also like to
introduce Mrs. Nimsick, who is in the Hansard gallery. We welcome her.
too.
HON. S. HAGEN: It's my pleasure this
afternoon to introduce to the House my niece Dina McConnell from
Langley and her friend Judy Martens. Would the House please make them
welcome.
MR. PELTON: On your behalf. Mr. Speaker. I
would like to introduce Dr. and Mrs. Peter Rodenkirchen and their
daughter Bettina. The Rodenkirchens celebrated their fortieth wedding
anniversary just yesterday, and I would like the House to welcome them
and wish them all the best.
MR. HUBERTS: I'd like to introduce my
cousin Marie Huttema from Surrey, and her friend Geraldine Hamoen from
Alberta. Would the House give them a welcome.
HON. MRS. JOHNSTON: Mr. Speaker. In your
gallery this afternoon are two very hard-working community ladies. I
would ask the House to please make welcome Morag Bennett and Lucille
Courchene from Surrey.
MR. REE: In the gallery today, we have a
couple that have driven 6,500 miles to be with us today, from
Havertown. Pennsylvania. They are going back to Vancouver and then
traveling across Canada on their way home. I would ask the, House to
welcome Aaron and Clara Manove.
MR. HARCOURT: Mr. Speaker. I would like to
bring the Legislature up to date on the latest triumph of the members.
We extracted an ounce of revenge on behalf of all 69 of us here, when
today at noon we thrashed the "scrum of the earth" in a game of
hard-fought basketball. We whipped them 21-10.
Introduction of Bills
AN ACT TO ESTABLISH AN INSTITUTE
OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES' LANGUAGES
FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA
Mr. G. Hanson presented a bill intituled
An Act to Establish
an Institute of Indigenous Peoples' Languages for British Columbia.
MR. G. HANSON: Mr. Speaker, in making a few
remarks on this bill, this is the sixth occasion that I have introduced
it in this House. The first time was 1980. I am very sorry to report
that in the interval since 1980 somewhere between 20 and 50 percent of
the speakership — the elders who are fluent in the language — have
passed away.
I talked to an eminent linguist just yesterday. He indicated
to me that when he started to work with the Skidegate Haida in 1972,
there were between 40 and 50 individuals. Now he is working with only a
couple left.
The members of the House know that British Columbia is one of
the most linguistically diverse areas on earth, with 28 Indian
languages that still exist, but all that is keeping them from
extinction or what linguists call a "language death" is just a very few
remaining elders. Some of the languages are in better shape than
others, but the coastal ones such as Skidegate Haida, Sechelt, Kwakwala
and some of the others are really facing a decline.
I was pleased to see a reference in the throne speech that
something could be done. I think it is time that an institute be
established and that full recognition be given. Members on both sides
of the House who come from European or other ancestry know that their
first language at some time is alive and well somewhere on this planet.
This is not the case here, because these languages exist only within
our province. Something has got to be done, and I ask that the House
consider that the time has come.
Bill M204 introduced, read a first time and ordered to be
placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of
the House after today.
Oral Questions
SMALL FORESTRY COMPANIES
MR. WILLIAMS: To the Premier: yesterday the
Minister of Forests (Hon. Mr. Parker) indicated as a result of his
experience — much of it with Westar, one of the most wasteful
corporations in the province — that the smaller firms were less
efficient and more wasteful. Could the Premier advise the House whether
he concurs with his minister, and whether he's asking his minister to
make that presentation when you meet with the truck loggers tomorrow
night?
[2:15]
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker. I
certainly have received a copy of the newspaper article. I've not had
an opportunity to discuss it, so I have no comment on that at this time.
MR. WILLIAMS: Further to the Premier: will
your next meeting with the Minister of Forests be in the woodshed, Mr.
Premier'?
FUNDING FOR DAWSON CREEK ETHANOL PLANT
MR. CLARK: A question to the Premier: I
have here a May newsletter from the federal parliamentary Standing
Committee on Energy, Mines and Resources, which states that the B.C.
government will be providing $50 million in funding for the Dawson
Creek ethanol plant. Can the Premier confirm that participation?
[ Page 1976 ]
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: No. I don't believe
that's the figure at all. I don't know just exactly what the sharing or
the participation will be, but any assistance provided would be to the
farmers supplying the product, and I will be able to.... I'll take the
question on notice, and provide the details at a later time.
MR. CLARK: A new question. The Agrifuels
proposal was rejected seven times by the B.C. Development Corporation
and once by the Partners in Enterprise program. It has been rejected
eight times in all. Can the Premier confirm reports that it was his
office which directed that funding for the project be reconsidered by
the Ministry of Agriculture after those rejections?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker, I can
confirm that we definitely took some initiatives to assure that
discussions were continuing. We are looking for a way to assure that
the grain that is grown in the Peace River country is used to the
greatest potential in order to ensure that the largest number of jobs
are made available in the Peace River country. We certainly have
attempted to provide various initiatives in the Peace River area in
order to provide job opportunities and diversification. This Agrifuels
plant will certainly provide that diversification. and will provide a
use for wheat which otherwise would perhaps go to waste.
MR. CLARK: A supplementary to the Premier.
I take that as assurance that it's the Ministry of Agriculture that's
looking at it. The budget speech states, on page 14, "No new initiatives
will be funded under the Farm Product Industry Act," yet this loan is
ten to twenty times as large as the average loan guarantee made under
that program in the history of British Columbia. Would the Premier
confirm that that statement in the budget is no longer operative in
light of the Agrifuels proposal and the loan guarantee that's being
negotiated by the Ministry of Agriculture?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: As I said a little
earlier, I'll provide the details with respect to the funding of the
program or the assistance to the farmers in order to make sure that
this program gets off the ground. Let me say that we certainly are also
committed to the agricultural community, and we'll do whatever we can
to assist that community to provide diversification in the selling or
the use of its products.
MR. CLARK: Will the Premier confirm. then,
that any funding from the government or any loan guarantee will be to
the farmers and not to Agrifuels, the company involved?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: As I mentioned when I
took the question earlier. I will provide the details at another time.
but the assistance in total is to the farm community.
MR. ROSE: On a supplementary to the same
question. Is the Premier aware that the EEC subsidy to wheat is over $3
a bushel, the American is $2.65 and our own is 85 cents? Does the
minister really think the farmers can survive on this kind of a fuel
system, no matter how much we want to have greater markets? Farm
foreclosures are at an all-time high in that area.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: I agree that grain
growers in Canada are having a difficult time competing with the United States and the European common market countries, in
that the subsidy programs in those places are such that we can't match
these. This is why a project like Agrifuels' can be a tremendous help
in a relatively small area, when compared to the whole of the
wheat-growing area in Canada, such as the Peace River. So we see
Agrifuels certainly as a tremendous opportunity to at least provide
assistance to a good number of farmers, because the project when fully
operational will use a very large portion of all of the grain produced
in the Peace River country.
MR. ROSE: I wonder if the Premier could
enlighten us on the kind of prices that he's prepared to pay these
farmers, so that they don't go under. Certainly the market price in
Canada or our export price will never do that. I wouldn't want these
people to be fooled into thinking that some sort of progress was going
to come out of something that may not. Somebody said one time: you
know, there's no fuel like an oil fuel.
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker, the
price proposed in the Agrifuels' project is as good as, or better than,
the price set by the Canadian Wheat Board.
CANASPEN CHOPSTICKS FACTORY LOAN
MRS. BOONE: My question is to the Premier.
The Canaspen chopsticks factory in Prince George has been put into
receivership by BCDC. What steps has the government taken to recover
the $500,000 interest-free loan that was given to this company?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: I'll defer the
question to the Minister of Economic Development.
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Mr. Speaker, I can get
the details as to the amount of the loan. I think it was around
$300,000, and I believe it was on the commercial or the prime-plus-2
rate of BCDC. It has gone into receivership. BCDC is negotiating to
make sure that that company will be restarted under different
management. They're negotiating, if that isn't possible, to get their
money back. They have very high security on that loan, inasmuch as the
equipment in that factory or that plant, even on a disposal price, far
exceeds the amount of the loan.
MRS. BOONE: It was our understanding that
the machinery could be sold for about $50,000. There's $97,000 owing to
the federal government, $330,000 owing to Royal Trust. and considerable
money owing to various other people in the community. My question to
the minister in this case is: before investing any money in this
company, what investigation did the government do on the background of
the proponents and on the market for the products"
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: In response to the
first part of your question, your understanding is incorrect. However.
I will be able to get you the details of that.
Secondly, in all loans that are made through the B.C.
Development Corporation and that have been made in the past under the
new structure of the B.C. Development Corporation, a very extensive
investigation is done. I would like to add, Mr. Speaker. that if it
hadn't been for B.C. Development Corporation being in the field during
the recession, there would have been many businesses that would have
had to
[ Page 1977 ]
close down, and their employees would have been out of work.
So the instrument that was in place during the recession when this
particular loan was put forward was, along with other decisions, good.
There are going to be some failures, and when those failures occur,
there are instruments to recover the dollars, as I've said before.
I'd be very pleased to get the proper figures for you and
report them to you.
MEAT-PROCESSING PLANT
MRS. BOONE: A question to the Premier. On
the weekend on BCTV. the Premier was again only able to cite the
mysterious northern meat-packing plant when he was asked what economic
development projects this government is working on. Can the Premier
today provide us — and your member for Prince George South (Hon. Mr.
Strachan) — any information on the status of this project?
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker. the
Ministry of Economic Development is working on diversification, We're
looking at opportunities in all areas, and especially in places like
Prince George, where economic diversification is so important. Yes, we
are continuing: and yes, there are still talks going on. It certainly
is the type of undertaking that would require a lot of preliminary
discussion, because we are competing with Alberta. Again, as was
mentioned a little earlier, there are subsidies in place in Alberta
that in many instances are difficult to match. But we would like to see
a meat industry established we would like to see meat-processing in the
Prince George area.
Yes, I will continue to pursue that. If it takes another year
or two, or however long it takes, I will continue to fight for that.
It's important.
GREENHILLS MINE WASTE DUMP
MS. EDWARDS: Mr. Speaker, my question is to
the Minister of Environment. The Environment and Land Use Committee has
approved the plan of Westar's Greenhills mine to dump waste within
sight and sound of the village of Elkford, despite the continuing
opposition of the Elkford protection group, the Elkford district
council, and the Regional District of East Kootenay. What information
not available to the other levels of government led the provincial
government to allow dumping opposed by so many locally elected
officials'?
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Mr. Speaker, there was
extensive evidence obtained from the Ministry of Energy. Mines and
Petroleum Resources that indicated to our committee that this
dumping.... And I must admit the original application was modified and
lessened to a considerable degree. With the subsequent application, we
agreed as a committee of cabinet that that process should go ahead
otherwise there would be severe economic risk.
MS. EDWARDS: Supplementary. As I said. even
after the modifications, the other elected officials objected to the
application. My question is: what additional information did the
provincial government have that made it go against the decision of the
other elected officials'?
