SEILA LAW LLC, Petitioner v. CONSUMER FINANCIAL PROTECTION BUREAU, 140 S. Ct. 2183

B Neither Humphrey's Executor nor Morrison resolves whether the CFPB Director's insulation from removal is constitutional. Start with Humphrey's Executor. Unlike the New Deal-era FTC upheld there, the CFPB is led by a single Director who cannot be described as a "body of experts" and cannot be considered "non-partisan" in the same sense as a group of officials drawn from both sides of the aisle. 295 U.S. at 624, 55 S.Ct. 869.

Moreover, while the staggered terms of the FTC Commissioners prevented complete turnovers in agency leadership and guaranteed that there would always be some Commissioners who had accrued significant expertise, the CFPB's single-Director structure and five-year term guarantee abrupt shifts in agency leadership and with it the loss of accumulated expertise. In addition, the CFPB Director is hardly a mere legislative or judicial aid.

Instead of making reports and recommendations to Congress, as the 1935 FTC did, the Director possesses the authority to promulgate binding rules fleshing out 19 federal statutes, including a broad prohibition on unfair and deceptive practices in a major segment of the U. S. economy. And instead of submitting recommended dispositions to an

Article III court, the Director may unilaterally issue final decisions awarding legal and equitable relief in administrative adjudications. Finally, the Director's enforcement authority includes the power to seek daunting monetary penalties against private parties on behalf of the United States in federal court-a quintessentially executive power not considered in Humphrey's Executor . The logic of Morrison also does not apply. Everyone agrees the CFPB Director is not an inferior officer, and her duties are far from limited.

Unlike the independent counsel, who lacked policymaking or administrative authority, the Director has the sole responsibility to administer 19 separate consumer-protection statutes that cover everything from credit cards and car payments to mortgages and student loans. It is true that the independent counsel in Morrison was empowered to initiate criminal investigations and prosecutions, and in that respect wielded core executive power.

But that power, while significant, was trained inward to high-ranking Governmental actors identified by others, and was confined to a specified matter in which the Department of Justice had a potential conflict of interest. By contrast, the CFPB Director has the authority to bring the coercive power of the state to bear on millions of private citizens and businesses, imposing even billion-dollar penalties through administrative adjudications and civil actions.

In light of these differences, the constitutionality of the CFPB Director's insulation from removal cannot be settled by Humphrey's Executor or Morrison alone. C The question instead is whether to extend those precedents to the "new situation" before us, namely an independent agency led by a single Director and vested with significant executive power. Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 483, 130 S.Ct. 3138. We decline to do so.

Such an agency has no basis in history and no place in our constitutional structure. 1 "Perhaps the most telling indication of [a] severe constitutional problem" with an executive entity "is [a] lack of historical precedent" to support it. Id., at 505, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (internal quotation marks omitted). An agency with a structure like that of the CFPB is almost wholly unprecedented.

After years of litigating the agency's constitutionality, the Courts of Appeals, parties, and amici have identified "only a handful of isolated" incidents in which Congress has provided good-cause tenure to principal officers who wield power alone rather than as members of a board or commission. Ibid. "[T]hese few scattered examples"-four to be exact-shed little light. NLRB v. Noel Canning , 573 U.S. 513, 538, 134 S.Ct. 2550, 189 L.Ed.2d 538 (2014). First, the CFPB's defenders point to the Comptroller of the Currency, who enjoyed removal protection for one year during the Civil War.

That example has rightly been dismissed as an aberration. It was "adopted without discussion" during the heat of the Civil War and abandoned before it could be "tested by executive or judicial inquiry." Myers , 272 U.S., at 165, 47 S.Ct. 21. (At the time, the Comptroller may also have been an inferior officer, given that he labored "under the general direction of the Secretary of the Treasury." Ch. 58, 12 Stat. 665.) Second, the supporters of the CFPB point to the Office of the Special Counsel (OSC), which has been headed by a single officer since 1978.

But this first enduring single-leader office, created nearly 200 years after the Constitution was ratified, drew a contemporaneous constitutional objection from the Office of Legal Counsel under President Carter and a subsequent veto on constitutional grounds by President Reagan. See Memorandum Opinion for the General Counsel, Civil Service Commission, 2 Op. OLC 120, 122 (1978); Public Papers of the Presidents, Ronald Reagan, Vol. II, Oct. 26, 1988, pp. 1391-1392 (1991). In any event, the OSC exercises only limited jurisdiction to enforce certain rules governing Federal Government employers and employees.

See 5 U. S. C. § 1212. It does not bind private parties at all or wield regulatory authority comparable to the CFPB. Third, the CFPB's defenders note that the Social Security Administration (SSA) has been run by a single Administrator since 1994. That example, too, is comparatively recent and controversial. President Clinton questioned the constitutionality of the SSA's new single-Director structure upon signing it into law. See Public Papers of the Presidents, William J. Clinton, Vol. II, Aug. 15, 1994, pp. 1471-1472 (1995) (inviting a "corrective amendment" from Congress).

In addition, unlike the CFPB, the SSA lacks the authority to bring enforcement actions against private parties. Its role is largely limited to adjudicating claims for Social Security benefits. The only remaining example is the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), created in 2008 to assume responsibility for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. That agency is essentially a companion of the CFPB, established in response to the same financial crisis. See Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008, 122 Stat. 2654. It regulates primarily Government-sponsored enterprises, not purely private actors.

And its single-Director structure is a source of ongoing controversy. Indeed, it was recently held unconstitutional by the Fifth Circuit, sitting en banc. See Collins v. Mnuchin , 938 F.3d 553, 587-588 (2019). With the exception of the one-year blip for the Comptroller of the Currency, these isolated examples are modern and contested. And they do not involve regulatory or enforcement authority remotely comparable to that exercised by the CFPB.

The CFPB's single-Director structure is an innovation with no foothold in history or tradition. 2 In addition to being a historical anomaly, the CFPB's single-Director configuration is incompatible with our constitutional structure. Aside from the sole exception of the Presidency, that structure scrupulously avoids concentrating power in the hands of any single individual. "The Framers recognized that, in the long term, structural protections against abuse of power were critical to preserving liberty." Bowsher , 478 U.S., at 730, 106 S.Ct. 3181.

Their solution to governmental power and its perils was simple: divide it. To prevent the "gradual concentration" of power in the same hands, they enabled "[a]mbition ... to counteract ambition" at every turn. The Federalist No. 51, p. 349 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (J. Madison). At the highest level, they "split the atom of sovereignty" itself into one Federal Government and the States. Gamble v. United States , 587 U. S. ----, ----, 139 S.Ct. 1960, 1968, 204 L.Ed.2d 322 (2019) (internal quotation marks omitted).

They then divided the "powers of the new Federal Government into three defined categories, Legislative, Executive, and Judicial." Chadha , 462 U.S., at 951, 103 S.Ct. 2764. They did not stop there. Most prominently, the Framers bifurcated the federal legislative power into two Chambers: the House of Representatives and the Senate, each composed of multiple Members and Senators. Art. I, §§ 2, 3. The Executive Branch is a stark departure from all this division.

The Framers viewed the legislative power as a special threat to individual liberty, so they divided that power to ensure that "differences of opinion" and the "jarrings of parties" would "promote deliberation and circumspection" and "check excesses in the majority." See The Federalist No. 70, at 475 (A. Hamilton); see also id ., No. 51, at 350. By contrast, the Framers thought it necessary to secure the authority of the Executive so that he could carry out his unique responsibilities. See id ., No. 70, at 475-478.

As Madison put it, while "the weight of the legislative authority requires that it should be ... divided, the weakness of the executive may require, on the other hand, that it should be fortified." Id ., No. 51, at 350. The Framers deemed an energetic executive essential to "the protection of the community against foreign attacks," "the steady administration of the laws," "the protection of property," and "the security of liberty." Id ., No. 70, at 471.

Accordingly, they chose not to bog the Executive down with the "habitual feebleness and dilatoriness" that comes with a "diversity of views and opinions." Id. , at 476. Instead, they gave the Executive the "[d]ecision, activity, secrecy, and dispatch" that "characterise the proceedings of one man." Id. , at 472. To justify and check that authority-unique in our constitutional structure-the Framers made the President the most democratic and politically accountable official in Government. Only the President (along with the Vice President) is elected by the entire Nation.