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I would have to take
that question on notice for the Minister of Energy, Mines and Petroleum
Resources (Hon. Mr. Davis).
MS. EDWARDS: Another question. How has the
government decided to deal with such problems as the black water
flowing into the Elk River. which was clearly shown in the photographs
that were presented to the Environment and Land Use Committee'?
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Proper procedures for
that type of discharge will be put in place, to monitor and to mitigate
that type of discharge.
B.C. ENTERPRISE CORPORATION
MS. MARZARI: Mr. Speaker, a question to the
Premier. Three times yesterday I asked the Premier three pretty basic
questions about the B.C. Enterprise Corporation, and he took them on
notice. He didn't know if the company was registered, if it was doing
business or if there were director disclosures. We're wondering on this
side who's really in charge here. Hundreds of millions of dollars are
at stake. What kind of free rein does the Minister of Economic
Development (Hon. Mrs. McCarthy) have for hundreds of millions of
dollars, when every other minister is reporting through your office for
contracts over $500, Mr. Premier? There's an issue here. Who's in
charge'!
HON. MR. VANDER ZALM: Mr. Speaker.
obviously the cabinet is in charge. fortunately, and we deal with these
issues on a daily basis.
With respect to the B.C. Enterprise Corporation. It is
presently being dealt with through BCDC and B.C. Place, and they're
making great progress. I'm happy with all the progress being made
through these corporations. These people are doing a wonderful job on
behalf of British Columbians, and the future looks extremely bright for
our province.
[2:30]
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Mr. Speaker, I would
like to ask leave to answer questions that were taken on notice
yesterday.
Leave granted.
B.C. ENTERPRISE CORPORATION
HON. MRS. McCARTHY: Mr. Speaker, the
Premier took as notice some questions yesterday dealing with some
responsibilities under the Ministry of Economic Development.
The first question from the second member for Vancouver-Point
Grey (Ms. Marzari) was: "Is the company called B.C. Enterprise
Corporation incorporated?" To answer the member, there will not be a
new company incorporated called the B.C. Enterprise Corporation. The
corporation exists at the present time, but it comes under the British
Columbia Place Act. The British Columbia Place Act will be renamed by
legislation the British Columbia Enterprise Corporation Act.
[ Page 1978 ]
Technically, therefore, the company is incorporated and it
would be wrong to say no, the company is not yet incorporated. It is
incorporated, and the change under the act in which it is incorporated
will change the name of the act.
The next question, Mr. Speaker, was: "Is the British Columbia
Enterprise Corporation actively doing business at this point in time?"
Both B.C. Development Corporation and British Columbia Place Ltd. are
continuing to carry on business pursuant to their existing corporate
structures under a common board of directors until legislation is
passed concerning British Columbia Enterprise Corporation.
The next question, Mr. Speaker. was: "Have the directors of
the British Columbia Enterprise Corporation made disclosures thus far.
The answer is: the directors have made the disclosures required by the
Company Act.
The next question: who is doing business on lands; who is
conducting the business at this moment? The answer, Mr. Speaker, is:
further to my earlier answer, British Columbia Place Ltd. and British
Columbia Development Corporation are continuing to carry on business,
and all of the responsibilities that they had before under the two
separate organizations continue. They will continue under that board of
directors as two separate entities until legislation makes them one,
under the British Columbia Enterprise Corporation.
Orders of the Day
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Mr. Speaker, I call
second reading of Bill 24, in the charge of the Provincial Secretary
and Minister of Government Services.
PENSION (TEACHERS) AMENDMENT ACT, 1987
HON. MR. VEITCH: In moving second reading,
I'm pleased to introduce this bill, which will establish the early
retirement program for teachers in British Columbia, announced earlier
by my colleague the Minister of Education (Hon. Mr. Brummet).
This program is being established after extensive consultation
with representatives of the British Columbia Teachers' Federation, the
British Columbia School Trustees' Association, the Association of
British Columbia School Superintendents and the association of
secretary-treasurers. They are to be complimented for the very valuable
assistance they have provided in helping the government formulate the
details of this early retirement plan.
The plan proposed in this bill contains two distinct phases.
The first phase, which is temporary and available only to teachers who
retire prior to June 30, 1989, is called the 55-and-out option, while
the second phase is the permanent addition of a phased early retirement
program.
Mr. Speaker, I want to deal first with the temporary phase of
the program, the phase which we call the 55-and-out option. The Pension
(Teachers) Act presently provides for a reduction in the pension
benefit formula of 5 percent for each year under age 60, if a teacher
has more than ten years of contributions in the plan but less than 35.
This reduction tends to discourage retirements between the ages of 55
and 60, since the reduction can be as much as 25 percent of the formula
pension benefit.
Mr. Speaker. In order to provide an immediate opportunity to
revitalize the education system through the hiring of young, unemployed
teachers and new graduates from our universities, teachers with at
least ten years' experience must be encouraged to retire. Accordingly,
Mr. Speaker, this bill amends the early retirement provisions of the
Pension (Teachers) Act as follows:
One, during the period from April 1, 1987, to June 30, 1989,
an eligible teacher may retire between ages 55 and 60 with less than 35
years of contributory service without reduction in the formula pension
benefit. Two, any payments for annual cost-of-living adjustments will
be delayed until age 60, when there will be a catch-up of the
percentages missed from date of retirement. Three, the funding of this
program will be from special contributions provided from school
district salary savings.
Because of the unique structure of the incremental pay scale
for teachers. the funding for this program can be accomplished through
the savings that will occur as a result of replacement of experienced
teachers at the maximum salary level by younger teachers at the minimum
base salary. As a result of this initiative, those teachers who wish to
retire may do so on substantially improved pension benefits, thus
enabling the creation of job opportunities for enthusiastic young
people who are ready and able to commence a teaching career. I want
also to emphasize that this program is entirely optional and will be
provided only to those teachers who wish to take advantage of it.
Teachers who wish to remain in the profession will be encouraged to do
so.
The second phase of the program proposes the establishment of
a phased early retirement plan. While this plan will not be available
to teachers until the school year commencing 1988, it will at that time
provide teachers with an alternative opportunity to ease into
retirement. In this new program. an eligible teacher may arrange with
the school board to work on a reduced teaching assignment at something
less than full time. During the phased early retirement period, the
teacher would receive a salary for the part of time worked and the
pension for the time not at work — that is, the portion representing
retirement. At the end of the phased early retirement period — that is,
when the teacher is fully retired — the pension would be recalculated,
taking into consideration actual pensionable service and salaries, and
would be adjusted downward in respect of the amount of pension already
received. Accordingly, there are no additional costs for this program.
This program is also optional and will require the mutual agreement of
the teacher and the school board as to a satisfactory phasing schedule.
It is therefore my pleasure to introduce this bill to
establish this program, which will be very important in revitalizing
the teaching profession and thereby will become a positive
encouragement to those young, enthusiastic, eager and qualified
teachers who wish to enter the teaching force. I take great pleasure in
moving second reading of this bill.
MR. JONES: It's in my nature to look on the
positive side of things and to look for good in people and in
governments. It's tremendous that this is one of the rare occasions
when I get an opportunity to compliment the government on what I
consider an excellent piece of legislation that resulted from a very
positive process.
If I could just outline a little of the history of that
process, it began in Manitoba with legislation that was borrowed by New
Democrats as part of their platform in the last election. The
government has wisely seen fit to bring forward this kind of proposal.
In true New Democrat style, the process was a model of consultation
that involved all of the parties and the constituent members of the
education community affected by
[ Page 1979 ]
this legislation. The Provincial Secretary mentioned the BCTE
the BCSTA, the superintendents and the secretary treasurer. There was
also the Superannuation Commission and ministry people who held a
series of meetings. I think there was a good deal of give and take.
Proposals were worked and reworked, and cooperation was. I think, an
integral part of this process. The product arrived at certainly wasn't
exactly what everybody wanted, and that's to be expected in dealings
with parties. But the product is one that I think people are happy with
and satisfied with, and it's a good example of negotiation. It is a
product that is fiscally sound. educationally sound and
administratively sound.
I think the major feature of this legislation is the element
of the renewal of the teaching profession. It is so important in
British Columbia at this time, because of the severe cutbacks by the
previous Socred administration, which did two very destructive things.
In my view. It hurt the profession, and it hurt a large number of
people who were aspiring to enter the teaching profession. It hurt the
profession by robbing them of those vital, dynamic, young, energetic,
fresh teachers who are out of universities and who bring to the
teaching profession new ideas that benefit the entire profession.
As well, I think those cutbacks created a tremendous loss of
resource to this province. Several thousand teachers ended up in the
unemployment ranks as a result of those cutbacks, and it is estimated
that there are still something like 8,000 unemployed teachers at this
time. The replacement that took my position when I left teaching after
the provincial election had been on the substitute list for eight years
and was an excellent teacher one who had been knocking on the door all
that time, who was working with a very low income, who was very
dedicated to teaching and who finally. as a result of my leaving the
profession, got a teaching position.
So I am very pleased to see this, because there is such a
shortage of young people within our teaching ranks right now. I believe
that there were 21,196 in 1980 who were 25 or under. That has
decreased 83 percent, to the point where in 1985 there were only 377
teachers in the province who were 25 or under. As a result, we probably
have the oldest teaching profession in this country. Fortunately, they
are also one of the best educated.
So by allowing the legislation that the Provincial Secretary
has introduced at this time, we are allowing people between 50 and 59
to retire early without the kind of penalty that was formerly there. It
is going to allow the infusion of new blood into the teaching
profession, and I am very pleased about that.
As the Provincial Secretary mentioned, it is also fiscally
responsible. For example, if one of the retiring teachers was earning
$40,000 per year and was replaced by a $25,000-per-year teacher, then
the school board would have $15,000 available that they could
contribute to the Superannuation Commission. I believe this has been
accommodated within the fiscal framework, so it is administratively and
fiscally going to work very well.
I think it is a symbol of the kind of thing that can be
achieved, and it is very different than what we saw in the last few
months in this Legislature, It is very different than what we saw in
the Vancouver Sun on May 4,
where the Premier indicated that teachers are perennially a problem. He
mentioned that — "W.A.C. Bennett had a problem with them and Dave
Barrett had a problem with them. Bill Bennett's biggest problem with
them was trying to fight off the BCTF every time there was a suggestion
with respect to change with teachers." The Premier went on to say that
he has problems with the BCTF leadership. and issued a warning: "They
have to make up their minds, Either get out of teaching and into
politics, or out of politics and into teaching. You can't have it both
ways."
[2:45]
I think this legislation proves that cooperation and
negotiations and consultation can take place, and that a good product
and good legislation can be arrived at by this process. I am very
pleased to offer my support to the government for this piece of
legislation today.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Speaker, I too, would
like to support the legislation and say that it is very easy to achieve
full cooperation from consultation when everyone agrees that it is to
the benefit of all concerned. It is not always easy to get that
agreement.
But I just want to add my support and thank the people who
worked for my ministry and the other groups involved. They spent a lot
of time in thrashing out the details and that sort of thing.
One thing that I did want to put on the record is that there
may be some credit due to some of the rest of us and to the people on
this side of government. I got somewhat the impression from the member
that this was an NDP initiative that resulted because of the wrongs of
the Social Credit government, so I would like to suggest that we also
took some initiative on this. We didn't borrow it from the Manitoba
legislation, nor did I do it because of something that W.A.C. Bennett
may have done years ago. It was right at this time. So I simply want to
say that we'd like to take a little bit of the credit for this, rather
than the blame that seemed to be implicit in the member's statement. I
know he's supportive of the results, and wouldn't it be nice if,
whenever the results are good, we can support it without worrying about
the politics.
HON. MR. VEITCH: Mr. Speaker, I've been
called a lot of things — to the hon. member for Burnaby North (Mr.
Jones) — but never a true New Democrat. That's a first, I can assure
you. So maybe we've done something wrong here.
MR. ROSE: Get up on a question of privilege.
HON. MR. VEITCH: I don't know whose
privilege is being offended here.
MR. ROSE: Keep up the fair work.
HON. MR. VEITCH: So I'm a fair New Democrat
— not even that!
Mr. Speaker, I see this as a very positive mood, and as
pointed out by my colleague, the hon. Minister of Education, and by the
hon. member for Burnaby North, the process throughout the structuring
of this bill has been one of consultation. It hasn't been an easy
process, but it has been one that has worked very well, and when you
work together, realizing that there is a common good at stake, it's
amazing how much can be accomplished by both sides of this House and
indeed by all of the people of British Columbia.
At this time, Mr. Speaker, I sincerely want to congratulate
the staff from the Ministry of Education and the staff from the pension
administration branch. under Mr. Cook in my department, who worked so
very hard in putting this legislation together.
[ Page 1980 ]
Renewal is important, as the hon. member for Burnaby North
pointed out, in any situation. Renewal is important. as we've noticed,
even in this place over the last few years. and it has brought about a
change of tone and certainly a change of atmosphere in this place. But
if education is the bulwark of society, then renewal is doubly
important in that area. That's what this legislation brings about.
We're in a new economy. We're in a whole new economic world, not only
in British Columbia but in Canada, and indeed throughout the whole
world. If we are in that new economy, then it goes without saying that
we must bring into that process new blood, to educate those people who
will be the leaders of future generations: our children and of course
those who follow after them.
We have a tremendous legacy to pass on in this province, but
the legacy that is given to us has always been that of taking whatever
we have and value-adding to that and passing it on. and that's doubly
true of education. This provides for a mix in the education field — in
the teaching field — of that experience that's gained from those
teachers who are somewhat long in the tooth, like maybe the hon. member
for Burnaby North and some of the other educators we have here in our
midst, and also those new people, the bright new brains who are
entering the fray.
Mr. Speaker, I say this is a very positive move. It's a win-win situation for all concerned. That's the way things should be in
British Columbia. I am very pleased to move second reading of this very
important piece of legislation.
Motion approved.
Bill 24, Pension (Teachers) Amendment Act, 1987, read a second
time and referred to a Committee of the Whole House for consideration
at the next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Second reading of Bill
31, Mr. Speaker.
MISCELLANEOUS STATUTES
AMENDMENT ACT (No. 1), 1987
HON. B.R. SMITH: I have great pleasure in
rising to speak on second reading of this bill, which has a common
theme, which is no theme. The House Leader suggested to me that it was
a bill without principle, but the truth is that it has too many
principles. It is a bill that does a number of needed reforms. It
accomplishes a broad range of improvements in the administration of
justice in the field of commercial law, family law, health care and
some of the professions. The amendments are too numerous to address
individually at this time, and of course will be highlighted in
committee.
A number of amendments to the Financial Administration Act
also improve liability management and the government's investment
management and expenditure control. The bill contains amendments to
several statutes dealing with adoption, marriage, divorce and
guardianship, and amendments to the Mental Health Act alter the length
of time that a person may be involuntarily detained. Amendments to the
Securities Act update the statute to reflect current industry practices.
A number of amendments are designed to improve the efficiency
of the operation of the courts. Amendments, for example, provide for
the appointment of a Chief Judge of the county court, a position which
is now held de facto but which is given authority. They limit vexatious
appeals in the court of appeal, a court which is probably one of the
most efficient in Canada. They improve record storage and enable
charging fees for bulk searches of public court records.
Several significant areas of law reform are also addressed.
These are reforms recommended by the Law Reform Commission of British
Columbia; we are trying each year to bring in some of those reforms and
enact them. One of those reforms will provide a standard short-form
power of attorney, created through these amendments — something that is
long overdue — as well as a significant amendment to the Law and Equity
Act which will enable a contractor to complete a project under protest
without jeopardizing future claims for compensation. That will erase a
decision of the courts which impeded that kind of sensible performance
under protest: that was the case of Peter Kiewit Sons as decided in the
1960s.
Mr. Speaker, this gives only the briefest introduction of some
of these amendments, but I would be very pleased to explain them in
detail during the review by committee. I commend this bill for your
consideration and urge its speedy passage.
MR. LOVICK: Mr. Speaker, may I ask for some
direction from the Chair before I say anything at all? How does one
deal with the general principle of miscellaneous statutes, given that
there is this incredible list of material here? I'm not sure what the
procedure might properly be.
MR. SPEAKER: Well, Member, you've got 30
minutes to speak. I've never known you to have trouble before.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Mr. Speaker, let me rise
on a point of order so I don't take away from the member's time. He
will be allowed, I am sure, to continue second reading debate if he
wishes to.
A miscellaneous statutes amendment bill is considered a bill
without principle. You can take that any way you want to perceive it.
Therefore the majority of the debate, the real debate, is carried on in
the committee stage, and principle is allowed to be discussed in the
committee stage.
But you've still got 30 minutes.
MR. SPEAKER: For the member, in committee
on this type of bill the Chair has always allowed great latitude on
every section.
MR. LOVICK: Certainly I don't propose to
speak for half an hour. What I would like to do, however, is ask a
question to the Attorney-General if I could. One of the things that
perplex my colleagues and me is the fact that we have in the first part
of the miscellaneous statutes provision an amendment to the Adoption
Act, yet on the order paper we also have Bill 26, I believe, which is
the Adoption Act. I'm wondering why there is that overlap. Is there
some reason I'm missing'?
MR. SPEAKER: We're not in committee stage,
hon. member. If you want to close out your second reading speech, the
minister may want to answer that question in closing of debate.
MR. LOVICK: Sorry, Mr. Speaker, my error. I
had forgotten that this is indeed second-reading stage.
[ Page 1981 ]
Let me simply make the statement that we are concerned that we
are apparently going to be taking two hits at the Adoption Act, for
reasons that are not clear to us, and we're a little chagrined by the
fact that we have this rather complex omnibus bill before us that we're
trying to make sense of right now, yet at the same time we're also
supposed to be preparing for another bill called the Adoption Act. I'm
not sure what the explanation for that is; I hope there is a good and
rational one,
The only other point I would make regarding Bill 31. the
Miscellaneous Statutes Amendment Act (No. 1), 1987, is that it seems to
me there are a number of items here that are perhaps contentious, or at
least worthy of some questioning. and certainly my colleagues and I
shall look forward to doing just that kind of thing in committee stage.
MR. CASHORE: Following up on the point that
my colleague the second member for Nanaimo has just made — and perhaps
this again reflects my inexperience — I think it would be very helpful,
in particular with regard to the Miscellaneous Statutes Amendment Act
and the Adoption Act amendment, if those two matters could be dealt
with close together, and if we could be given very adequate forewarning
as to when these two items would be dealt with so that we could be well
prepared.
MR. SPEAKER: Pursuant to standing orders. I
advise the House that the Attorney-General closes debate,
HON. B.R. SMITH: In closing debate, I would
just note that the sections dealing with the Adoption Act here are ones
that really reform the working of the act as it now is: first, to bring
the administration of the act into compliance with the Charter of
Rights and Freedoms, arising out of a court challenge; and also some
other amendments which deal with and clarify the role of the
superintendent. None of those affected by the adoption registry
concept, which came forward in a separate bill and will be dealt with
in the separate bill.... While I agree that to have them dealt with in
some proximity of time would be very convenient, and we probably will
do that, I don't think that there's a great problem with this, because
you're talking on adoption registry on a point of principle, I guess,
and the Adoption Act amendments, I think, are quite straightforward.
But it would be much better if you had the time in the scheme of things
to have them all in one act, there's no question about that.
I move second reading of the bill.
Motion approved.
Bill 31, Miscellaneous Statutes Amendment Act (No. 1), 1987, read a second time and referred to a Committee of the
Whole House for consideration at the next sitting of the House after
today.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Mr. Speaker, I call
second reading of Bill 35.
[3:00]
LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
BOARD OF INTERNAL ECONOMY ACT
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I'm the minister
introducing this, although I'm just one minor player in the board. I
advise the House that sitting on the board is my hon. colleague the
opposition House Leader; the chairman of the opposition caucus, the
first member for Vancouver East (Mr. Williams); the chairman of the
government caucus, the second member for Vancouver-Little Mountain (Mr.
Mowat); the Provincial Secretary (Hon. Mr. Veitch); and yours truly.
Also you, Your Honour, are mentioned in this act as being an essential
ingredient of the board.
This legislation is similar to legislation in many other
jurisdictions whereby it states that members of the Legislative
Assembly shall have a board to which they can turn to resolve matters
which affect them, such as operation of the precincts, services and
facilities, and formulating policies with respect to the
administration, appoint and fix the terms of appointment of staff to
carry out the mandate of the board, and generally to supervise and
manage its staff. The board may determine its own procedures. The board
shall speak by minute duly adopted by the board. and has the power to
appoint, as I believe. subcommittees of itself.
This is truly a landmark bill in terms of British Columbia
history. Members will recall the Members' Services Committee of 1985,
of which my good friend the opposition House Leader and I were
fortunate to be members, We spent some time deliberating. We had a
massive change of the rules, I think all to the benefit of the
Legislative Assembly and to members. From that committee of 1984-85. we
agreed that there would be a Board of Internal Economy.
It was further mentioned in the throne speech by the Premier,
and I'm very happy today to see this come to fruition, I think it will
help us resolve many issues that face all Members of the Legislative
Assembly. It's truly an all-party board that will deal with any of the
problems that face us. It's a good bill. I commend it to all members,
and accordingly I move second reading.
MR. ROSE: Speaking on behalf of the
opposition, I join in the congratulations to you, sir, and to others,
and pay tribute to the work done to produce this legislation, noting as
well that it flows from the parliamentary reform committee of 1984.
Some of the rules, I think, have improved our procedures; some I
regret, especially today. I'd like to name rule 16(4). I find it a bit
nettlesome today; it permits us to meet tonight and not vote, which was
a rather interesting use of the rule I hadn't anticipated, so we'll
leave that out.