And the President's political accountability is enhanced by the solitary nature of the Executive Branch, which provides "a single object for the jealousy and watchfulness of the people." Id., at 479. The President "cannot delegate ultimate responsibility or the active obligation to supervise that goes with it," because

Article II "makes a single President responsible for the actions of the Executive Branch." Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 496-497, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (quoting Clinton v. Jones , 520 U.S. 681, 712-713, 117 S.Ct. 1636, 137 L.Ed.2d 945 (1997) (BREYER, J., concurring in judgment)). The resulting constitutional strategy is straightforward: divide power everywhere except for the Presidency, and render the President directly accountable to the people through regular elections.

In that scheme, individual executive officials will still wield significant authority, but that authority remains subject to the ongoing supervision and control of the elected President. Through the President's oversight, "the chain of dependence [is] preserved," so that "the lowest officers, the middle grade, and the highest" all "depend, as they ought, on the President, and the President on the community." 1 Annals of Cong. 499 (J. Madison).

The CFPB's single-Director structure contravenes this carefully calibrated system by vesting significant governmental power in the hands of a single individual accountable to no one. The Director is neither elected by the people nor meaningfully controlled (through the threat of removal) by someone who is. The Director does not even depend on Congress for annual appropriations. See The Federalist No. 58, at 394 (J. Madison) (describing the "power over the purse" as the "most compleat and effectual weapon" in representing the interests of the people).

Yet the Director may unilaterally , without meaningful supervision, issue final regulations, oversee adjudications, set enforcement priorities, initiate prosecutions, and determine what penalties to impose on private parties. With no colleagues to persuade, and no boss or electorate looking over her shoulder, the Director may dictate and enforce policy for a vital segment of the economy affecting millions of Americans. The CFPB Director's insulation from removal by an accountable President is enough to render the agency's structure unconstitutional.

But several other features of the CFPB combine to make the Director's removal protection even more problematic. In addition to lacking the most direct method of presidential control-removal at will-the agency's unique structure also forecloses certain indirect methods of Presidential control. Because the CFPB is headed by a single Director with a five-year term, some Presidents may not have any opportunity to shape its leadership and thereby influence its activities. A President elected in 2020 would likely not appoint a CFPB Director until 2023, and a President elected in 2028 may never appoint one.

That means an unlucky President might get elected on a consumer-protection platform and enter office only to find herself saddled with a holdover Director from a competing political party who is dead set against that agenda. To make matters worse, the agency's single-Director structure means the President will not have the opportunity to appoint any other leaders-such as a chair or fellow members of a Commission or Board-who can serve as a check on the Director's authority and help bring the agency in line with the President's preferred policies.

The CFPB's receipt of funds outside the appropriations process further aggravates the agency's threat to Presidential control. The President normally has the opportunity to recommend or veto spending bills that affect the operation of administrative agencies. See Art. I, § 7, cl. 2; Art. II, § 3. And, for the past century, the President has annually submitted a proposed budget to Congress for approval. See Budget and Accounting Act, 1921, ch. 18, § 201, 42 Stat. 20.

Presidents frequently use these budgetary tools "to influence the policies of independent agencies." PHH , 881 F.3d at 147 (Henderson, J., dissenting) (citing Pasachoff, The President's Budget as a Source of Agency Policy Control, 125 Yale L. J. 2182, 2191, 2203-2204 (2016) ). But no similar opportunity exists for the President to influence the CFPB Director. Instead, the Director receives over $500 million per year to fund the agency's chosen priorities. And the Director receives that money from the Federal Reserve, which is itself funded outside of the annual appropriations process.

This financial freedom makes it even more likely that the agency will "slip from the Executive's control, and thus from that of the people." Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 499, 130 S.Ct. 3138. 3 Amicus raises three principal arguments in the agency's defense. At the outset, amicus questions the textual basis for the removal power and highlights statements from Madison, Hamilton, and Chief Justice Marshall expressing "heterodox" views on the subject. Brief for Court-Appointed Amicus Curiae 4-5, 28-29. But those concerns are misplaced.

It is true that "there is no 'removal clause' in the Constitution," id. , at 1, but neither is there a "separation of powers clause" or a "federalism clause." These foundational doctrines are instead evident from the Constitution's vesting of certain powers in certain bodies. As we have explained many times before, the President's removal power stems from

Article II's vesting of the "executive Power" in the President. Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 483, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (quoting Art. II, § 1, cl. 1 ). As for the opinions of Madison, Hamilton, and Chief Justice Marshall, we have already considered the statements cited by amicus and discounted them in light of their context (Madison), the fact they reflect initial impressions later abandoned by the speaker (Hamilton), or their subsequent rejection as ill-considered dicta (Chief Justice Marshall).

See Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 500, n. 6, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (Madison) ; Myers , 272 U.S., at 136-139, 142-144, 47 S.Ct. 21 (Hamilton and Chief Justice Marshall). Next, amicus offers a grand theory of our removal precedents that, if accepted, could leave room for an agency like the CFPB-and many other innovative intrusions on

Article II. According to amicus , Humphrey's Executor and Morrison establish a general rule that Congress may impose "modest" restrictions on the President's removal power, with only two limited exceptions. Brief for Court-Appointed Amicus Curiae 33-37. Congress may not reserve a role for itself in individual removal decisions (as it attempted to do in Myers and Bowsher ). And it may not eliminate the President's removal power altogether (as it effectively did in Free Enterprise Fund ). Outside those two situations, amicus argues, Congress is generally free to constrain the President's removal power.

See also post , at 2232 - 2236 (KAGAN, J., concurring in judgment with respect to severability and dissenting in part) (hereinafter dissent) (expressing similar view). But text, first principles, the First Congress's decision in 1789, Myers , and Free Enterprise Fund all establish that the President's removal power is the rule, not the exception. While we do not revisit Humphrey's Executor or any other precedent today, we decline to elevate it into a freestanding invitation for Congress to impose additional restrictions on the President's removal authority.

Finally, amicus contends that if we identify a constitutional problem with the CFPB's structure, we should avoid it by broadly construing the statutory grounds for removing the CFPB Director from office. See Brief for Court-Appointed Amicus Curiae 50-53; Tr. of Oral Arg. 57-62. The Dodd-Frank Act provides that the Director may be removed for "inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office." 12 U. S. C. § 5491(c)(3). In amicus ' view, that language could be interpreted to reserve substantial discretion to the President. Brief for Court-Appointed Amicus Curiae 51. We are not persuaded.

For one, Humphrey's Executor implicitly rejected an

interpretation that would leave the President free to remove an officer based on disagreements about agency policy. See 295 U.S., at 619, 625-626, 55 S.Ct. 869. In addition, while both amicus and the House of Representatives invite us to adopt whatever construction would cure the constitutional problem, they have not advanced any workable standard derived from the statutory language.

Amicus suggests that the proper standard might permit removals based on general policy disagreements, but not specific ones; the House suggests that the permissible bases for removal might vary depending on the context and the Presidential power involved. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 58-60, 76-77. They do not attempt to root either of those standards in the statutory text. Further, although nearly identical language governs the removal of some two-dozen multimember independent agencies, amicus suggests that the standard should vary from agency to agency, morphing as necessary to avoid constitutional doubt.

Tr. of Oral Arg. 55-56. We decline to embrace such an uncertain and elastic approach to the text. Amicus and the House also fail to engage with the Dodd-Frank Act as a whole, which makes plain that the CFPB is an "independent bureau." 12 U. S. C. § 5491(a) ; see also 44 U. S. C. § 3502(5) (listing the CFPB as an "independent regulatory agency"). Neither amicus nor the House explains how the CFPB would be "independent" if its head were required to implement the President's policies upon pain of removal.

See Black's Law Dictionary 838 (9th ed. 2009) (defining "independent" as "[n]ot subject to the control or influence of another"). The Constitution might of course compel the agency to be dependent on the President notwithstanding Congress's contrary intent, but that result cannot fairly be inferred from the statute Congress enacted. Constitutional avoidance is not a license to rewrite Congress's work to say whatever the Constitution needs it to say in a given situation. Without a proffered

interpretation that is rooted in the statutory text and structure, and would avoid the constitutional violation we have identified, we take Congress at its word that it meant to impose a meaningful restriction on the President's removal authority.

The dissent, for its part, largely reprises points that the Court has already considered and rejected: It notes the lack of an express removal provision, invokes Congress's general power to create and define executive offices, highlights isolated statements from individual Framers, downplays the decision of 1789, minimizes Myers , brainstorms methods of Presidential control short of removal, touts the need for creative congressional responses to technological and economic change, and celebrates a pragmatic, flexible approach to American governance. See post , at 2224 - 2238, 2241 - 2243, 2245.