Seriously, I really would like to pay tribute not only to you,
Mr. Speaker, and the other members that formed the subcommittee but
also to the Premier. What the Premier did was show us that he had
enough personal security to give up certain powers. For the king or the
Crown to give up powers voluntarily to the Legislature is a landmark
decision. I don't say the word "king" in any sense of punning; I mean
from the Crown in the sense of the state. It's a maturation process
that has gone through this Legislature in this last year, and I must
pay tribute to the Premier for this.
This allows the Legislature, and members thereof, under you,
sir, to took after their own business without interference from the
Crown. It is really
an act of independence, and it didn't require a
revolution. It required someone to give up certain powers. I think it
will help us a great deal to prevent, for instance, the overlap between
the authority of the Provincial Secretary and you, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, we've had some problems around here recently that
some people might remember, such as the near violence and the tents on
the lawn. Whose jurisdiction was it? Who could make rules? There have
been problems within
[ Page 1982 ]
constituency offices. What is appropriate spending? What is
appropriate behaviour for MLAs? You, sir, along with your board can be
the guardians of parliamentary privileges, our rights and privileges,
because as MLAs, in terms of our privileges, you are our sole protector
when it comes to the sanctity of our offices, the freedom from
harassment by any authority, including the police. Under certain
circumstances, I think this matter has been clarified. I'm very pleased
that we've been able to be part of this whole thing. It increases the
arm's-length relationship between the Crown and the Legislature.
I'd like to thank both the opposition and the government
represented on the board. The government, of course, has the majority,
and that's fair enough. I know when this party becomes government we'll
appreciate having that majority on the board. I think that will be very
helpful to us. But at the same time, as a check, no business can be
carried on unless both parties are represented there, and I think
that's a good thing as well.
I guess my good friend for Vancouver East, who is also a
member of the board and who suggested this and brought it to the
Premier initially to give him some information about our thinking on
the subject, would probably say that there is a Board of Internal
Economy but there's a smaller board of administrators, and there are
far too many bureaucrats on it and not enough legislators. I'm sure the
Clerk-Assistant would want that in the minutes as well, because the
member from Vancouver East expressed himself volubly on that very
subject, so I know he would want me to put that in.
In closing, I'd like to say that we're one of the last
legislatures to have such a board. I don't know of any board, though,
that has as much autonomy as this one does, and I think that's a good
thing. Just in case anyone is worried that the inmates are in charge of
the institution, accountable to no one, that is not so. We are
accountable to the auditor-general and to the ombudsman, but we are not
accountable to the government. That, I think, is first-rate.
I think this is an excellent model. I'm sure that other
jurisdictions, if this works out well, will be pleased to copy this
model. I thank the bureaucrats and the Clerks for their assistance in
helping us draft the legislation. I'm really anxious that it get
working for the benefit of all MLAs.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I don't think there's
much more to say at this point, except to acknowledge the remarks made
by the hon. member opposite with respect to the Premier. On behalf of
the Premier, thank you, sir, for the comments you made. I also
acknowledge the good works done by the officers at the table, who were
most helpful in assisting us to coalesce our thoughts and draw this
bill together.
With that said, Mr. Speaker, I move that the bill be now read
a second time.
Motion approved.
Bill 35, Legislative Assembly Board of Internal Economy Act,
read a second time and referred to a Committee of the Whole House for
consideration at the next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: We're a little short of
people here. On behalf of the Attorney-General (Hon. B.R. Smith) I'm
going to call second reading of Bill 15 and make a few comments with
respect to that bill, and advise the House that speaking on behalf of
the government will be the member for Burnaby-Edmonds (Mr. Mercier).
ACCOUNTANTS (CHARI'ERED)
AMENDMENT ACT, 1987
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Bill 15 expands the
object of the Institute of Chartered Accountants to encompass students
as well as members and to provide for the establishment and enforcement
of standards. It removes the ceiling on the number of members of the
council, and provides for an executive director to be appointed by the
council and for the appointment and election of officers to be dealt
with by bylaw. It expands the council's bylaw-making powers and adds
the designation "CA" to titles. It deletes references to incorporated
accountants and repeals offence provisions consequential to the new
section of the act. It does a variety of good things, Mr. Speaker.
With that said, I commend this act to all members of the House
and accordingly move second reading.
[Mr. Pelton in the chair.]
MR. MERCIER: Mr. Speaker, I have the honour
to move second reading of Bill 15, Accountants (Chartered) Amendment
Act, 1987.
The purpose of these amendments is to update existing
legislation in order to ensure that the Institute of Chartered
Accountants has the necessary authority to regulate the activities of
its members and students. The institute is a corporation responsible
for regulating the practice of chartered accountancy in British
Columbia.
I would like to take a few minutes to summarize the main
features of this bill. These relate to internal bylaws and
administrative matters and to new authority to do all of the following:
investigate complaints, ensure high standards of practice, and
discipline members.
Internal bylaw and administrative matters that are referred
to.... A number of the proposed amendments are specifically intended to
improve the efficiency and flexibility of the institute's internal
operations. The institute is given the powers of a natural person to
provide greater independence in executing its own business affairs.
Clear statutory authority is granted for the institute to make bylaws.
Administrative aspects of annual meetings and composition of the
executive are also improved. Students are more clearly shown to be
responsibilities of the institute.
Under the amendments within this bill, complaints against
members or former members may be cause for the initiation of an
investigation by the institute. A court order for the production of
documents is possible, and confidentiality of information must be
maintained.
With respect to ensuring high standards of practice, the
amendments provide the institute with clear statutory authority to set
appropriate standards for members. By means of periodic practice
reviews, the institute will be able to ensure that these standards are
met and maintained. Practice review is currently undertaken by bylaw,
with the consent and support of members, but with these amendments it
would provide explicit statutory authority.
With respect to discipline matters, authority for discipline
of members is improved and clarified through these amendments. As well
as suspension or reprimand, there is authority to impose practice
conditions upon a member or a
[ Page 1983 ]
student. Council and its committees have the authority to
summon witnesses and to compel witnesses to give evidence and produce
records. Where a witness refuses, he is liable, on application to the
Supreme Court, for committal for contempt.
In exceptional circumstances, it is necessary for the
institute to act quickly to prevent further harm arising from the
conduct of a member. Authority is provided for an extraordinary power
of suspension without notice, pending an inquiry. The member must be
advised in writing, and he has recourse to apply to the Supreme Court
for removal of the suspension or any other order the court considers
appropriate. Appeal from disciplinary decisions of council may be made
to the Supreme Court.
In
summary, Mr. Speaker, these amendments provide
significantly improved authority for the Institute of Chartered
Accountants to conduct its business affairs and to ensure that the
public is protected and well served by highly qualified practising
chartered accountants.
I declare that I am a chartered accountant and have an
interest in the bill, and I would commend these provisions to the House
and move second reading.
[3:15]
MR. STUPICH: The opposition will support
this bill. Very briefly, it is something that the Institute of
Chartered Accountants have been trying to get through for some period
of time. To them, it's been the highest priority in the whole province,
but to the Legislature it has had a rather low priority, in that they
have tried year after year to get it brought forward and have never
succeeded. However, they have finally done it.
I won't add anything to the explanation given by the hon.
member preceding me, other than to say that what it is really doing is
making legal the bylaws under which the chartered accountants have been
governing themselves in the province of British Columbia for some years.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Everything that was said
was quite remarkable and I totally agree with it. How are your
comments, Mr. Member for Nanaimo? I'm sure they were superb. Were they?
Interjection.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: They were superb: let me
put that on the record. I really enjoyed the comments from the first
member for Nanaimo (Mr. Stupich) and also the member for
Burnaby-Edmonds (Mr. Mercier); and again I say this is a remarkable
piece of legislation for the association, and for the members, and for
students entering into that noble profession,
I now call second reading.
Motion approved.
Bill 15. Accountants (Chartered) Amendment Act, 1987, read a
second time and referred to a Committee of the Whole House for
consideration at the next sitting of the House after today.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: I call second reading of
Bill 33. Mr. Speaker.
SCHOOL SUPPORT (INDEPENDENT)
AMENDMENT ACT. 1987
HON. MR. STRACHAN: The bill is in the hands
of the Minister of Education (Hon. Mr. Brummet). who is arriving soon.
Like the Leader of the Opposition during the basketball game,
I would say that the Minister of Education is traveling; that's a
basketball term.
Interjection.
HON. MR. STRACHAN: He's on his way.
AN HON. MEMBER: He has arrived!
HON. MR. STRACHAN: Perhaps the House could
welcome the member for North Peace River and the hon. Minister of
Education.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Mr. Speaker, I'm
delighted to be able to proceed with this bill, the School Support
(Independent) Amendment Act. I think the bill is quite straightforward.
What we're really doing in the bill is making a few of the changes
legal — the policy directions that were announced in the throne speech
debate.
The bill does change the qualifications of pupils somewhat to
include for the first time that pupils can qualify at an independent
school that gets provincial funding if they are members of the
diplomatic corps. Also it reduces the timeframe that independent
schools are required to operate before they receive funding. We did
quite a bit of looking at that in other provinces as well and we found
that if schools were operating appropriately, that could be established
in one year and it could be monitored in future years.
What has happened is that for three years these independent
schools had to pick up the cost entirely without any assistance; now
the waiting-period will simply be one year and that will, I think,
allow those parents who also pay provincial taxes to benefit somewhat
by the 35 percent assistance that is provided to the group 2 funded
schools, rather than have to pay the entire cost for the three years.
The indications are that in other provinces the shorter
qualifying period has not resulted in a proliferation of independent
schools. There seems to be a percentage of students and parents who
like to exercise that choice, and that percentage remains fairly
constant.
One of the changes that has been made is accreditation for
non-funded schools. We have had started in British Columbia, as in
other provinces. some schools known as the visa schools. And we've been
very concerned in that a visa school could simply advertise and attract
people from out of the province, and then when these students came
here. they were in a very tenuous position: they could hardly protest
the curriculum that was offered; they could hardly have any recourse,
should the school not continue; there was no way that they could be
assured their fees would be returned if the school went into bankruptcy
— those sorts of things.
So there appeared to be quite an interest from offshore,
particular in the Pacific Rim countries, to send students here to
British Columbia — not at the expense of our taxpayers; they were quite
willing to pay the entire cost, but they wanted some assurance of what
was being offered. Similarly, some of the unfunded schools wanted
to be able to say: "What we are
[ Page 1984 ]
advertising is in fact correct. We are committed to delivering
what our advertisements say." These schools were not trying to take
advantage of immigrants; they were simply wanting to say: "We want some
way that we can have assurance."
The answer was that we felt that we didn't want to get into
controlling these schools and ipso facto into some funding which would
flow from that. We wanted them to operate as such, but we felt that our
British Columbia reputation depended on the reliability of these
schools. So what we've done in this legislation is provide for
voluntary accreditation. The request must come from the school. The
school must be prepared to pay the entire cost of that accreditation
process, and they must be willing to go through that process of
accreditation. What we would do is provide either qualified people from
the ministry or, more likely, retired superintendents or
secretary-treasurers. There are two things really involved: the
educational curriculum and the funding aspects. So that's why we
thought we could have people hired. For a fee, they would go in and
accredit these schools, under the direction of our inspector of
independent schools, who would oversee this operation.
From that, of course, flows what is required, and, basically,
the requirements would be bonding, so that people could be assured of
their money back if the school went into receivership or bankruptcy or
was unable to continue for financial reasons. The other side of it
would be the curriculum. They would have to indicate what they were
offering and how they were going to evaluate that. For instance, if
they were going to say that when the students leave the school they
would be qualified to enter, say, a post-secondary institution — in
other words. have the grade 12 equivalency — they would have to show us
how that would be determined; and that could well be by accepting the
provincial examinations. In other words, they would have to look at the
provincial assessment program before they could say that they can give
a grade 12 or grade 11 or grade 10 equivalent. So I think that is going
to give some assurance to the people who send their students here.
To implement that, of course, you have to have a penalty. It's
against the law for anyone to say,"We are an accredited school," unless
they have in fact gone through this process.
Some of the actual accreditation process and the terms and
conditions that they have to meet would be established in regulations:
a policy statement wherein they would have to agree that these are the
steps that the superintendents, or the qualifiers. If you like — the
accreditation team — would go through. In other words, there would be a
check-list of requirements that they must meet before they can be
accredited. I've given you some of them. Some of them need to be more
clearly defined. But we have worked those out in a statement so there
would be some guidelines for those doing the accreditation.
So with that, those are the major changes that this act makes.
There are some consequential amendments, references to the
certification or qualification that no longer apply. Some of them are
consequential because of the Teaching Profession Act. But those are
consequential amendments.
I might point out also at this time the new percentage rate
for independent schools. Group 1 schools moving from 9 percent to 10
percent, and group 2 schools moving from 30 percent to 35 percent, are
not in this legislation because they are, by the legislation, set by
order-in-council. and that has been done.
So with that, I am pleased to move second reading of Bill 33.
[3:30]
MR. JONES: Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the
opportunity to speak on this bill because I think it is an important
one. I think it is important to look at our history and the kind of
changes that are taking place with respect to the independent schools
in this province,
This province moved from a very long-standing policy in 1977,
the policy of the former Premier W.A.C. Bennett, who very adamantly
said that public money was for public schools and private money was for
private schools, and that any change in that would really amount to
double taxation. In 1977 that was changed, and at that time regulations
were implemented that suggested it required five years to set up a new
independent school. It has been a policy that has been in existence ten
years now. Those schools have had that funding. That is the status quo,
and that is accepted by a fair percentage of the population of this
province.
However, I think what we see in this bill is going much
further than that. In this bill I see a much more active role played by
the government, much more active than just saying: "We have these
independent schools here. They are short of funds; we should help them
out a little bit." Tie that to the public school system and hence they
would get increases if the public school system got increases.
What I see in this bill is that we are moving much more
aggressively and much more strongly to promote, advertise and encourage
the privatization of our school system. We like to avoid the idea that
the independent schools and the public schools are in competition, and
I think it's important that that be played down. Nevertheless, I think
that is the fact.
So whenever we see government make changes in legislation
affecting independent schools, we have to ask ourselves what direction
we are moving in. I think the move from saying that the schools are
here and that we move from the policy of non-funding to some funding is
much different from the kind of thing that we see in this legislation.
We had a five-year waiting-period to set up an independent
school in this province that was changed to a three-year period. In
that time we've seen a fairly rapid increase in the number of
independent schools being set up, even with a three-year
waiting-period. This legislation suggests that that waiting-period
should now be one year. The minister quotes two other jurisdictions in
Canada. I would assume that if the minister had really canvassed the
entire country — I am not suggesting he hadn't, but if there had been
arguments from other provinces to support his position — then he would
have quoted more than two provinces. He would have said eight out of
ten provinces have no more than a one-year waiting period, or something
to that effect. Instead, he suggests that Quebec has a zero
waiting-period and Alberta has a one-year waiting-period. Perhaps the
minister does have other figures and he would like to enlighten us, but
my guess would be that there are longer waiting-periods for these kinds
of things in other provinces.
I see, too, a tie-in with the encouragement with the Bill 19
situation, where we have independent schools in this province that
could be categorized as non-union schools. Although some schools in the
independent sector are seeking to form unions, these schools operate at
salary levels that I think everybody agrees are much lower than those
in the
[ Page 1985 ]
public school because of the organization of teachers in the
public school system.
What we're doing by what we saw in the budget and by what we
see in this legislation is going far beyond just supporting existing
funding to schools and trying to make a growth industry out of this. If
we look at the number of students in the independent school system in
1977 compared to those in 1984, we see a 300 percent increase. That was
with a five-year and a three-year waiting-period. and now we're moving
to a one-year waiting-period. That kind of growth is a natural growth,
and going to a one-year system is unnecessary at this time.
I have to speculate about the reasons for this. I'm not sure
whether it's sort of a doctrinaire position; I know the second member
for Central Fraser Valley (Mr. De Jong) characterized the independent
schools as free enterprise schools in the Bill 20 discussions. Maybe
that's part of it.
But my guess is it's more likely the bottom-line mentality
that I think so often permeates the government, and that is.... It's
appended to this legislation that there is an $81 million saving in
1987-88 by having these students in the independent school system. I
think the government is very interested over the years in increasing
the size of that saving to well beyond that $81 million.
Mr. Speaker, I am very reluctant to get into comparisons
between the public system and the private system. I think the
government forces this kind of comparison when they encourage one
sector of our school system and do very little to see the other system
flourish. It's divisive, but I think the government forces this kind of
division.
One of the mistakes that I think we all make when we're
viewing independent schools is to view them as a broad mass. Certainly
that's not true. There's a wide range of schools within the
independent school movement. There's a school in my community of
Burnaby that deals only with dyslexic students; it does an excellent
job with them, an admirable job. It's a job that can only be done when
there are a lot of adults working with each individual student. It's
the kind of program that I expect that the minister doesn't want to
fund, won't provide the appropriate kind of funding for those dyslexic
students. They're encouraged to go outside the public school system.
The area I have the greatest concern about in the independent
school system relates to funding. One dozen or so schools receive
approximately 10 percent of the entire budget for the independent
school system. These are schools that charge exorbitant fees. In the
range of $5,000., and get a government grant on top of that. These
schools I think are excellent. They're excellent because they have
small classes and they're able to select their students, and they do a
very good job of selecting those students. What we see in these
schools, because of the cost factors involved, are bastions of the
privileged. I have to ask myself why, and I have to ask the minister
why, when these schools are so well funded by the parents of these
families, the minister sees the necessity of giving extra money to
these schools.
I have an application form for one of these schools, and I
find it quite amazing. There are a number of steps that the parents
have to go through in order to apply to these kinds of schools. There's
a $15 wait-list fee just for the application. That's step one. That
application asks whether the student comes from a stable home, whether
the student is living with both parents. Following step one we get into
the testing area, and there's a $40 fee to write those tests. Then we
get into interviews, and we're down to step five. After the interview
it says: "If that doesn't change the candidate's mind about
entering...." Again: "if space allows, a place may be offered." At that
point the parent contributes a non-refundable deposit of $300.
Standards for admission to this particular independent school indicate
that the candidate ought to rank at least eightieth or preferably,
eighty-fifth percentile across the board. It suggests that 37 percent
of the students that entered played one or more musical instruments, 37
percent sang in a choir and 34 percent were above-average athletes.
I'm not particularly suggesting anything derogatory about
these schools, except that I think they're doing very well, thank you.
I really have to ask the minister why he sees the necessity of funding
those particular kinds of schools. Decisions that parents make with
respect to choice of school.... I think choices are important.
Unfortunately, I think parents are often making decisions in a vacuum
about the kinds of schools they're sending their children to. There's
very little data available that can assist parents in making these
kinds of decisions.
These dozen or so independent schools that I have particular
concern about have meetings that decide, I guess, where these public
funds are to be spent — meetings that are not open to the public.
There's very little accountability in terms of how these public funds
are spent. I understand that they must file an audited report under the
Society Act. I doubt that those are open to public scrutiny. I have
some concerns about where these funds are being spent. I've seen
television advertising for these schools, and I suppose a portion of
those ads were paid for by public money. They can advertise small
classes.
A recent ad for an independent school which was mentioned in
the newspaper was trying to attract students and did so publicly by
portraying public schools as rife with overcrowding, drugs, alcohol,
dropouts and disciplinary problems. That independent school is using
public money, I expect, to help pay for that advertisement. That ad is
talking about the school system that was built up by Social Credit
governments virtually all of my adult life, except for three short
years. I wonder how the minister feels about public money being
spent for advertisements that clearly attack the public school system
in an unfair and unjust way. I expect that a part of these public funds
is also being used to send delegates to conferences in which there are
workshops on neo-Marxist influence in North American education. I have
concerns about these kinds of schools that are charging exorbitant
fees, that are receiving public money and are using those public moneys
in, I think, an unfair and unreasonable way.
[3:45]
I think we do want to support alternatives, and I would urge
the minister to encourage alternative schools, alternative programs
within the public school system. The district that I'm most
knowledgeable about is the Burnaby School District, where I served on
the school board for some nine years. What happened over that period in
the secondary schools was an increase of 80 percent in compulsory
courses. During that same period we saw a concomitant decrease in staff
of 40 percent. So what we see in the public school system is a
narrowing and a narrowing and a narrowing, with much less flexibility
to meet the variety of needs that our students have in the school
system today, which again encourages this proliferation of independent
schools. I have serious concerns about the direction of this government
in so doing, and I suggest again that their reason for doing that is
that for every
[ Page 1986 ]
student who leaves the public school system and enters the
independent school system, there is a considerable savings in dollars
to the government.
I'd like to raise the question of visa schools as well. I wish
I'd done this a long time ago, because I don't know if we're that far
apart on this particular aspect. It seems to me that there are a number
of independent schools in this province that are meeting the needs of
foreign students, who are our partners in the Pacific Rim and whom we
want to encourage to become aware of our culture and our education
system, so that we're building future markets in that Pacific Rim.
These schools advertise abroad and charge very high fees for students
to come to British Columbia to be taught by people who have been
trained in our school system at great public expense, and these large
profits are going to people who are able to set up these kinds of
schools. So there's a big market there and, I think, a large source of
revenue.
Had I had the opportunity, I would have suggested to the
minister that this large source of revenue could be used by the public
school system, which is in desperate need of funds, and has been since
the early eighties. It would have been a natural mix of providing
opportunities for these foreign students, solving our unemployment
problem. and enhancing our relationship with Pacific Rim countries.
The beauty of this system, as I see it, is that the major
motivations for these students to come to Canada is to appreciate
Canadians. to appreciate our culture and to enhance their skills in the
Japanese students go to school with Japanese students in those schools,
and Hong Kong students go to school with Hong Kong students. There are
very few Canadian students in any of those schools. I think there is an
important need there, an important market there — a market that could
have been tapped by an imaginative government — to bring resources to
the public school system, which is in such desperate need of those
resources.