If these arguments sound familiar, it's because they are. They were raised by the dissent in Free Enterprise Fund . Compare post , at 2224 - 2238, 2241 - 2243, 2245, with Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 515-524, 530, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (BREYER, J., dissenting). The answers to these repeated concerns (beyond those we have already covered) are the same today as they were ten years ago.

Today, as then, Congress's "plenary control over the salary, duties, and even existence of executive offices" makes "Presidential oversight" more critical-not less-as the "[o]nly" tool to "counter [Congress's] influence." Id. , at 500, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (opinion of the Court). Today, as then, the various "bureaucratic minutiae" a President might use to corral agency personnel is no substitute for at will removal. Ibid.

And today, as always, the urge to meet new technological and societal problems with novel governmental structures must be tempered by constitutional restraints that are not known-and were not chosen-for their efficiency or flexibility. Id., at 499, 130 S.Ct. 3138. As we explained in Free Enterprise Fund , "One can have a government that functions without being ruled by functionaries, and a government that benefits from expertise without being ruled by experts." Ibid.

While "[n]o one doubts Congress's power to create a vast and varied federal bureaucracy," the expansion of that bureaucracy into new territories the Framers could scarcely have imagined only sharpens our duty to ensure that the Executive Branch is overseen by a President accountable to the people. Ibid. IV Having concluded that the CFPB's leadership by a single independent Director violates the separation of powers, we now turn to the appropriate remedy.

We directed the parties to brief and argue whether the Director's removal protection was severable from the other provisions of the Dodd-Frank Act that establish the CFPB. If so, then the CFPB may continue to exist and operate notwithstanding Congress's unconstitutional attempt to insulate the agency's Director from removal by the President. There is a live controversy between the parties on that question, and resolving it is a necessary step in determining petitioner's entitlement to its requested relief. As the defendant in this action, petitioner seeks a straightforward remedy.

It asks us to deny the Government's petition to enforce the civil investigative demand and dismiss the case. The Government counters that the demand, though initially issued by a Director unconstitutionally insulated from removal, can still be enforced on remand because it has since been ratified by an Acting Director accountable to the President. The parties dispute whether this alleged ratification in fact occurred and whether, if so, it is legally sufficient to cure the constitutional defect in the original demand.

That debate turns on case-specific factual and legal questions not addressed below and not briefed here. A remand for the lower Courts to consider those questions in the first instance is therefore the appropriate course-unless such a remand would be futile. In petitioner's view, it would be. Before the Court of Appeals, petitioner contended that, regardless of any ratification, the demand is unenforceable because the statutory provision insulating the CFPB Director from removal cannot be severed from the other statutory provisions that define the CFPB's authority.

See Brief for Appellant in No. 17-56324 (CA9), pp. 27-28, 30-32. If petitioner is correct, and the offending removal provision means the entire agency is unconstitutional and powerless to act, then a remand would be pointless. With no agency left with statutory authority to maintain this suit or otherwise enforce the demand, the appropriate disposition would be to reverse with instructions to deny the Government's petition to enforce the agency's demand for documents and dismiss the case, as petitioner requests. Accordingly, there is a live controversy over the question of severability.

And that controversy is essential to our ability to provide petitioner the relief it seeks: If the removal restriction is not severable, then we must grant the relief requested, promptly rejecting the demand outright. If, on the other hand, the removal restriction is severable, we must instead remand for the Government to press its ratification arguments in further proceedings. Unlike the lingering ratification issue, severability presents a pure question of law that has been fully briefed and argued by the parties. We therefore proceed to address it. It has long been settled that "one

section of a statute may be repugnant to the Constitution without rendering the whole act void." Loeb v. Columbia Township Trustees , 179 U.S. 472, 490, 21 S.Ct. 174, 45 L.Ed. 280 (1900) (quoting Treasurer of Fayette Cty. v. People's & Drovers' Bank , 47 OhioSt. 503, 523, 25 N.E. 697, 702 (1890) ). Because a "statute bad in

part is not necessarily void in its entirety," "[p]rovisions within the legislative power may stand if separable from the bad." Dorchy v. Kansas , 264 U.S. 286, 289-290, 44 S.Ct. 323, 68 L.Ed. 686 (1924). "Generally speaking, when confronting a constitutional flaw in a statute, we try to limit the solution to the problem, severing any problematic portions while leaving the remainder intact." Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 508, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (internal quotation marks omitted).

Even in the absence of a severability clause, the "traditional" rule is that "the unconstitutional provision must be severed unless the statute created in its absence is legislation that Congress would not have enacted." Alaska Airlines, Inc. v. Brock , 480 U.S. 678, 685, 107 S.Ct. 1476, 94 L.Ed.2d 661 (1987). When Congress has expressly provided a severability clause, our task is simplified.

We will presume "that Congress did not intend the validity of the statute in question to depend on the validity of the constitutionally offensive provision ... unless there is strong evidence that Congress intended otherwise." Id., at 686, 107 S.Ct. 1476. The only constitutional defect we have identified in the CFPB's structure is the Director's insulation from removal. If the Director were removable at will by the President, the constitutional violation would disappear.

We must therefore decide whether the removal provision can be severed from the other statutory provisions relating to the CFPB's powers and responsibilities.

In Free Enterprise Fund , we found a set of unconstitutional removal provisions severable even in the absence of an express severability clause because the surviving provisions were capable of "functioning independently" and "nothing in the statute's text or historical context [made] it evident that Congress, faced with the limitations imposed by the Constitution, would have preferred no Board at all to a Board whose members are removable at will." 561 U.S., at 509, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (internal quotation marks omitted). So too here.

The provisions of the Dodd-Frank Act bearing on the CFPB's structure and duties remain fully operative without the offending tenure restriction. Those provisions are capable of functioning independently, and there is nothing in the text or history of the Dodd-Frank Act that demonstrates Congress would have preferred no CFPB to a CFPB supervised by the President. Quite the opposite. Unlike the Sarbanes-Oxley Act at issue in Free Enterprise Fund , the Dodd-Frank Act contains an express severability clause.

There is no need to wonder what Congress would have wanted if "any provision of this Act" is "held to be unconstitutional" because it has told us: "the remainder of this Act" should "not be affected." 12 U. S. C. § 5302. Petitioner urges us to disregard this plain language for three reasons. None is persuasive. First, petitioner dismisses the clause as non-probative "boilerplate" because it applies "to the entire, 848-page Dodd-Frank Act" and "appears almost 600 pages before the removal provision at issue." Brief for Petitioner 45.

In petitioner's view, that means we cannot be certain that Congress really meant to apply the clause to each of the Act's provisions. But boilerplate is boilerplate for a reason-because it offers tried-and-true language to ensure a precise and predictable result. That is the case here. The language unmistakably references "any provision of this Act." 12 U. S. C. § 5302 (emphasis added). And it appears in a logical and prominent place, immediately following the Act's title and

definitions sections, reinforcing the conclusion that it applies to the entirety of the Act. Congress was not required to laboriously insert duplicative severability clauses, provision by provision, to accomplish its stated objective. Second, petitioner points to an additional severability clause in the Act that applies only to one of the Act's subtitles. See 15 U. S. C. § 8232. In petitioner's view, that clause would be superfluous if Congress meant the general severability clause to apply across the Act. But "our preference for avoiding surplusage constructions is not absolute." Lamie v.

United States Trustee , 540 U.S. 526, 536, 124 S.Ct. 1023, 157 L.Ed.2d 1024 (2004). In this instance, the redundant language appears to reflect the fact that the subtitle to which it refers originated as a standalone bill that was later incorporated into Dodd-Frank. Compare 15 U. S. C. § 8232 with H. R. 2571, 111th Cong., 1st Sess., § 302 (2009). And petitioner does not offer any construction that would give effect to both provisions, making the redundancy both inescapable and unilluminating. See Microsoft Corp. v. i4i L.

P. , 564 U.S. 91, 106, 131 S.Ct. 2238, 180 L.Ed.2d 131 (2011) ("The canon against superfluity assists only where a competing

interpretation gives effect to every clause and word of a statute." (internal quotation marks omitted)). Finally, petitioner argues more broadly that Congress would not have wanted to give the President unbridled control over the CFPB's vast authority. Petitioner highlights the references to the CFPB's independence in the statutory text and legislative history, as well as in Professor Warren's and the Obama administration's original proposals. See Brief for Petitioner 43-44 (collecting examples).

And petitioner submits that Congress might not have exempted the CFPB from congressional oversight via the appropriations process if it had known that the CFPB would come under executive control. These observations certainly confirm that Congress preferred an independent CFPB to a dependent one; but they shed little light on the critical question whether Congress would have preferred a dependent CFPB to no agency at all. That is the only question we have the authority to decide, and the answer seems clear.

Petitioner assumes that, if we eliminate the CFPB, regulatory and enforcement authority over the statutes it administers would simply revert back to the handful of independent agencies previously responsible for them. See id. , at 46. But, as the Solicitor General and House of Representatives explain, that shift would trigger a major regulatory disruption and would leave appreciable damage to Congress's work in the consumer-finance arena. See Reply Brief for Respondent 21-22; Tr. of Oral Arg. 67-68. One of the agencies whose regulatory authority was transferred to the CFPB no longer exists. See 12 U. S.

C. §§ 5412 - 5413 (Office of Thrift Supervision). The others do not have the staff or appropriations to absorb the CFPB's 1,500-employee, 500-million-dollar operations. And none has the authority to administer the Dodd-Frank Act's new prohibition on unfair and deceptive practices in the consumer-finance sector. Given these consequences, it is far from evident that Congress would have preferred no CFPB to a CFPB led by a Director removable at will by the President. Justice THOMAS would have us junk our settled severability doctrine and start afresh, even though no party has asked us to do so.

See post , at 2219 - 2220 (opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part). Among other things, he objects that it is sheer "speculation" that Congress would prefer that its consumer protection laws be enforced by a Director accountable to the President rather than not at all. Post , at 2223 - 2224. We think it clear that Congress would prefer that we use a scalpel rather than a bulldozer in curing the constitutional defect we identify today.

And such an approach by this Court can come as no surprise to Congress, which was on notice of constitutional objections to single-Director agencies by multiple past Presidents from both political parties, supra , at 2201 - 2202, and enacted Dodd-Frank against the background of our established severability doctrine. As in every severability case, there may be means of remedying the defect in the CFPB's structure that the Court lacks the authority to provide.

Our severability analysis does not foreclose Congress from pursuing alternative responses to the problem-for example, converting the CFPB into a multimember agency. The Court's only instrument, however, is a blunt one. We have "the negative power to disregard an unconstitutional enactment," Massachusetts v. Mellon , 262 U.S. 447, 488, 43 S.Ct. 597, 67 L.Ed. 1078 (1923) ; see Marbury v. Madison , 1 Cranch 137, 178, 2 L.Ed. 60 (1803), but we cannot re-write Congress's work by creating offices, terms, and the like.

"[S]uch editorial freedom ... belongs to the Legislature, not the Judiciary." Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 510, 130 S.Ct. 3138. Because we find the Director's removal protection severable from the other provisions of Dodd-Frank that establish the CFPB, we remand for the Court of Appeals to consider whether the civil investigative demand was validly ratified. * * * A decade ago, we declined to extend Congress's authority to limit the President's removal power to a new situation, never before confronted by the Court. We do the same today.

In our constitutional system, the executive power belongs to the President, and that power generally includes the ability to supervise and remove the agents who wield executive power in his stead. While we have previously upheld limits on the President's removal authority in certain contexts, we decline to do so when it comes to principal officers who, acting alone, wield significant executive power. The Constitution requires that such officials remain dependent on the President, who in turn is accountable to the people.

The judgment of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is vacated, and the case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion. It is so ordered. Justice THOMAS, with whom Justice GORSUCH joins, concurring in part and dissenting in part. The Court's decision today takes a restrained approach on the merits by limiting Humphrey's Executor v. United States , 295 U.S. 602, 55 S.Ct. 869, 79 L.Ed. 1611 (1935), rather than overruling it. At the same time, the Court takes an aggressive approach on severability by severing a provision when it is not necessary to do so.

I would do the opposite. Because the Court takes a step in the right direction by limiting Humphrey's Executor to "multimember expert agencies that do not wield substantial executive power ," ante , at 2219 (emphasis added), I join Parts I, II, and III of its opinion. I respectfully dissent from the Court's severability analysis, however, because I do not believe that we should address severability in this case. I The decision in Humphrey's Executor poses a direct threat to our constitutional structure and, as a result, the liberty of the American people.

The Court concludes that it is not strictly necessary for us to overrule that decision. See ante , at 2119 - 2192, 2197 - 2200. But with today's decision, the Court has repudiated almost every aspect of Humphrey's Executor . In a future case, I would repudiate what is left of this erroneous precedent. A "The Constitution does not vest the Federal Government with an undifferentiated 'governmental power.' " Department of Transportation v. Association of American Railroads , 575 U.S. 43, 67, 135 S.Ct. 1225, 191 L.Ed.2d 153 (2015) (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment).

It sets out three branches and vests a different form of power in each-legislative, executive, and judicial. See Art. I, § 1; Art. II, § 1, cl. 1 ; Art. III, § 1.

Article II of the Constitution vests "[t]he executive Power" in the "President of the United States of America," § 1, cl. 1, and directs that he shall "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed," § 3. Of course, the President cannot fulfill his role of executing the laws without assistance. See Myers v. United States , 272 U.S. 52, 117, 47 S.Ct. 21, 71 L.Ed. 160 (1926). He therefore must "select those who [are] to act for him under his direction in the execution of the laws." Ibid.

While these officers assist the President in carrying out his constitutionally assigned duties, "[t]he buck stops with the President." Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Bd. , 561 U.S. 477, 493, 130 S.Ct. 3138, 177 L.Ed.2d 706 (2010). "Since 1789, the Constitution has been understood to empower the President to keep [his] officers accountable-by removing them from office, if necessary." Id. , at 483, 130 S.Ct. 3138. The Framers "insist[ed]" upon "unity in the Federal Executive" to "ensure both vigor and accountability" to the people. Printz v.

United States , 521 U.S. 898, 922, 117 S.Ct. 2365, 138 L.Ed.2d 914 (1997) ; see also ante , at 2203. Despite the defined structural limitations of the Constitution and the clear vesting of executive power in the President, Congress has increasingly shifted executive power to a de facto fourth branch of Government-independent agencies. These agencies wield considerable executive power without Presidential oversight.

They are led by officers who are insulated from the President by removal restrictions, "reduc[ing] the Chief Magistrate to [the role of] cajoler-in-chief." Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 502, 130 S.Ct. 3138. But "[t]he people do not vote for the Officers of the United States. They instead look to the President to guide the assistants or deputies subject to his superintendence." Id. , at 497-498, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (alterations, internal quotation marks and citation omitted).

Because independent agencies wield substantial power with no accountability to either the President or the people, they "pose a significant threat to individual liberty and to the constitutional system of separation of powers and checks and balances." PHH Corp. v. CFPB , 881 F.3d 75, 165 (C.A.D.C. 2018) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting). Unfortunately, this Court "ha[s] not always been vigilant about protecting the structure of our Constitution," at times endorsing a "more pragmatic, flexible approach" to our Government's design. Perez v.

Mortgage Bankers Assn. , 575 U.S. 92, 115-116, 135 S.Ct. 1199, 191 L.Ed.2d 186 (2015) (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment) (internal quotation marks omitted). Our tolerance of independent agencies in Humphrey's Executor is an unfortunate example of the Court's failure to apply the Constitution as written. That decision has paved the way for an ever-expanding encroachment on the power of the Executive, contrary to our constitutional design. B 1 The lead up to Humphrey's Executor begins with this Court's decision in Myers , 272 U.S., 52, 47 S.Ct. 21, 71 L.Ed. 160.

Myers involved a federal statute that prohibited the President from removing certain postmasters except "by and with the advice and consent of the Senate." Id. , at 107, 47 S.Ct. 21 (internal quotation marks omitted). The question presented was "whether under the Constitution the President has the exclusive power of removing executive officers of the United States whom he has appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate." Id. , at 106, 47 S.Ct. 21. In a 70-page opinion by Chief Justice Taft, the Court held that the Constitution did vest such power in the President.