I'm sad to see that the government is not going in this
direction. I support the minister's suggestion of accreditation for
these schools. I think it's good that every student being served in
whatever school in this province have some safeguards, to ensure that
the kind of instruction that we want to be proud of in this province is
being carried out. But I think the motive of creating profit for the
individuals who run these schools is wrong, and that's what I see in
this. There was an alternative that the government should have looked
at.
I think. too. If we go back in history, we see that there were
very strong reasons for the setting up of a public school system. There
wasn't always a public school system. Ryerson, who was one of the
leaders of the development of the public school system, pointed out in
1841 that historically public schools had one strong mission: to make
graduates who were good members of a universal society. He wanted to
encourage schools that were free, and were also compulsory. The reason
that he wanted to do that was the tremendous fear of the forces of
division — division in terms of wealth, class and race.
In order to be good members of a universal society, and as a
Legislature that wants to encourage that, we should be doing everything
we can to encourage the public school system — the publicly accountable
school system, the school system that's accountable at the local level
to people who are elected for one purpose, to govern education at the
local district. and to the Legislature. a tremendous system of
accountability.
I see every move that we make away from this as a tremendous
loss to our society, a loss of the kind of social cohesion that I think
we need. We have to be aware that we shouldn't be encouraging
fracturing of society on any kinds of grounds — philosophical,
religious or ethnic. We want a cohesive society; we want people to work
together. We talked in an earlier bill about the importance of working
together and cooperation. I think the more we're divided, the less we
do that.
I suggested that the choice be within the public school
system, and people can make choices, and that's good, too. But I think
to move — as I see in this legislation — strongly in a direction of
division, of encouraging separation rather than cohesion, is one that I
have very strong concerns about. I would like to leave it there. I have
raised some questions, and I see the minister making notes. I think
some of my colleagues also want to comment on this bill. I have serious
reservations about the directions of this legislation: moving away from
cohesion and toward separation.
MR. LOVICK: Mr. Speaker, I was hoping that
there would be some other voices raised in this debate, that those who
obviously advocate and endorse the concept of private schools or
independent schools would elucidate their case. We on this side have
some difficulty. As ardent egalitarians and democrats, we wonder how
you deal with the whole concept of private schools and independent
schools. I say that because I have struggled for years with precisely
that problem. On the one hand we believe in a free society, and we
accept, of course, that individuals who, for their own reasons, want to
have their own separate system of education. have indeed every right to
do so on the other hand, we recognize that if we encourage that
alternate system, we are challenging the pressures to produce an
excellent public. universal. generally accessible school system.
If I might. Mr. Speaker, I'd like to try to explain why that's
the case. I think anybody who has much sense of a history of education
— especially what's called mass education or popular education —
recognizes that what we in North America did, and part of the new
world, part of the democratic revolution, was an effort to make all the
people privileged, to make everybody literate, to make everybody a
full-time participant in the society and in the economy.
What we argued as the primary justification for a public
education system — a universally accessible system of education — was
that it would provide the absolute necessary thing to justify an
equality in the society, namely equality of opportunity. That was the
defence of a popular mass public education system from the beginning.
It provided children from whatever lifestyle and whatever family
environment an opportunity to improve their lives and condition. That
was the great hope of democratic North American society, and it is thus
no accident that we had universally accessible, free education for
students in this world long before European society even dreamed of it.
We were the pioneers.
I'm suggesting that we look upon private facilities,
alternative systems, independent schools, as a threat, as a challenge.
to that system and to the ends achieved by that system. The reason is
that historically what has happened is that private schools have been
the bastion of privilege. That is simply a demonstrable fact that we
can show all the way from ancient Greece through to nineteenth century
England, through to twentieth century United States of America. It has
always been the case that private entities, those individuals
[ Page 1987 ]
fortunate enough to have the wherewithal and the financial
means to set up their own school system. have been able to produce
something better, simply for the kinds of reasons that my colleague the
member for Burnaby North (Mr. Jones) introduced. If in fact you have
smaller classes, if in fact you have an opportunity to preselect, if in
fact you have an opportunity to choose students who tend to be already
well socialized and well adjusted, without second-language
difficulties, without behavioural problems, without any learning
disorders, inevitably you can do something that is more intellectually
rigorous. It's thus been the case. as I say, that private schools have
traditionally been able to do very well, but have done so because they
are, in effect. bastions of privilege. That's the predicament.
We recognize, to be sure. that there is also a very long
history within our country, certainly more so than in the United
States, of denominational schools, or parochial schools as understood
in Ontario and Quebec — largely done for reasons of religion, language
and culture. I think it is precisely because of the reality of Canadian
society having produced that kind of system that we are therefore not
about to make any kind of unqualified, all-inclusive statements that
all private education is bad, or some such thing.
I'm suggesting, however. that we're concerned that the
encouragement by government of private education, of private schools,
is in effect taking away the pressure on the public system to perform
well. If indeed it is the case that the articulate middle class within
society, and those even more comfortable than the middle class, have
the wherewithal to send their children to private school, who then
speaks for the not so articulate? Who then protects the interests of
those individuals who are literally left to maintain and support the
public school system?
[4:00]
I know there is a delicate and difficult balance to be found
here, which I think democratic governments throughout North American
society have had to struggle to find — and I'm sure the minister is
trying to find that balance. Our concern. however, as pointed out by my
colleague for Burnaby North. Is that this change to the independent
schools act seems to us to be encouraging an expansion of the — may I
use the term — private sector with regard to education. I guess I can
say fairly safely and with some confidence that we are convinced that
this is the wrong time to be given that kind of encouragement. The
status quo was perhaps in itself not entirely satisfactory, because
again, as has been pointed out, private schools have been proliferating
— they've been growing. One of the reasons they've been growing Mr. Speaker, is that we are going through some social turmoil,
tension and dislocation. the pressure of which is manifested in the
public school system. We have problems in the public school system that
we don't have easy solutions to. Therefore those in a comfortable
middle-class position are quite prepared and eager to take young Jane
and Johnny out of that system and put them into the other one — that's
happening already.
I 'm suggesting to the minister that what happens almost
inevitably and necessarily as a result of this is that the pressure to
improve the public school system is thereby decreased. and that's a
problem. We therefore. as I say, have difficulty in general terms, in
terms of, literally, the principle of public education. We have trouble
dealing with private or independent schools, albeit that they have
functioned for a very long time in our society, and certainly will
continue to, and albeit that individuals obviously in a free society
have the right to those kinds of schools.
Our concern, however — let me close with this observation — is
that the state, the government, appears on the face of it to be giving
encouragement to those schools and thereby undermining, we think. the
integrity of the public school system.
MR. DE JONG: I would just like to make a
few brief comments on what has been said earlier today about this
matter. I think that the independent schools do serve a useful purpose,
and for more than one reason. As has been mentioned, there is a
financial benefit to the province by having a number of independent
schools in the province, because there is indeed a saving to the
province as such, and the saving is substantial.
But aside from the financial aspect — and of course this bill
deals with further assistance to the independent schools — there are
other reasons why independent schools were started. The members of the
opposition may well know there are certain religious reasons. I believe
that as Canadians we are living in a free country. We are living in a
Christian country built on Christian principles, and I think we should
have the opportunity as individuals, as parents, also to further those
beliefs on to our children through the education system.
I know that not every independent school is perhaps based
because of a Christian principle as such. However, I believe many of
them are. As was said, in some independent schools the rates are as
high as $5,000 per student. Now I'm not aware of any independent school
where the cost of tuition is $5,000, but I do know that in many of the
schools in the lower mainland the average cost runs between $2,000 and
$2,500, and the teachers are certainly not underpaid. They may not be
paid as much as in the public school system, but they're certainly not
being underpaid. They're well paid for the services they render, and
they are a committed type of people, committed to teaching.
I would also like to commend the Minister of Education not
only for bringing this bill forward, but also for the wide variety he's
providing through the public school system to the public schools in
terms of educational needs and privileges. I think we're doing a great
job in education — nothing to be ashamed of. I commend the minister for
this bill as well as for the other initiatives that he has taken, and
is still undertaking. In making our education system better.
MR. ROSE: Well, I wasn't going to speak on
this, but the member from Fraser Valley always provokes me. I don't know
why that is; he's a very mild-mannered man but he tends to provoke me
all the time. I think that what we need to make really clear here is
that we on this side of the House have never questioned the dependent
schools — I was going to call them independent schools, but they're
dependent schools. We should call them what they are. They are
dependent upon the public purse; that's what they are. And they're
private schools. Don't call them independent schools.
I have no quarrel with their right to exist — none at all.
What we are concerned about is the increasing amount of the public
treasury which they consume, and we think at the expense of the public
schools. But as an individual I feel, as many individuals do, that I
have a right to pass on my values to my children; and that's why many
of these schools are in existence, whether they’re Christian Reformed,
[ Page 1988 ]
Catholic schools, Jewish schools, or whatever. I have no
quarrel with that either. I think I as a parent have a greater right
than the state to determine the values of my children. I have no
difficulty with that one either.
Where we have the difficulty is that we have the minister
really now serving two systems: a union system and a nonunion system.
If he were a contractor, it would be called double-breasting. That's
what's happening. Frequently the problem is that those people who are
affluent enough squeal like stuck pigs if they have $400 or $500 added
to their taxes, but quite easily and acceptably would spend $4,000 or
$5,000 to send their child to some snob school, paid for by the public
purse.
That is the argument. It is not about whether or not the
schools have a right to exist or whether they do good work. Nobody
quarrels with that. But they are schools on the cheap, because the
government not only pleases its constituents, many of whom go to these
schools, but they get teachers on the cheap, many of them not
qualified, while at the same time our teachers are looking for jobs in
California, and some of them are working there.
This afternoon we had the interesting spectacle of a very
progressive bill retiring teachers voluntarily, if they wish, at age
55. Why do they need to retire teachers at age 55? Quite frankly,
because there are too many of them, because the number of jobs and
places available in the public schools has been dropping. That's what
our concern is. Certainly it's not whether the member from the Fraser
Valley has the right to send his children to a Christian Reformed
school or to the Mennonite Educational Institute or to any other
particular private school. That's not the problem.
What we are concerned about is that as the proliferation of
these schools increases, with their selective registration, whether
it's on religious grounds or on some other grounds, our public schools
become dumping grounds for those who either cannot afford to go or are
incompetent to go to some sort of private school. That is our main
concern on this whole matter.
First of all, we did not always have public education. It was
kind of an American invention; it came to Canada relatively later. We
had a class-ridden society. The views of the Americans were that if you
had a public school system, people would learn to read — maybe even the
Bible. But they would all at least have an equal chance. They did not
believe in a class society. They believed thoroughly in a classless
society in the Jeffersonian democracy, and the way to achieve that,
thought the Americans, was the public school system, because it unified
people and it made Americans out of people who came from all over the
world. They didn't have educational ghettos; they had the public system.