The Court anchored its analysis in evidence from the founding era. It acknowledged that the "subject [of removal] was not discussed in the Constitutional Convention," id. , at 109-110, 47 S.Ct. 21, but it reviewed in detail the First Congress' vigorous debate about the removal of executive officers in what is known as the Decision of 1789, id. , at 111-135, 47 S.Ct. 21. In the course of analyzing the Decision of 1789, the Court explained that

Article II vests "the executive power of the Government ... in one person"-the President-and that the executive power includes the authority to "select those who [are] to act for him under his direction in the execution of the laws." Id. , at 116-117, 47 S.Ct. 21.

Reiterating the position of James Madison and other Members of the First Congress, the Court noted that allowing limits on the President's removal authority would grant Congress "the means of thwarting the Executive in the exercise of his great powers and in the bearing of his great responsibility, by fastening upon him, as subordinate executive officers, men who by their inefficient service under him, by their lack of loyalty to the service, or by their different views of policy might make his taking care that the laws be faithfully executed most difficult or impossible." Id. , at 131, 47 S.Ct. 21.

After "devot[ing] much space to [the] discussion and decision of the question of the Presidential power of removal in the First Congress" as well as its understanding of the executive power, id. , at 136, 47 S.Ct. 21, the Court concluded that "the power to remove officers appointed by the President and the Senate vested in the President alone," id. , at 114, 47 S.Ct. 21. It repeatedly described this removal power as "unrestricted." Id. , at 115, 134, 150, 172, 176, 47 S.Ct. 21.

The Court noted that the First Congress' understanding of the removal question was quickly "accepted as a final decision of the question by all branches of the Government." Id. , at 136, 47 S.Ct. 21. The decision was "affirmed by this Court in unmistakable terms." Id. , at 148, 152-153, 47 S.Ct. 21 (discussing Ex parte Hennen , 13 Pet. 230, 259, 10 L.Ed. 138 (1839) ; Parsons v. United States , 167 U.S. 324, 330, 17 S.Ct. 880, 42 L.Ed. 185 (1897) ). Presidents had "uniform[ly]" adopted the First Congress' view "whenever an issue ha[d] clearly been raised." Myers , 272 U.S., at 169, 47 S.Ct. 21.

And "Congress, in a number of acts, followed and enforced the legislative decision of 1789 for seventy-four years." Id. , at 145, 47 S.Ct. 21. While disputes with President Andrew Johnson over Reconstruction led Congress to "enact legislation to curtail the then acknowledged powers of the President," id. , at 165, 47 S.Ct. 21, the Myers Court declined to give these politically charged acts any weight, id., at 175-176, 47 S.Ct. 21. After exhaustively analyzing the historical evidence, the Court had "no hesitation in holding that [the First Congress'] conclusion [was] correct." Id. , at 176, 47 S.Ct. 21.

Accordingly, the Court held that "the provision of the law [at issue], by which the unrestricted power of removal of first class postmasters is denied to the President, [was] in violation of the Constitution, and invalid." Ibid. 2 Nine years after Myers , the Court decided Humphrey's Executor . That case arose from the attempted removal of Commissioner William Humphrey from the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). In 1931, President Herbert Hoover appointed Humphrey to serve a 7-year term as one of the FTC's five Commissioners. By all accounts, Humphrey proved to be a controversial figure.

See Crane, Debunking Humphrey's Executor , 83 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1836, 1841 (2015); Winerman, The FTC at Ninety: History Through Headlines, 72 Antitrust L. J. 871, 878-879 (2005) ; Yoo, Calabresi, & Nee, The Unitary Executive During the Third Half-Century, 1889-1945, 80 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1, 64 (2004).

He reportedly "vowed not to approve any Commission action that did not have as its goal to help business help itself," "threaten[ed] criminal prosecution against other commissioners who publicly dissented," and "called his fellow commissioners men drunk with their own greatness" when they voted to initiate an investigation. Crane, supra , at 1841 (internal quotation marks omitted). Less than two years into Humphrey's term, newly inaugurated President Franklin D. Roosevelt wrote Humphrey a letter, asking for his resignation.

The President explained that, in his view, "the aims and purposes of the Administration with respect to the work of the Commission [could] be carried out most effectively with personnel of [his] own selection." Humphrey's Executor , 295 U.S., at 618, 55 S.Ct. 869 (internal quotation marks omitted). A little over a month after his first letter, President Roosevelt wrote Humphrey again to ask for his resignation.

The letter stated: "You will, I know, realize that I do not feel that your mind and my mind go along together on either the policies or the administering of the [FTC], and, frankly, I think it is best for the people of this country that I should have a full confidence." Id. , at 619, 55 S.Ct. 869 (internal quotation marks omitted). Humphrey declined to resign. In October 1933, President Roosevelt informed Humphrey that he was removed from his position.

Humphrey did not comply, continuing "to insist that he was still a member of the commission, entitled to perform its duties and receive the compensation provided by law." Ibid. Four months later, Humphrey died. The executor of his estate brought suit in the Court of Claims, seeking to recover Humphrey's salary from the date of his removal until the date of his death.

The Court of Claims certified two questions to this Court: (1) whether § 1 of the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914, ch. 311, 38 Stat. 717, prohibited the President from removing FTC Commissioners except for "inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office," and (2) if so, whether that restriction was constitutional. 295 U.S., at 619, 55 S.Ct. 869 (internal quotation marks omitted). The Court answered both of these questions in favor of Humphrey's estate.

It first held that the FTC Act "limit[ed] the executive power of removal to the causes enumerated" therein-inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office. Id. , at 626, 55 S.Ct. 869. In the Court's view, this construction of the Act was clear from "the face of the statute" and "the character of the commission," id. , at 624, 55 S.Ct. 869, which the Court described as a "body of experts" that operates "independent of executive authority ... and free to exercise its judgment without the leave or hindrance of any other official," id. , at 625-626, 55 S.Ct. 869. Then, notwithstanding the text of

Article II of the Constitution and the decision in Myers , the Court held that the Act's restriction on the President's authority to remove Commissioners was constitutional. The Court acknowledged that the "recently decided" Myers decision had "fully review[ed] the general subject of the power of executive removal" and "examine[d] at length the historical, legislative and judicial data bearing upon the question." Humphrey's Executor , 295 U.S., at 626, 55 S.Ct. 869.

And it conceded that executive officers are "subject to the exclusive and illimitable power of removal by the Chief Executive." Id. , at 627, 55 S.Ct. 869 ; see also id. , at 631, 55 S.Ct. 869 (recognizing "the President's illimitable power of removal" over executive officers). The Court, however, claimed that "[t]he office of a postmaster is so essentially unlike the office [of an FTC Commissioner] that the decision in the Myers case [could not] be accepted as controlling." Id. , at 627, 55 S.Ct. 869.

In the Court's view, unlike the postmaster in Myers , FTC commissioners did not qualify as "purely executive officers." 295 U.S., at 632, 55 S.Ct. 869. The Court grounded its analysis in its assertion that the FTC "occupies no place in the executive department and ... exercises no part of the executive power vested by the Constitution in the President." Id. , at 628, 55 S.Ct. 869. Rather, in the Court's view, by "filling in and administering the details embodied by [the FTC Act's] general standard[,] the commission act[ed] in part quasi-legislatively and in part quasi-judicially." Ibid.

The Court stated that the FTC acted "as a legislative agency" by "making investigations and reports thereon for the information of Congress" and acted "as an agency of the judiciary" when performing its role "as a master in chancery under rules prescribed by the court." Ibid. "Such a body," the Court explained, "cannot in any proper sense be characterized as an arm or an eye of the executive." Ibid.

After distinguishing "purely executive officers" from officers exercising "quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial powers," ibid. , the Court held that "[w]hether the power of the President to remove an officer shall prevail over the authority of Congress to condition the power by ... precluding a removal except for cause, will depend upon the character of the office," id. , at 631, 55 S.Ct. 869. "[P]urely executive officers" are subject to the President's "unrestrictable power ... to remove." Id. , at 632, 55 S.Ct. 869.

But with regard to "quasi-legislative" and "quasi-judicial" officers, the Court concluded that "no removal [could] be made ... except for one or more of the causes named." Ibid. 3 Humphrey's Executor laid the foundation for a fundamental departure from our constitutional structure with nothing more than handwaving and obfuscating phrases such as "quasi-legislative" and "quasi-judicial." Unlike the thorough analysis in Myers , the Court's thinly reasoned decision is completely "devoid of textual or historical precedent for the novel principle it set forth." Morrison v.