Again let me say — for the fifteenth or the umpteenth time —
that I'm not opposed to having the private system. But I am opposed to
having it eat more and more into the public purse, while our public
system is allowed to decline; to having teachers retire early because
there aren't places for them in our system; to having teachers forced
to go to California to get jobs because there aren't....
Do we need more teachers in our schools for dyslexic children
or children who have certain kinds of learning difficulties or children
who need language training? We need thousands of them. But what are we
doing? We aren't spending the money there; we're cutting back, and we
have been since '83 — nearly 500 million bucks out of the public
system. What are we doing with the private system? We're increasing
the spending.
It has two obvious advantages: it serves the corporate elite
and that kind of network who don't want their kids in the public school
anyway, and it also serves those people who for religious or cultural
reasons would like their values passed on. Good and sufficient reasons
— no quarrel with that at all. But, Mr. Speaker, what bothers me is
that somehow in our society, or in that sort of business ethic that I
see across there, by definition all private spending is good, even if
it's spent on underarm deodorants, and public spending is bad. By
definition, the extension of that is somehow that private education is
good and public education is bad. And I don't want....
The first member for Boundary-Similkameen (Mr. Hewitt) is
about to rise, I see — to levitate.
Interjection.
MR. ROSE: He's the defrocked Education
minister, a former Education minister. I'll let him have his turn.
MR. CASHORE: Mr. Speaker, I think that the
member for Burnaby North (Mr. Jones) has made the point that we have
had a balance with regard to independent schools and public schools
that has been maintained in a way, over a number of years, that was
consistent. There was a kind of consistency that we were able to live
with. We were able to honour the feelings of those people who, often
from a particular religious persuasion, felt that it was necessary for
them to be able to have their children in their own schools. It seems
to me that that system has worked.
But I do have a bit of difficulty with the comment of the
second member for Central Fraser Valley (Mr. De Jong) when he says that
we live in a Christian society. Mr. Speaker, I don't know if we can
really say that any more about the national fabric of the country
called Canada and of the province called British Columbia. It may be
that there are ways, given some very broad
definitions, that one might
be able to make that statement. It seems to me that it's also possible
to just as strongly make the point that we are a multicultural society,
a mosaic and a gathering place of people of many nations, many
traditions and many faith perspectives.
Indeed, within the one entity, the Christian faith, the number
of faith perspectives are very great. It seems to me that if the point
is going to be made that we need to facilitate independent schools
because we are after all a Christian country, then — in fairness and
since we would believe that there are principles of justice that are
part and parcel of the Christian tradition that point could also be
made in relation to people of all ethnic backgrounds and all religious
perspectives, including all of the non-Christian religions.
[4:15]
We must ask ourselves what we would be getting our country
into if we were to go that route. I do recognize and appreciate the
importance that we not look upon ourselves as strictly a melting-pot. I
think it is very important that we do those things within our society
that make it possible for people from different backgrounds to continue
to maintain and appreciate and celebrate their traditions and to bring
those traditions into the total Canadian-British Columbian experience.
On the other hand, if we go the route of saying,"Well, after all, we
are a Christian country; therefore we need Christian schools for the
different types of Christian entities we find," and then we have to go
the step further, in
[ Page 1989 ]
fairness, and say there should also be made available public
support for other kinds of schools for people from other backgrounds,
we lose the opportunity for the classroom and the school to be a
microcosm of the backgrounds and faiths and ethnic identities of who we
are as a people.
I have to ask the question: how do we become a people if we
insist on living our lives in ways that separate us from one another?
How do we go about becoming a people where we can share our rich
traditions and the values of the various kinds of heritage that we
bring together in this life if we seek to find ways to separate us and
set us apart when we are going through that time of education?
The concern that is being expressed on this side of the House
is not that there should not be independent schools. I do not think
that point is being made. But I think the concern is very definitely
that we must be vigilant if we see a drift taking place within our
society that could be leading us to a point whereby, because of
bottom-line considerations — and the second member for Central Fraser
Valley mentioned that this is saving money — and because of
considerations of economies of scale, we deprive our youth, our hope
for tomorrow, of the education they so much need in order to be able to
fulfil their responsibility within this land.
If we are basing that type of decision on that type of value,
I suggest we must be very vigilant and very wary so that we know just
what it is that we might lose or what the cost might be to the kind of
Canadian identity, the kind of social fabric, that celebrates and
appreciates the many facets of our background.
I just want to go on with one other aspect of this. Given the
cutbacks that have been experienced by the public school system, I have
recently observed the painful process within School District 43 of
having to decide whether or not to close schools. In some cases. the
possibility would be to mothball the school; in other cases, it would
be to sell the school. Neighbourhoods would become very concerned when
they saw the school in their neighbourhood possibly being lost because
of the cutbacks and because the local trustees could not find a way to
make ends meet. This would result in the recommendation to close a
school. People would then gather at community meetings, and they would
point out that when they bought their property in that neighbourhood
they bought it there because they believed the school would be there.
They would point out that the school was a focal point that brought the
community together. They would point out many things of importance for
maintaining that school.
In communities all over British Columbia, when the decision
does come that the school must be sold, another process then often
falls into place; there is a domino effect. And what often happens is
that an independent school that is coming into being finds that there
are school trustees who are desperate to raise funds and that there is,
therefore, an opportunity for the independent school to purchase what
was formerly a public school. This then happens, and then those parents
in that community that are concerned about their children having to go
down the street and into another neighbourhood, through dangerous
intersections, are faced with the decision of whether to pay the costs
of enrolling their children in the independent school so they can
continue in their neighbourhood.
Mr. Speaker, poor parents don't have that option. Poor parents
are left only with the option of their children having to experience,
day by day, the new danger in their lives of having to go through that
intersection into another neighbourhood and to another school: a
separation resulting from this type of drift, which again means there's
one set of circumstances for the poor and one for those who can afford
to go to the independent school in the area if they choose.
It is a very significant point. If we are involved in a
process as a result of this legislation, and other legislation that
might be anticipated, a process of drift where we lose our public
school system, where we lose the system in which children with special
needs have access to that type of teaching that they very much need,
where we a lose a system where children with behaviour problems have
access to the benefit of the public system that they so much need, we
must be very cautious and vigilant and ask ourselves if it is worth the
price.
MR. LOENEN: Mr. Speaker, I would just like
to indicate that I support this legislation. I have looked forward to
this for years. I think it brings about a degree of equity that a lot
of people in this province will support.
It's been said that public funding should go to public schools
and private funding to private schools. There is no such thing as
public funds. There's only one taxpayer, and the same taxpayer, the
same parents and the same community.... The same dollar supports
education, period. We have to recognize that the parents who choose
private schools are also taxpayers and have dollars going into the
public purse. What we're doing under this legislation, by making it
perhaps a little easier for these schools to exist, is allowing parents
who so choose to have some of their own private dollars diverted to the
school of their choice.
The charge was made that somehow private schools have drawn
dollars away from the public schools in a certain district. I don't
believe that it is the case at all. I've never seen evidence of private
schools drawing dollars away from the public schools in any particular
district. I don't see how that follows at all.
Underlying the entire bill is a philosophy: a philosophy of
freedom, a philosophy of choice, of saying we should allow diversity to
exist in our communities, allow people to make their own unique
contributions to society, and allow parents with different points of
view to exercise that right. Mr. Speaker, we have to recognize that
that strengthens our community. In many instances, competition brings
out the best in all of us. Rather than having one monolithic,
oppressive, state-run system, we should welcome the diversity that is
possible when different sectors of the community are allowed to have
their input. I know from experience that it's simply not true that
somehow this favours the rich at the expense of the poor. Many of the
parochial schools draw children from all income levels and cross
boundaries that might be surprising to the member opposite. It also
allows people — parents and concerned citizens — a great deal of input
into the education of their children, and we ought to welcome that. We
see throughout society a great diversity and a greater do-it-yourself
approach. This is simply one indication in that direction.
I look forward to the day, when teachers can be truly
professional, in the sense that they might band together around a
certain philosophy, a certain approach to education, such as the
Montessori approach, and hang out their shingle and say,"This is the
type of methodology that we favour," whether it is traditional or
perhaps a more open, less traditional approach to education: whether it
puts emphasis on discipline or the opposite. Perhaps we will see the
day when
[ Page 1990 ]
teachers, as professionals. can band together, hang out their
shingle, proclaim what it is they have to offer, and then be funded to
the extent that they draw students to them. I think that would be a
great thing for the teaching profession, because they would indeed
become professionals and there would be a diversity. We all know that
within the educational community there are diverse approaches to the
whole question of education, and we should not hesitate to promote
that. We should welcome that, because it is through freely allowing
competing ideas to exist and express themselves that we can mould and
shape the finest kind of society that all of us wish for.
In brief, I support it for philosophical reasons; I support it
for practical reasons. It's a good piece of legislation which a lot of
people will welcome, and I hope that in future years we can build on
the foundations being laid here.
MR. MILLER: I'll attempt to be very brief
and express just a few reservations or concerns about this bill. We
really have strayed into a fairly philosophical area in terms of some
of the debate that I've heard. In fact, that is what hastened me to
this chamber.
I don't want to cover a lot of ground that has been covered
already in terms of the responsibility that we have in this province to
provide an excellent public school system. That's a well-accepted
principle that goes back a long time. Certainly I would hope that most
members would agree that one of our prime responsibilities as a
government in this province is to provide that school system and to
ensure, as much as we can, that it's the best system we can possibly
devise.
As government, we have taken various positions over the years
with respect to our public school system. For example, the previous
speaker mentioned discipline. There has been no move to go back to the
previous system with respect to corporal punishment in British
Columbia, yet on the weekend I was told a story that quite shocked me.
I'm going to relay it, because it does relate to this whole debate
about funding of independent schools. It's the approach taken by a
particular school. I'm not going to name the community the school is
in, or its denomination or anything else: I'll simply relate that the
system of discipline put in place was particularly abhorrent. The
mother who relayed the information to me has decided to remove her
child from that school upon the completion of this school year.
[4:30]
[Mrs. Gran in the chair.]
This child — I'm talking about a grade 5 student — received a
form of corporal punishment 27 times and at various times came home
with the marks of that discipline on his body. The final outrage for
this mother was learning that they had developed a unique form of
discipline in that the children were on a demerit system, and if they
accumulated a sufficient number of demerits, then they were liable for
some type of discipline. That took the form of the children who had not
received demerits being issued ping-pong paddles, and the children who
had demerits being forced to run a gauntlet and be struck by these
other students with ping-pong paddles. I see that the members opposite
are laughing uproariously at this situation that I'm describing.
MR. SERWA: What's the point of the example? Is there any point you're making?
MR. MILLER: Yes, I think there is a point
to this example. It might be the only example, but if it is the only
example, it's worth bringing to this chamber, because we're talking
about the province of British Columbia using taxpayers' money to fund
independent schools. My question relates to the kind of system that
some of those schools might have. Do we feel a responsibility to
monitor that as well? It's a very serious matter, Mr. Member, and if
you want to get to your feet after I've finished speaking, you're quite
welcome to. Madam Speaker, you can inform that member just as well as I
can. If the example I'm using causes some reaction, I'm glad it does.
In any event, very briefly, without wanting to prolong the
debate, that's one of my concerns, along with the general concern that
by having less of a commitment to the public school system, we might
indeed be doing a disservice to the vast majority of children in this
province who will continue to go to public schools. I think that
commitment to excellence must be maintained. We always have to try to
improve those schools and the teaching quality, the quality of the
education that those children are getting. It's not an easy job. Nobody
is suggesting that it is an easy job. But there are some downsides to
the simple ideological approach that somehow it's important to fund
independent schools.
MR. HEWITT: I'm pleased to rise on debate
of Bill 33. I just want to add my view as a person who supports the
public school system, but who also over the years has come to
understand the rationale that some people have to send their children
to independent schools — or private schools, if you want to call them
that. I think it's nice that parents in this province have that freedom
of choice. I certainly respect their freedom of choice. I think
parents, in determining how their children shall be brought up and
educated....
As the member on the other side of the House said, they have
their values, and they want their values passed on to their children. I
think that's important. Christian religious schools.... I don't say
this in a derogatory sense, or complaining about our public school
system, but I have a great deal of difficulty as to why we have all
this debate from time to time over the fact that the Lord's Prayer is
taught in our public schools — people say it shouldn't be taught. I
think it's important that it's there. I think it's important that we
can have the pledging of allegiance to the flag in our public schools.
I think that's important. But our mosaic, as we call it, in our
population.... Being very "liberal," we've basically set aside a lot of
those things in our public school system. I think the freedom that
parents have to make that choice and to send their children to a
private school, to an independent school, is important in our society.
You people haven't really disagreed with that.
The other thing is discipline. The member brought it up about
the private school that he mentioned, and the paddles. I think that's
an extreme example. But there are parents out there who have become
concerned about the lack of discipline in the public school system. I
don't say that because the teachers are not giving discipline. But in
many cases they are restricted from doing so because of our laws, or
because of society and the way we treat people today.
I can tell you that my wife was a former schoolteacher. When
the Minister of Education under the NDP in 1973 or so brought in the
regulations whereby you just wouldn't put a hand on a student, then
there wasn't as much discipline in the classroom. With private schools
and independent schools —
[ Page 1991 ]
I'm using both words here — the parent has the choice of
determining that they want to send their child to a private school
because they may feel they get better discipline or they possibly get
taught values or religion not available to them in the public school
system.
Let's talk about the parents that we're so concerned about
receiving the advantage of their private school being funded by the
state. We all know that those parents are paying their school taxes
into the coffers of the government, yet only a percentage of the cost
of operating those private schools goes from the province to the school.
Even though they're paying tuition fees and they're getting,
under the present regulation, 30 percent going to the cost of operating
a private school, the parents of that child going to the private school
are still contributing to the public school system through their taxes.
With regard to the curriculam in those private schools, the private
school doesn't get any funding from the province — as all members I am
sure are aware — unless the private school provides the core curriculum
of education.
We aren't denying young people their education. The main
thrust of this legislation basically is that the private school,
instead of having to wait three years after going into operation, only
has to wait one year. I think that's fair. When you stop and think
about it, they go into operation and the only way they can get the
funding is to meet the core curriculum of the province of British
Columbia.
The student there gets the same education as the student in
the public school system, but the student there gets two or three other
things. One is the values that the parent wants that child to have, and
that's freedom of choice; also, religious aspects if it's a religious
private school; and, third, discipline in the classroom, where many
parents feel that our public school system has failed.
We have an independent school department under the Ministry of
Education, an independent school inspector and staff to make sure that
those schools are up to standard as required by the Ministry of
Education for the province. I feel that it's a win-win situation. It
allows freedom of choice for the people; it allows contributions from
the province to help fund part of the operating costs, not the capital
costs. Those parents who send their children to private schools still
contribute towards our public school system.
I support the bill, and if the members opposite didn't take
that philosophical stance to say that private school is for the
privileged and the state shouldn't contribute to it and looked beyond
that, they'd find that it is a good alternate system, and one that we
should have in British Columbia. They should be pleased to contribute
something towards them. at the same time recognizing that the parents
pay a major share of the cost of operation.
DEPUTY SPEAKER: Pursuant to standing order
42, the Minister of Education closes debate.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: I would like to summarize
a few points and respond to a few points that were made. First, I
suggest that in British Columbia we have a range of choices in
education, and I am thankful for that. We have what is commonly
referred to as the public school system, and that is free; it is
available to those who wish to avail themselves of that system.
It does not preclude anyone on the basis of income levels,
religious philosophies or any other criteria. It does not preclude
people from attending the public school system without a fee. For that
we. as taxpayers in this province, collect taxes either provincially or
through the local boards and pay for that system. We have another
system in this province, which I'll classify as the private schools.
The private schools get no funding from the tax purse. They have to
exist strictly on their fees or whatever funds that they raise. Then we
have the independent schools, which I classify as those that get some
level of funding.
There is often confusion between the private schools and
independent schools. Some of the criticisms that are levelled at the
independent schools are really borrowed from the private schools. There
may be a private school that gets no provincial funding, that charges
very high fees and offers a very specialized program to a specialized
group which could pay those fees, get no provincial funding, but are in
the general category of independent schools. So there is that
confusion. So someone will take that high fee structure and impose it
on the other system.
In the independent schools we have the group 1 and group 2
schools. The group 1 schools get 10 percent of the average cost of the
public school system per pupil for their pupils. Their pupils have to
qualify: they have to be Canadian citizens, or their parents have to be
citizens; or, as in this new legislation, we put it that they can be
members of the diplomatic corps. But they do have to be qualifying
persons. There is much confusion between the independent schools and
the private schools.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
The member for Prince Rupert (Mr. Miller), I think — I'd just
like to touch on this briefly — is a very bad example of the way the
debate can be distorted by taking one abuse example from a particular
situation and injecting it into a debate of the issue: independent
schools or public schools. While there are abuse examples in the public
school system, there are abuse examples in any private school system or
any independent school system, and I would not want the whole barrel,
in any one of these cases, to be judged by one rotten apple. There are
some bad teachers in British Columbia and they have abused students,
but they are very rare and they are very few. But I would never say
that, ipso facto, teachers are bad. I'll just mention that and discard
it, because I think it was a bad example of how debate can get
distorted.
[4:45]
I might say that the independent schools that get provincial
funding are required to meet provincial requirements, particularly
those in the 35 percent bracket. The group 2 schools that get 35
percent of the average cost of a public school system have to meet the
basic provincial curriculum. If they have a religious or another
emphasis that they wish to place, it has to be minimal. because they
cannot cover the whole provincial curriculum and spend all their time
on religious studies, for instance, just to use that analogy. They must
accept the provincial assessment program to determine pupil progress.
They must accept the grade 12 provincial examinations in order for
their graduates to qualify as well. So they have to meet all of those
requirements.
These schools are meeting, in effect, the basic objective of
an education program in this country, in North America. and that is to
provide a basic level of education to all young
[ Page 1992 ]
people according to a standardized curriculum or standardized
requirement. They do provide that, and it is for that reason that we
provide funding to them. That funding, contrary to some of the
arguments. does not take money from the public school system. When
those students are in the independent school system, they get 35 cents
per dollar of the cost. When they are in the public school system, they
are getting 100 percent of the cost. So you can't say that if you take
a dollar from here and turn it into a 35 percent cost, it is taking
money from over here. I have a hard time accepting that. What we're
really doing is, because they are providing and meeting the objectives
that are there for every student in British Columbia, every young
person. to get a basic education.... And since these people are
providing some of that in a slightly different manner by choice of the
people involved, we call that fairness and I think people are entitled
to that choice.
I know the member for Burnaby North (Mr. Jones) mentioned that
until 1977 there was objection to public funding. I could also point
out that his party during the 1979 and 1983 elections were very careful
to say that they would not be against funding for independent schools.
When political aspects come into it, then of course I think there is
some concern.
I suppose the biggest concern is the philosophical position
best expressed by the second member for Nanaimo (Mr. Lovick). He talks
about a universal society. Universal can mean with choices. or all our
way, or no way. Sometimes I think he is expressing the extreme
socialist position that equality or egalitarianism is what we say it
is, without people choosing it for themselves. If you say that when
people have the choice to take the B.C. curriculum in this situation or
that one, that is, as he refers to it, a fracturing of society. then
the only thing I can draw from that is that he feels you've got to
bring that in so that it is not their choice but "our will be done" —
our collective will.
I believe the member is expressing it very well. He says we
have to have cohesion. Does that mean one mould? Or can there be
others? He says it is fracturing society. I think there is a danger
when any government decides there is only one way to achieve an
objective. Yet that member said, I think, that the only way it should
be achieved is through a public school system and that everyone, a
universal free education.... A universal free education is available to
everyone in this province, but it does not preclude their choice if
they wish to do something else or go in another direction.
Equality of opportunity is provided. I know it's translated.
and I think he's talking about the private schools rather than the
funded schools, as the bastions of privilege, and objecting.... Not
objecting to the religious emphasis, but some schools have a religious
emphasis.
Interjections.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: The member for Nanaimo,
if you'll let me finish, was saying that these schools have a religious
emphasis. But I maintain that if they get public funding, they have to
offer the full B.C. curriculum, so their religious emphasis can only be
minimal. Is there something wrong with that?
The member for Maillardville-Coquitlam (Mr. Cashore) said the
same sort of thing: a big issue about the religious aspects of it. But
really, if the group puts a religious emphasis on the school, they do
not get any public funding unless they put the major and virtually the
full emphasis on the B.C. curriculum. which is offered in every other
school in the province.
MR. ROSE: You give public education a bad
name. Didn't you go to a public school?
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Yes. And I am not calling
the public schools a bad name. I am simply saying that people are
getting some choice and paying a higher price for that choice. Some of
the members are saying that just because they have some more money,
they should not have that choice.
MR. ROSE: No. we didn't.
HON. MR. BRUMMET: Well, it is implicit in
some of the things that are said.
The opposition House Leader did say — I rather scratched my
head at this one — that the teachers in the independent schools are not
qualified, at the same time making the argument that they seem to be
able to provide a better education and that's why they attract kids
from the public school system. And you did say, Mr. Member — I wrote it
down — that the public schools then become the dumping grounds for
those who cannot qualify for independent schools. How you can say that
these teachers are not qualified but somehow or other they attract the
elite students so that the public school has to take the rest.... Start
thinking about what you say, Mr. Member, because I make notes on some
of it.
The one example that the member for Burnaby North (Mr. Jones)
came up with: I need to correct that on the record, because I share his
concern. An ad was placed from an "independent" school. It turns out
that it was a non-funded independent school. They did not get any
public money. Despite the fact that it was a non-funded independent
school, our inspector of independent schools immediately contacted them
and suggested that tha