Olson , 487 U.S. 654, 726, 108 S.Ct. 2597, 101 L.Ed.2d 569 (1988) (Scalia, J., dissenting). The exceptional weakness of the reasoning could be a product of the circumstances under which the case was decided-in the midst of a bitter standoff between the Court and President Roosevelt -or it could be just another example of this Court departing from the strictures of the Constitution for a "more pragmatic, flexible approach" to our government's design. Perez , 575 U.S., at 116, 135 S.Ct. 1199 (opinion of THOMAS, J.) (internal quotation marks omitted).

But whatever the motivation, Humphrey's Executor does not comport with the Constitution. Humphrey's Executor relies on one key premise: the notion that there is a category of "quasi-legislative" and "quasi-judicial" power that is not exercised by Congress or the Judiciary, but that is also not part of "the executive power vested by the Constitution in the President." Humphrey's Executor , supra , at 628, 55 S.Ct. 869.

Working from that premise, the Court distinguished the "illimitable" power of removal recognized in Myers , Humphrey's Executor , 295 U.S., at 627-628, 55 S.Ct. 869, and upheld the FTC Act's removal restriction, while simultaneously acknowledging that the Constitution vests the President with the entirety of the executive power, id. , at 628, 55 S.Ct. 869. The problem is that the Court's premise was entirely wrong. The Constitution does not permit the creation of officers exercising "quasi-legislative" and "quasi-judicial powers" in "quasi-legislative" and "quasi-judicial agencies." Id., at 628-629, 55 S.Ct. 869.

No such powers or agencies exist. Congress lacks the authority to delegate its legislative power, Whitman v. American Trucking Assns. , Inc., 531 U.S. 457, 472, 121 S.Ct. 903, 149 L.Ed.2d 1 (2001), and it cannot authorize the use of judicial power by officers acting outside of the bounds of

Article III, Stern v. Marshall , 564 U.S. 462, 484, 131 S.Ct. 2594, 180 L.Ed.2d 475 (2011). Nor can Congress create agencies that straddle multiple branches of Government. The Constitution sets out three branches of Government and provides each with a different form of power-legislative, executive, and judicial. See Art. I, § 1; Art. II, § 1, cl. 1 ; Art. III, § 1. Free-floating agencies simply do not comport with this constitutional structure.

"[A]gencies have been called quasi-legislative, quasi-executive or quasi-judicial, as the occasion required, in order to validate their functions within the separation-of-powers scheme of the Constitution." FTC v. Ruberoid Co. , 343 U.S. 470, 487, 72 S.Ct. 800, 96 L.Ed. 1081 (1952) (Jackson, J., dissenting). But "[t]he mere retreat to the qualifying 'quasi' is implicit with confession that all recognized classifications have broken down, and 'quasi' is a smooth cover which we draw over our confusion as we might use a counterpane to conceal a disordered bed." Id. , at 487-488, 72 S.Ct. 800.

That is exactly what happened in Humphrey's Executor . The Court upheld the FTC Act's removal restriction by using the "quasi" label to support its claim that the FTC "exercise[d] no part of the executive power vested by the Constitution in the President." Humphrey's Executor , supra , at 628, 55 S.Ct. 869.

But "it is hard to dispute that the powers of the FTC at the time of Humphrey's Executor would at the present time be considered 'executive,' at least to some degree." Morrison , supra , at 690, n. 28, 108 S.Ct. 2597 ; see ante , at 2198 n.2; see post , at 2201 n.7 (KAGAN, J., concurring in judgment with respect to severability and dissenting in part). C Today's decision constitutes the latest in a series of cases that have significantly undermined Humphrey's Executor . First, in Morrison , the Court repudiated the reasoning of the decision. 487 U.S. at 689, 108 S.Ct. 2597.

Then, in Free Enterprise Fund , we returned to the principles set out in the "landmark case of Myers ." 561 U.S., at 492, 130 S.Ct. 3138. And today, the Court rightfully limits Humphrey's Executor to "multimember expert agencies that do not wield substantial executive power." Ante , at ----. After these decisions, the foundation for Humphrey's Executor is not just shaky. It is nonexistent. This Court's repudiation of Humphrey's Executor began with its decision in Morrison .

There, the Court upheld a statute insulating an independent counsel from removal by the Attorney General absent a showing of "good cause." Morrison , supra , at 659-660, 108 S.Ct. 2597. In doing so, the Court set aside the reasoning of Humphrey's Executor . It recognized that Humphrey's Executor "rel[ied] on the terms 'quasilegislative' and 'quasi-judicial' to distinguish the officials involved in Humphrey's Executor ... from those in Myers ." 487 U.S., at 689, 108 S.Ct. 2597.

But it then immediately stated that its "present considered view is that the determination of whether the Constitution allows Congress to impose a 'good cause'-type restriction on the President's power to remove an official cannot be made to turn on whether or not that official is classified as 'purely executive.' " Ibid. The Court also rejected Humphrey's Executor 's conclusion that the FTC did not exercise executive power, stating that "the powers of the FTC at the time of Humphrey's Executor would at the present time be considered 'executive.' " Morrison , supra , at 690, n. 28, 108 S.Ct. 2597.

The lone dissenter, Justice Scalia, disagreed with much of the Court's analysis but noted that the Court had rightfully "swept" Humphrey's Executor "into the dustbin of repudiated constitutional principles." 487 U.S., at 725, 108 S.Ct. 2597. Thus, all Members of the Court who heard Morrison rejected the core rationale of Humphrey's Executor . The reasoning of the Court's decision in Free Enterprise Fund created further tension (if not outright conflict) with Humphrey's Executor .

In Free Enterprise Fund , the Court concluded that a dual layer of for-cause removal restrictions for members of the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board violated the Constitution. In its analysis, the Court recognized that allowing officers to "execute the laws" beyond the President's control "is contrary to

Article II's vesting of the executive power in the President ." 561 U.S., at 496, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (emphasis added). The Court acknowledged that "the executive power include[s] a power to oversee executive officers through removal." Id. , at 492, 130 S.Ct. 3138. And it explained that, without the power of removal, the President cannot "be held fully accountable" for the exercise of the executive power, " 'greatly diminish[ing] the intended and necessary responsibility of the chief magistrate himself.' " Id. , at 514, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (quoting The Federalist No. 70, p. 478 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (A. Hamilton)).

Accountability, the Court repeatedly emphasized, plays a central role in our constitutional structure. See, e.g. , Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 498, 130 S.Ct. 3138 ("[E]xecutive power without the Executive's oversight ... subverts the President's ability to ensure that the laws are faithfully executed-as well as the public's ability to pass judgment on his efforts"); id. , at 513, 130 S.Ct. 3138 ("The Constitution that makes the President accountable to the people for executing the laws also gives him the power to do so"). Humphrey's Executor is at odds with every single one of these principles: It ignores

Article II's Vesting Clause, sidesteps the President's removal power, and encourages the exercise of executive power by unaccountable officers. The reasoning of the two decisions simply cannot be reconciled. Finally, today's decision builds upon Morrison and Free Enterprise Fund , further eroding the foundation of Humphrey's Executor . The Court correctly notes that "[t]he entire 'executive Power' belongs to the President alone." Ante , at 2197. The President therefore must have "power to remove-and thus supervise-those who wield executive power on his behalf." Ante , at 2191 - 2192.

As a result, the Court concludes that Humphrey's Executor must be limited to "multimember expert agencies that do not wield substantial executive power ." Ante, at 2219 - 2220 (emphasis added). And, at the same time, it recognizes (as the Court did in Morrison ) that "[t]he Court's conclusion that the FTC did not exercise executive power has not withstood the test of time." Ante , at 2198 n.2. In other words, Humphrey's Executor does not even satisfy its own exception. In light of these decisions, it is not clear what is left of Humphrey's Executor 's rationale.

But if any remnant of that decision is still standing, it certainly is not enough to justify the numerous, unaccountable independent agencies that currently exercise vast executive power outside the bounds of our constitutional structure. * * * Continued reliance on Humphrey's Executor to justify the existence of independent agencies creates a serious, ongoing threat to our Government's design. Leaving these unconstitutional agencies in place does not enhance this Court's legitimacy; it subverts political accountability and threatens individual liberty.

We have a "responsibility to 'examin[e] without fear, and revis[e] without reluctance,' any 'hasty and crude decisions' rather than leaving 'the character of [the] law impaired, and the beauty and harmony of the [American constitutional] system destroyed by the perpetuity of error.' " Gamble v. United States , 587 U. S. ----, ----, 139 S.Ct. 1960, 1984, 204 L.Ed.2d 322 (2019) (THOMAS, J., concurring) (quoting 1 J. Kent, Commentaries on American Law 444 (1826); some alterations in original). We simply cannot compromise when it comes to our Government's structure.

Today, the Court does enough to resolve this case, but in the future, we should reconsider Humphrey's Executor in toto . And I hope that we will have the will to do so. II While I think that the Court correctly resolves the merits of the constitutional question, I do not agree with its decision to sever the removal restriction in 12 U. S. C. § 5491(c)(3). See ante , at 2207 - 2211; post , at 2244 - 2245. To resolve this case, I would simply deny the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) petition to enforce the civil investigative demand. A

Article III of the Constitution vests "[t]he judicial Power of the United States" in the "supreme Court" and the lower federal courts established by Congress. § 1. "[T]he judicial power is, fundamentally, the power to render judgments in individual cases" or controversies that are properly before the court. Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Assn. , 584 U. S. ----, --- - ----, 138 S.Ct. 1461, 1485-1486, 200 L.Ed.2d 854 (2018) (THOMAS, J., concurring); see also Plaut v.

Spendthrift Farm, Inc. , 514 U.S. 211, 219, 115 S.Ct. 1447, 131 L.Ed.2d 328 (1995) (" '[A] "judicial Power" is one to render dispositive judgments' "); Baude, The Judgment Power, 96 Geo. L. J. 1807, 1815-1816 (2008). "[T]he power exercised is that of ascertaining and declaring the law applicable to the controversy." Massachusetts v. Mellon , 262 U.S. 447, 488, 43 S.Ct. 597, 67 L.Ed. 1078 (1923). In the context of a constitutional challenge, "[i]t amounts to little more than the negative power to disregard an unconstitutional enactment." Ibid. ; see also Mitchell, The Writ-of-Erasure Fallacy, 104 Va. L.

Rev. 933, 936 (2018). Thus, if a party argues that a statute and the Constitution conflict, "then courts must resolve that dispute and, ... follow the higher law of the Constitution." Murphy , 584 U. S., at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1486 (THOMAS, J., concurring). Consistent with this understanding, "[e]arly American courts did not have a severability doctrine." Id. , at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1485 (citing Walsh, Partial Unconstitutionality, 85 N. Y. U. L. Rev. 738, 769 (2010) ). If a statute was unconstitutional, the court would just decline to enforce the statute in the case before it. 584 U.

S., at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1486 (THOMAS, J., concurring). That was the end of the matter. "[T]here was no 'next step' in which [a] cour[t]" severed portions of a statute. Walsh, supra , at 777. Our modern severability precedents create tension with this historic practice. Instead of declining to enforce an unconstitutional statute in an individual case, this Court has stated that courts must "seve[r] and excis[e]" portions of a statute to "remedy" the constitutional problem. United States v. Booker , 543 U.S. 220, 245, 125 S.Ct. 738, 160 L.Ed.2d 621 (2005) ; Alaska Airlines, Inc. v.

Brock , 480 U.S. 678, 686, 107 S.Ct. 1476, 94 L.Ed.2d 661 (1987). The Court's rhetoric when discussing severance implies that a court's decision to sever a provision "formally suspend[s] or erase[s it], when [the provision] actually remains on the books as a law." Mitchell, supra , at 1017. The Federal Judiciary does not have the power to excise, erase, alter, or otherwise strike down a statute. Murphy , supra , at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1486 (THOMAS, J., concurring) Mitchell, supra , at 936. And the Court's reference to severability as a "remedy" is inaccurate.

Traditional remedies-like injunctions, declarations, or damages-" 'operate with respect to specific parties,' not 'on legal rules in the abstract.' " Murphy , supra , at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1486 (THOMAS, J., concurring) (quoting Harrison, Severability, Remedies, and Constitutional Adjudication, 83 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 56, 85 (2014) ). Because the power of judicial review does not allow courts to revise statutes, Mitchell, supra , at 983, the Court's severability doctrine must be rooted in statutory

interpretation. But, even viewing severability as an interpretive question, I remain skeptical of our doctrine. As I have previously explained, "the severability doctrine often requires courts to weigh in on statutory provisions that no party has standing to challenge, bringing courts dangerously close to issuing advisory opinions." Murphy , 584 U. S., at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1487 (concurring opinion). And the application of the doctrine "does not follow basic principles of statutory

interpretation." Id. , at ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1486. Instead of determining the meaning of a statute's text, severability involves "nebulous inquir[ies] into hypothetical congressional intent." Booker , supra, at 320, n. 7, 125 S.Ct. 738 (THOMAS, J., dissenting in part). B Consistent with the traditional understanding of the judicial power, I would deny CFPB's petition to enforce the civil investigative demand that it issued to Seila. See § 5562(e)(1). Seila "challenge[d] the validity of both the civil investigative demand and the ensuing enforcement action." Reply Brief for Petitioner 5.

Seila has not countersued or sought affirmative relief preventing the CFPB from acting in the future; it simply asks us to "reverse the court of appeals' judgment." Brief for Petitioner 35. I would do just that. As the Court recognizes, the enforcement of a civil investigative demand by an official with unconstitutional removal protection injures Seila. See ante , at 2195 - 2196. Presented with an enforcement request from an unconstitutionally insulated Director, I would simply deny the CFPB's petition for an order of enforcement.

This approach would resolve the dispute before us without addressing the issue of severability. The Court, however, does more. In the plurality's view, because the CFPB raised a ratification argument before the Court of Appeals, we can (and should) reach the question of severability. See ante , at 2207 - 2208. But as explained more fully below, resolving this question is wholly unnecessary. Regardless of whether the CFPB's ratification theory is valid, the Court of Appeals on remand must reach the same outcome: The CFPB's civil investigative demand cannot be enforced against Seila.

The ratification argument presented by the CFPB is quite simple. Since its creation in 2010, the CFPB has had three Directors-first Director Richard Cordray, then Acting Director Mick Mulvaney, and now Director Kathleen Kraninger. The CFPB's first Director, Director Cordray, issued a civil investigative demand to Seila and initiated the enforcement action. The CFPB has conceded that these actions were unconstitutional. But, in the Ninth Circuit, the CFPB argued that the investigative demand was ratified by Acting Director Mulvaney, who it claimed was not insulated by the removal provision.

Brief for Appellee in No. 17-56324, pp. 13-19. In the CFPB's view, the President could remove Acting Director Mulvaney at will because the "removal provision by its terms applies only to 'the Director,' not to an Acting Director," and the Federal Vacancy Reform Act "does not limit the President's ability to designate a different person as Acting Director." Id. , at 14. Based on this ratification theory, the CFPB asked the Ninth Circuit to affirm the District Court's order granting the CFPB's petition to enforce its investigative demand.

The CFPB does not ask this Court to address ratification on the merits, but it does rely on its unresolved ratification theory to assert that the Court should reach severability. In doing so, the CFPB relies on the same theory that it presented to the Ninth Circuit. Thus, the only live ratification claim is the theory that Acting Director Mulvaney ratified the civil investigative demand. See ante , at 2207 - 2208. The resolution of the CFPB's Acting-Director ratification theory, however, has no bearing on the outcome of the dispute before us and therefore provides no basis for addressing severability.

If the Acting Director did not ratify the investigative demand, then there is obviously no need to address severability. And even if he did, the Court still does not need to address severability because the alleged ratification does not cure the constitutional injury-enforcement of an investigative demand by an unconstitutionally insulated Director. Seila "challenge[d] the validity of both the civil investigative demand and the ensuing enforcement action ." Reply Brief for Petitioner 5 (emphasis added).

Acting Director Mulvaney may (or may not) have properly ratified the issuance of the investigative demand and the initiation of the enforcement proceedings. But he certainly could not ratify the continuance of the enforcement action by his successor, Director Kraninger. Id. , at 7.

Thus, even if the CFPB's ratification theory is valid, Seila still has an injury: It has been (and continues to be) subjected to enforcement of an investigative demand by Director Kraninger, who "remains statutorily insulated from removal." Reply Brief for Respondent 7; see also Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 513, 130 S.Ct. 3138 ; ante , at 2196. Thus, we should decline to enforce the civil investigative demand against Seila. See supra, at 2198 - 2199. Ultimately, I cannot see how the resolution of the severability question affects the dispute before us.

And even if severability could affect this case in some hypothetical scenario, I would not reach out to resolve the issue given my growing discomfort with our current severability precedents. C Confident that it can address the question of severability, the plurality moves on to conduct its analysis. It starts by pointing to the severability clause in the Dodd-Frank Act. See ante , at 2209.

That clause states: "If any provision of this Act, an amendment made by this Act, or the application of such provision or amendment to any person or circumstance is held to be unconstitutional, the remainder of this Act, the amendments made by this Act, and the application of the provisions of such to any person or circumstance shall not be affected thereby." § 5302. The plurality states that "[i]f the Director were removable at will by the President, the constitutional violation would disappear." Ante , at 2208 - 2209.

Then, relying on language in the severability clause, it concludes that the removal provision, § 5491(c)(3), should be severed. The plurality suggests that its analysis is a matter of simply enforcing the "plain language" of the severability clause. See ante , at 2209. But I am not sure it is that simple. For one, the plurality does not actually analyze the statutory language. Second, the analysis the plurality does provide looks nothing like traditional statutory

interpretation. Generally, when we interpret a statute, we do not hold that the text sets out a "presum[ption]" that can be rebutted by looking to atextual evidence of legislative intent. Ante , at 2208 - 2209. A text-based

interpretation does not allow a free-ranging inquiry into what " 'Congress, faced with the limitations imposed by the Constitution, would have preferred' " had it known of a constitutional issue. Ante , at 2209 (quoting Free Enterprise Fund , supra , at 509, 130 S.Ct. 3138 ). Nor does it consider whether Congress would have wanted to avoid "a major regulatory disruption." Ante , at 2210 - 2211. Statutory

interpretation focuses on the text. Even treating the question as a matter of pure statutory

interpretation and assuming that the plurality points to the correct language, the text of the severability clause cannot, in isolation, justify severance of the removal provision. In some instances, a constitutional injury arises as a result of two or more statutory provisions operating together. See, e.g. , Free Enterprise Fund , supra , at 509, 130 S.Ct. 3138 (stating that the convergence of "a number of statutory provisions" produce a constitutional violation); Booker , 543 U.S., at 316-317, 125 S.Ct. 738 (opinion of THOMAS, J.) (explaining that "the concerted action of [ 18 U. S.

C.] § 3553(b)(1) and the operative Guidelines and the relevant Rule of Criminal Procedure resulted in unconstitutional judicial factfinding"); Lea, Situation Severability, 103 Va. L. Rev. 735, 778-780 (2017) (discussing statutory convergences). That is precisely the situation we have in this case. As in Free Enterprise Fund , the provision requiring "good-cause removal is only one of [the] statutory provisions that, working together, produce a constitutional violation." 561 U.S., at 509, 130 S.Ct. 3138. The constitutional violation results from, at a minimum, the combination of the removal provision, 12 U. S.

C. § 5491(c)(3), and the provision allowing the CFPB to seek enforcement of a civil investigative demand, § 5562(e)(1). When confronted with two provisions that operate together to violate the Constitution, the text of the severability clause provides no guidance as to which provision should be severed. Thus, we must choose, based on something other than the severability clause, which provision to sever. Without text to guide us, the severability inquiry moves away from statutory

interpretation and falls back on this Court's questionable precedents. See Murphy , 584 U. S., at --- - ----, 138 S.Ct., at 1486-1488 (THOMAS, J., concurring). An analysis of the Court's decisions in Booker and Free Enterprise Fund illustrates the Court's approach to determining which provision to sever when confronting an injury caused by an unconstitutional convergence of multiple statutory provisions. In Booker , a Rule of Criminal Procedure, a subset of provisions in the Sentencing Guidelines, and a statutory provision operated together to require unconstitutional judicial factfinding.

To determine which aspect of the sentencing scheme to sever, the Court sought to divine "what Congress would have intended in light of the Court's constitutional holding." Booker , 543 U.S., at 246, 125 S.Ct. 738 (internal quotation marks omitted). The Court "recognize[d] that sometimes severability questions ... can arise [in the context of] a legislatively unforeseen constitutional problem." Id. , at 247, 125 S.Ct. 738. But it nonetheless felt qualified to craft a remedy that would "move sentencing in Congress' preferred direction." Id. , at 264, 125 S.Ct. 738.

Surprisingly, that "move" did not involve enforcing the constitutional aspects of Congress' sentencing scheme. The Court stated that "we cannot assume that Congress, if faced with the statute's invalidity in key applications, would have preferred to apply the statute in as many other instances as possible." Id. , at 248, 125 S.Ct. 738.

Despite the fact that there were a plethora of cases in which mandatory Sentencing Guidelines would have posed no constitutional problem, the Court decided to "sever and excise ... the provision that requires sentencing courts to impose a sentence within the applicable Guidelines range," along with another provision which was not even at issue in the case. Id. , at 259, 125 S.Ct. 738. In essence, the Court crafted a new sentencing scheme, transforming the Sentencing Guidelines into an entirely discretionary system based on its estimation that Congress would have wanted that result.

The Court in Free Enterprise Fund declined to explicitly engage in Booker 's free-wheeling inquiry into Congress' hypothetical preferences, but it did not replace that inquiry with a clear standard. In that case, the Court held that a "number of statutory provisions ..., working together, produce[d] a constitutional violation" similar to the violation at issue here. Free Enterprise Fund , 561 U.S., at 509, 130 S.Ct. 3138. The Court decided to sever the Board's removal restriction.

It explicitly recognized that there were multiple ways to address the constitutional injury, stating that the Court could, for example, "blue-pencil a sufficient number of the Board's responsibilities," or "restrict the Board's enforcement powers." Ibid. But it described these alternative options as involving "editorial freedom-far more extensive than [the] holding today-[that] belongs to the Legislature, not the Judiciary." Id. , at 510, 130 S.Ct. 3138.

The Court did not explain, however, why the option that it chose was not also "editorial freedom" that belongs to the Legislature or why the alternatives involved "more extensive" "editorial freedom" than its preferred option. Ibid. The most that the Court provided was a suggestion that fewer provisions would have to be severed under its approach. Id. , at 509-510, 130 S.Ct. 3138. Today's plurality opinion provides no further guidance. In fact, the plurality does not even recognize that it has made a choice between the provisions that cause the constitutional injury.

It merely states that "[i]f the Director were removable at will by the President, the constitutional violation would disappear." Ante , at 2209. Fair enough. But if the Director lacked executive authority under the statute to seek enforcement of a civil investigative demand, § 5562(e)(1), the constitutional violation in this case would also disappear. The plurality thus chooses which of the provisions to sever. In short, when multiple provisions of law combine to cause a constitutional injury, the Court's current approach allows the Court to decide which provision to sever.

The text of a severability clause does not guide that choice. Nor does the practice of early American courts. See supra , at 2218 - 2219. The Court is thus left to choose based on nothing more than speculation as to what the Legislature would have preferred. And the result of its choice can have a dramatic effect on the governing statutory scheme. See Booker , supra , at 259, 125 S.Ct. 738 (converting the entirety of the Sentencing Guidelines from a mandatory to a discretionary system). This is not a simple matter of following the "plain language" of a statute. Ante , at 2209.

It is incumbent on us to take a close look at our precedents to make sure that we are not exceeding the scope of the judicial power. * * * Given my concerns about our modern severability doctrine and the fact that severability makes no difference to the dispute before us, I would resolve this case by simply denying the CFPB's petition to enforce the civil investigative demand. Justice KAGAN, with whom Justice GINSBURG, Justice BREYER, and Justice SOTOMAYOR join, concurring in the judgment with respect to severability and dissenting in part.

Throughout the Nation's history, this Court has left most decisions about how to structure the Executive Branch to Congress and the President, acting through legislation they both agree to. In particular, the Court has commonly allowed those two branches to create zones of administrative independence by limiting the President's power to remove agency heads. The Federal Reserve Board. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC). The National Labor Relations Board.

Statute after statute establishing such entities instructs the President that he may not discharge their directors except for cause-most often phrased as inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office. Those statutes, whose language the Court has repeatedly approved, provide the model for the removal restriction before us today. If precedent were any guide, that provision would have survived its encounter with this Court-and so would the intended independence of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB). Our Constitution and history demand that result.

The text of the Constitution allows these common for-cause removal limits. Nothing in it speaks of removal

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